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The African Experience in Spanish America: 1502 to the Present Day
... That as it is, the Portuguese and Spanish oceanic voyages of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries thus introduced a new form of trade. The Oceanic voyages gave rise to the establishment of European colonies in the West Indian Islands, the American mainlands, and the Indian Ocean Islands [Rout, 1976]. The phenomenal rise in European colonies within these regions informed a new demand for Black slaves which superseded the volume of trans-Saharan demand. ...
... Some free or indentured labour was obtained from Europe, but the quantity fell far short of the demand. Moreso, the population situation in Spain and Portugal, the two largest owners of these colonies, was such that those countries were completely incapable of supplying labour to their colonies from internal sources [Rout, 1976]. ...
... Moreover, European immigrants to the New World were not prepared to put up with wage labour in plantation agriculture. Against this backdrop, the exploitation of colonial resources from the sixteenth century onward came to depend almost entirely on the employment of Black slave labour [Rout, 1976]. Thus, the expansion of mining and agricultural production in the Atlantic and Indian Ocean territories was accompanied by an ever-growing demand for Black slaves from Africa. ...
This paper examines the indocility of slaves in the fight against slavery. It re-establishes slave insurgency in the Caribbean as a key precursor for the promulgation of the Acts of Emancipation by European nations in the 19th century. The slave revolution in Haiti and insurgencies generally in other states were significant precipitators of the liberation of slaves. Unfortunately, while discussing the abolition of the slave trade, studies continue to expend much attention on initiatives such as humanitarian movements and Christian religious organisations, thereby relegating the influence of slave insurgency in Haiti to the background. Besides, one area of neglect in the reconstruction of black history, and the slave trade and its abolition, is the significance of the Haitian revolution in the emancipation process. Explanations on the emancipation of slaves have significantly excluded the Haitian insurgency. Therefore, it is the position in this paper to re-appraise the importance of slave insurgency, particularly the Haitian revolution, in the emancipation of slaves and the subsequent abolition of the slave trade. The study seeks to establish slave insurgency and its attendant wanton destruction of lives and property, as a plausible background narrative for the Acts of Emancipation. The study reveals that African slaves were not docile as they fought and revolted against human travesty. The conclusion here is that the ultimate emancipation of slaves significantly had its roots in the Haitian insurgency. Keywords: Slave Insurgency, Haitian Revolution, Acts of Emancipation, Africa, Caribbean
... The Crown equivocated about intermarriages between Whites and individuals of Indigenous descent but ultimately sanctioned them if for no other reason than to expand the colonial population and establish settlements (Menchaca 2001;Rout 1976). Attitudes toward marriages of Whites with individuals of African descent were vacillating and contradictory but clearly less favorable (Carrera 2003;Rout 1976;Saether 2003). ...
... The Crown equivocated about intermarriages between Whites and individuals of Indigenous descent but ultimately sanctioned them if for no other reason than to expand the colonial population and establish settlements (Menchaca 2001;Rout 1976). Attitudes toward marriages of Whites with individuals of African descent were vacillating and contradictory but clearly less favorable (Carrera 2003;Rout 1976;Saether 2003). Numerous colonial statutes sought to restrict, if not prohibit, these unions through various negative sanctions, including jeopardizing social advancement (Menchaca 2001;Rout 1976). ...
... Attitudes toward marriages of Whites with individuals of African descent were vacillating and contradictory but clearly less favorable (Carrera 2003;Rout 1976;Saether 2003). Numerous colonial statutes sought to restrict, if not prohibit, these unions through various negative sanctions, including jeopardizing social advancement (Menchaca 2001;Rout 1976). ...
The racialization of Mexican Americans in northern Mexico, that is, the U.S. Southwest, following the Anglo-Americanization during the second half of the nineteenth century, is an excellent case study of the historical formations of Anglo-American and Spanish American racial orders. Both racial orders were based on a hierarchy that privileged Whiteness and stigmatized Blackness. Yet Spanish America’s high levels of miscegenation resulted in ternary orders allowing for gradation in and fluidity within racial categories, in addition to the formation of multiracial identities, including those of individuals with African ancestry. Anglo-America was characterized by restrictions on miscegenation and more precise definitions of and restrictions on racial categories. This prohibited the formation of multiracial identities while buttressing a binary racial order that broadly necessitated single-race (monoracial) identification as either White or nonWhite, and more specifically, as White or Black, given their polar extremes in racial hierarchy. Within this order, hypodescent applies most stringently to those with African ancestry through the one-drop rule, which designates as Black all such individuals. This article examines monoracialization through historical processes of Mexican–American identity formations. Over the twentieth century, this shifted from White to Brown, but without any acknowledgment of African ancestry.
... On constate que ces territoires n'ont pas développé des créoles à base lexicale espagnole ou portugaise. Les travaux de Rout (1976) ou encore de McWhorter (2006a) sont très instructifs sur la question de la quasi-absence de créole hispanique. ...
Langue et culture constituent des « lieux » auxquels est communément assignée la qualification de créole. Mais ce sont aussi des objets épistémologiques autant qu’idéologiques dont il convient de prendre la mesure quand on s’intéresse à la problématique de la créolisation. La distinction qui s’impose entre langue et parole recouvre celle qui existe entre civilisation et culture. À cet égard, le présent article tente de faire le départ entre ce qui est de l’ordre de la réalité première ou de la représentation seconde, du concret ou de l’abstrait, du factuel ou du structurel, du matriciel ou du résultat, de l’essence ou du processus. Les différents modes et types de créolisation sont liées à la diversité des conditions présidant à la mise en contact des populations et démentent par là même le caractère univoque des processus de créolisation tout autant que de ceux de mondialisation. S’il est possible d’établir l’existence de langues dites créoles, sans pour autant en faire des langues spéciales, il est aventureux d’attribuer la qualité structurelle de créole aux cultures et aux sociétés. En revanche, il n’y a rien de déraisonnable à valider le concept de créolité, non point comme l’expression d’une essence, mais au contraire comme une notion constructiviste, porteuse d’un projet, celui du « partage des ancêtres » et ce, contre toutes les idéologies ataviques de la racine unique et du repli ethnocentrique.
... They could have been among the sailors, armies, navigators, translators, and even African slaves who originated from North Africa (e.g. Moors) (Irving, 1991;Rout, 1976;Zeraoui, 2012, p. 69). The account of the presence of Muslims is logical because Columbus's journey was funded by Spain, a country which has a notable and lengthy narrative of how Muslims and Jews affected its history for a period of almost eight centuries (711-1492) under the Islamic Empire (Ismu, 2010;Shamsie, 2016, p. 127), and its first stop upon leaving Spain was the Canary Islands which are very close to North Africa and the coast of Morocco, and home to a massive Muslim territory at the time. ...
Muslim migration to Mexico is considered a new phenomenon, despite the longstanding Islamic-Iberian influence and Muslim presence in the country as a result of the Spanish conquest, slavery, Arab diaspora, globalisation, and local conversion. In the 21st century, the era in which Islamisation became visible, the ‘newcomers’ in the Muslim immigrant population are more racially and ethnically diverse than those who have been in Mexico for a longer time. They mostly settle in Mexico City and frequently immigrate through marriage with local citizens. However, little is known about who they are and what they do and think. This is because no significant in-depth research has been conducted on the presence of Muslim immigrants. Employing an interdisciplinary approach, the primary purpose of this research was to therefore examine how they adapt to the Mexican lifestyle and their experiences as Muslims in the country. The primary focus was on identity negotiation, which involved examining their metaperceptions and everyday religious practices across personal and social domains while performing what I conceptualize as Mexicanness. Rather than assuming that their religious characteristics are of ongoing importance, a better option was to consider the specific means by which immigrants understand or demonstrate religious meaning and identification in daily interrelationships. To achieve these aims, I employed an ethnographic approach consisting of in-depth semi-structured interviews with 43 informants, participant-observation, document analysis, informal conversations, and the collection of visual material (photographs and videos) during a 12-month period of fieldwork in Mexico in 2021. My original contribution to knowledge is to pioneer research on the Muslim population in Mexico by considering all immigrants together under the label of ‘Muslim immigrants’, and recognising the diversity that exists beyond Middle East sources while still considering each individual’s contestation of identity. In the historical chapter, my research expanded on the contemporary reasons that brought Muslims to Mexico and documented the
fast-growing interest in ḥalāl. The main findings were as follows: concerning metaperceptions, I argue that because of Mexico’s welcoming culture toward foreigners, the deep-embedded history that values foreigners in the doctrine of mestizaje, the lack of pre-existing ideas and personal experience with Muslims, and the absence of inflammatory political debates, these Muslims experienced highly positive and welcoming attitudes that helped forge the creation of an unstigmatised
Muslim identity. Islamophobia was almost non-existent except for a small
intersectionality of discrimination for being dark-skinned. On the other hand, the Muslim identity is viewed as exotic, rich, unique, and foreign. I argue that even though it is sometimes rather challenging to fulfil religious practices and obligations in a catholic-dominant environment, particularly when local Muslim communities are too small to provide assistance, Muslims do not move to Mexico holding very conservative, traditional religious views and rigid attitudes. They are very much integrated into host societies by performing Mexicanness, mainly through language, inter-cultural marriage, food, and culture. Finally, various identity negotiation strategies are
deployed, primarily to educate locals about their religious identity, as opposed to assimilation due to threat or stigma. This indicates that host members do not view Muslims as a threat to their nation, therefore these foreigners did not feel compelled to radicalise their faith in order to secure legitimacy.
... However, most studies have focused primarily on the period of slavery and its immediate aftermath, even when this is not indicated in the title (for instance, in Pescatello's volume, The African in Latin America [1975], every contribution deals with an aspect of slavery). A major effort to remedy this situation has been made by Leslie B. Rout (1976) in an ambitious book that seeks to encompass the whole Afro-Hispanic experience from the beginning of the sixteenth century on. It succeeds in giving a broad tableau of the early Iberian contact with the New World and the decision to establish African slavery; the development of the slave trade; the trials and tribulations of the black slave; the slave rebellions; the status of freedmen; the black participation in the wars of independence; and the postindependence condition of blacks in the various countries and regions of Hispanic America. ...
Ideally, the study of the political economy of Afro-Latin America should be part and parcel of that of the political economy of Latin America as a whole. Unfortunately, true to the tendency toward fragmentation and specialization in the human as well as in the physical sciences, that has not generally been the case. The problem has been made worse by the low salience of the nonwhite races in the Americas, due to their low socioeconomic and political status. It is further compounded by the ambiguity and evasiveness of the Latin American racial ideology, especially in its Brazilian form, which leads both local and foreign observers and social scientists to conclude first that there is no racial problem (though such a position is no longer seriously held by scholars) and then that race is irrelevant to the study of the region's political economy.
... For example, in some Latin American countries, mixture has proceeded to a point at which black minorities and discrimination against them barely exist -Paraguay, for instance (Rout 1976). ...
... In order to meet the increasing demand for mine workers, African slaves were brought to Mato Grosso, especially from Guinea, Angola, Mozambique and the Democratic Republic of Congo [35]. After the mining boom, the State directed the focus to the agricultural sector. ...
Studies with X-STR loci show population genetic substructure, which makes necessary the characterization of such markers in the different geographical and/or ethnic populations. Therefore, this study assessed the distribution and forensic efficiency of an X-STR decaplex system in the population of the State of Mato Grosso, as well as analysed the population structure of this State based on the aforementioned system. All X-STR markers were in Hardy–Weinberg equilibrium and linkage equilibrium, and the DXS6809 was the most informative marker. The power of discrimination value in females and males was 0.99999999995 and 0.9999994, respectively. Analysis of molecular variance indicated 1.10% (p < 0.00001) of heterogeneity among Europeans, Africans, Brazilians and other Latin Americans, and in relation to such groups, the population of the State of Mato Grosso showed lower genetic variation when compared with the Brazilian group (−0.10%, p = 0.67327). The genetic distance analysis showed lower values of FST (0.0004 ≤ FST ≤ 0.00331), with non-significant p value (p > 0.00024), between the populations of Mato Grosso and Mato Grosso do Sul, Paraná and the Southeast region of Brazil (except for one sample of Rio de Janeiro). FST values with significant p values (p ≤ 0.00024) were obtained between the population of Mato Grosso and Iberian, African and some Latin American populations. The X-STR decaplex system proved to be extremely useful in the population of the State of Mato Grosso, and the data obtained does not show the need for a specific forensic database for this State in relation to the Brazilian populations compared in this study, except for population of Rio de Janeiro.
From 1580 to 1700, low-ranking Spanish imperial officials ceaselessly moved across the Spanish empire, and in the process forged a single coherent political unit out of multiple heterogeneous territories, creating the earliest global empire. Global Servants of the Spanish King follows officials as they itinerated between the Americas, Asia, Europe, and Africa, revealing how their myriad experiences of service to the king across a variety of locales impacted the governance of the empire, and was an essential mechanism of imperial stability and integration. Departing from traditional studies which focus on high-ranking officials and are bounded by the nation-state, Adolfo Polo y La Borda centers on officials with local political and administrative duties such as governors and magistrates, who interacted daily with the crown's subjects across the whole empire, and in the process uncovers a version of cosmopolitanism concealed in conventional narratives.
This article demonstrates that the Colombian town of María la Baja uses the dance, music, and song of bullerengue as a powerful tool to combat institutionalized racism. The community moved to teach and promote a dance traditionally performed by the elder population among the younger residents in an effort to maintain the custom and instill cultural and historical pride. Connected to a historic maroonage network, the people of María la Baja fought to reaffirm their identity through appropriately ethnocentered cultural knowledge and practices. Bullerengue has become a channel for community empowerment in conjunction with ethnoeducation and ancestral knowledge. By emphasizing their unique history, rich customs, and traditions, residents of María la Baja illustrate that a people can change otherizing narratives through self-determination.
Marronage is often treated in academic discussions as a compelling example of resistance, a type of agency that has a definitive insurgent impulse. This approach makes the study of maroons vulnerable to ideological taint because it can downplay the full complexity with which slave rebels and free people of color achieved social mobility and engaged with colonial power structures. By exploring late sixteenth century negotiations between a maroon leader named Alonso de Illescas and Spanish viceregal authorities in Esmeraldas province, Ecuador, I demonstrate how maroon agency in early colonial Latin America can disrupt theories about resistance or accommodation. I explore various types of mediation at work in negotiating power in the colonial Atlantic, uncover some of the risks associated with reading maroon agency through North Atlantic universals (namely the notion of sovereignty), and offer the term “subsovereign agency” to bridge the chasm between theory and colonial politics of marronage.
The maritime history of the major marine water masses of the globe, the unique underwater cultural heritage located in each ocean and the environments of major rivers and freshwater lakes, including the Aral Sea, are overviewed. Important submerged sites, such as the sunken English medieval town of Dunwich and the World Heritage Listed site of Nan Madol, located in the Federated States of Micronesia, are examined along with shipwrecks reaching from antiquity to the major conflicts of the twentieth century. The diversity of cultural heritage located in marine and riverine environments is showcased and threats to underwater cultural heritage, new and long standing, are analysed. Recent discoveries of slaving vessels, such as the Clotilda, and important World War II wrecks, such as the USS Indianapolis, are reviewed. The waters of Micronesia host many sunken World War II wrecks of the Japanese Imperial Navy—focus is brought to those of the ‘Ghost Fleet’ of Chuck Lagoon by means of a case study of their physical and legal attributes in Chap. 7. The many recreational divers who visit Chuuk can explore the wrecks of more than sixty Japanese naval vessels, aircraft and military apparatus that are scattered across the Lagoon’s seafloor. The concepts of ‘toxic underwater cultural heritage’ and ‘metal pirates’ are introduced as existing problems of international dimensions with potentially catastrophic consequences in the context of the large tonnage of sunken military wrecks beneath the waters of the Pacific and the toxicity of the cargoes that remain precariously encased in them.KeywordsUnderwater cultural heritageMetal piratesChuuk LagoonWorld War II shipwrecksRiverine environmentToxic wrecksOceans and Seas
There has been much controversy over the nature of the institution of slavery, the relative humanity or lack of it in those slave holding nations which practiced it, and its benign or baleful effects upon the blacks on whom it was inflicted. Much has been said about the harshness of Anglo-American slavery and the relatively mild nature of Spanish American slavery, which respected a slave's basic humanity and rights of person, property, and family. Yet little has been done to quantify and document how those attitudes applied in practice. We have had little precise information about the slave family as it existed in the Spanish American colonies and the extent or use of slave property, or about the slaves' access to the legal system that might protect and defend his person, his property, or his family. New sources and methodology have begun to challenge long-held assumptions about both Anglo-American as well as Spanish American slavery. If any conclusion is warranted, it may be that slavery varied widely from place to place and was influenced perhaps as much by differing economic circumstances as by differences in cultural attitudes.
Aída Cartagena Portalatín (1918-1994) es dominicana de nacimiento y global en su alcance de temática y estilo literarios. Impresiona bastante por su carácter emprendedor en muchos sentidos. Como parte del grupo literario de su país llamado Poesía Sorprendida era la única mujer entre varios hombres. Por otro lado, al pertenecer a una generación antes de que surgiera el interés internacional en la literatura latinoamericana, su carrera es bastante típica porque no le fue posible vivir de su pasión de escribir. Fue necesario trabajar en otros oficios para ganarse la vida. A pesar de los obstáculos logra una carrera sólida, y gracias a ella, se comprende mucho más sobre las artes y la cultura en general de la República Dominicana. Además de escritora, fue educadora, co-editora de revistas, directora del Museo de Antropología de la Universidad Autónoma de Santo Domingo (UASD), investigadora y ensayista de un libro sobre África y su diáspora, Culturas africanas. Al indagar la cuestión de diáspora negra, como es el propósito de este ensayo, vemos en Cartagena Portalatín los comienzos duraderos de una voz afro-dominicana. No sería exacto llamarla poeta de la negritud, pero al declararse con alegría una mujer mulata, entre otras características, Cartagena Portalatín hace referencia a su sangre negra. Más tarde, los jóvenes escribirán con clara referencia a la diáspora negra. Finalmente, se sabe que muchas de las mujeres jóvenes se inspirarán en ella—Sherezada (Chiqui) Vicioso, Nelly Rosario, Daisy Cocco de Filippis, y Julia Álvarez entre otras.
Now notorious for its aridity and air pollution, Mexico City was once part of a flourishing lake environment. In nearby Xochimilco, Native Americans modified the lakes to fashion a distinctive and remarkably abundant aquatic society, one that provided a degree of ecological autonomy for local residents, enabling them to protect their communities' integrity, maintain their way of life, and preserve many aspects of their cultural heritage. While the area's ecology allowed for a wide array of socioeconomic and cultural continuities during colonial rule, demographic change came to affect the ecological basis of the lakes; pastoralism and new ways of using and modifying the lakes began to make a mark on the watery landscape and on the surrounding communities. In this fascinating study, Conway explores Xochimilco using native-language documents, which serve as a hallmark of this continuity and a means to trace patterns of change.
In the 1980s and 1990s, a wave of multiculturalism swept across Latin America, following long-standing ideologies of mestizaje which glorified the region’s biological and cultural mixture and asserted that such mixture precluded the existence of racism. A decade or so later, countries in the region enacted another set of reforms focused on combatting ethnoracial discrimination and inequality. Whereas many view these changes as indicating the downfall of mestizaje ideologies, others argue that they may not be as distinct from mestizaje as it may appear. I reflect on this question in the context of Mexico, drawing on data from recent government and private surveys to assess the current state of Mexican national ideology, both at the national level and in a local site of blackness. I provide novel findings about the kinds and prevalence of various forms of black identification, the extent of black-indigenous boundary crossing, and the strength of attitudes about mestizaje and racism. Ultimately, I show how ideologies and discourses associated with mestizaje, multiculturalism, and racial equality are absorbed at the popular level in ways that suggest that at least some parts of the ideology of mestizaje are enduring or evolving to accommodate these new ethnoracial projects.
The American Popular Revolutionary Alliance (APRA) was a Peruvian political party that played an important role in the development of the Latin American left during the first half of the 1900s. In Journey to Indo-América, GenevieÌve Dorais examines how and why the anti-imperialist project of APRA took root outside of Peru as well as how APRA's struggle for political survival in Peru shaped its transnational consciousness. Dorais convincingly argues that APRA's history can only be understood properly within this transnational framework, and through the collective efforts of transnational organization rather than through an exclusive emphasis on political figures like APRA leader, Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre. Tracing circuits of exile and solidarity through Latin America, the United States, and Europe, Dorais seeks to deepen our appreciation of APRA's ideological production through an exploration of the political context in which its project of hemispheric unity emerged.
Islanders and Empire examines the role smuggling played in the cultural, economic, and socio-political transformation of Hispaniola from the late sixteenth to seventeenth centuries. With a rare focus on local peoples and communities, the book analyzes how residents of Hispaniola actively negotiated and transformed the meaning and reach of imperial bureaucracies and institutions for their own benefit. By co-opting the governing and judicial powers of local and imperial institutions on the island, residents could take advantage of, and even dominate, the contraband trade that reached the island's shores. In doing so, they altered the course of the European inter-imperial struggles in the Caribbean by limiting, redirecting, or suppressing the Spanish crown's policies, thus taking control of their destinies and that of their neighbors in Hispaniola, other Spanish Caribbean territories, and the Spanish empire in the region.
El Reino de Granada fue, desde su conquista en 1492, un territorio de gran importancia para la Monarquía Hispánica. Granada se convirtió en sede metropolitana y de corregimiento, ciudad con voto en cortes y emplazamiento de la Real Chancillería. Dicho esquema institucional quedó completado con dos órganos militares controlados por los Mendoza: la alcaidía de Alhambra y la Capitanía General, máximo órgano militar, con jurisdicción castrense en todo el reino. Con este entramado de instituciones, el Reino de Granada y, muy especialmente, su capital, adquiría una marcada relevancia política y simbólica a inicios del XVI, reclamando durante mucho tiempo su papel e identidad como corte de la Monarquía Hispánica. Sus más de 80 leguas de costa representaban una de las fronteras marítimas más importantes en el espacio Mediterráneo, de ahí que se instaurase un amplio cinturón de defensa, bajo mando del capitán general del reino. Sobre esta base se articuló un sistema político, fiscal y militar que duraría hasta la rebelión morisca de 1568, y en el que los Mendoza y las instituciones que controlaban ejercieron un importante protagonismo. Sin embargo, la guerra y la posterior expulsión de los moriscos supusieron la quiebra del sistema. Hubo permanencias, pues buena parte de las instituciones militares que se habían desplegado desde la conquista prevalecieron. Sin embargo, también hubo transformaciones, mucho más importantes de lo que se ha afirmado tradicionalmente. La Capitanía General perdió gran parte de sus atribuciones, registrándose a la vez una profunda transformación del perfil político e institucional de los capitanes generales en el siglo XVII. La alcaidía de la Alhambra y la Capitanía se desvincularon, trasladándose la sede de la institución desde la capital del reino enclaves del litoral, con importantes implicaciones en el ámbito de las relaciones de poder y de su representación simbólica en la ciudad de Granada, que pasaría a un lugar secundario en el gobierno militar del reino. La expulsión derivó, por otro lado, en la crisis del sistema fiscal que había sostenido buena parte del aparato castrense, con consecuencias graves sobre su funcionamiento. A partir de fuentes primarias, analizamos dichos cambios, en un arco temporal “post-morisco”, que abarcaría el último cuarto del siglo XVI y la primera mitad del XVII, período, este último, apenas abordado por la historiografía. Dicho análisis, situado en el contexto de la política defensiva y militar de la Monarquía, nos permite arrojar nuevas luces sobre las transformaciones acaecidas en el orden político-militar de un territorio como el Reino de Granada y su capital, que continuaría siendo largo tiempo frontera marítima, y del papel que ocupó en el marco global de defensa mediterránea frente a los enemigos del Rey Católico.
Based on intercultural education, socio-cultural analysis, and decolonization and critical
pedagogy perspectives, this dissertation explores contradictions in Peruvian intercultural
education policy and examines the potential role that African and Afro-Peruvian thought may have in the reform of this policy.
Despite redefinitions of the Peruvian state as multicultural/multilingual and the adoption
of intercultural concepts in Peruvian education law, the official interpretation of intercultural principles has tended to undermine the social transforming potential implicit in intercultural education. First, official Peruvian education policy overlooks the historical and cultural contributions of non-European and non-Incan social groups. Second, it fails to address inequality and inequity between socio-cultural groups in the access to economic-political resources. Third, it restricts intercultural education programs to Indigenous speaking communities.
This study notes how Peruvian intercultural education policy is shaped by state
discourses on national identity and by the structure of official Peruvian identity, the Castilian Inca mestizo entity, and thus ignores Peru’s African, Asian, and Middle Eastern roots. By arguing for the inclusion of Afro-Peruvian traditions, this research offers a model for opening intercultural education policy to other excluded socio-cultural groups.
Archival and contemporary evidence is used to show how the substantial African
presence in Peru has been erased from official history, with negative socio-political
consequences for Afro-Peruvians. It presents the philosophical, political, pedagogical, and
sociological contributions of the Senegalese Leopold Sedar Senghor (1906-2001), and the AfroPeruvians Nicomedes Santa Cruz Gamarra (1925-1992) and Jose Carlos Luciano Huapaya (1956-2002) as bases for rethinking Peruvian cultural diversity and intercultural policies from decolonized, democratic, and global perspectives. Further, it presents objections and counter-proposals to intercultural education policies of the Peruvian state that were gathered in a small pilot study of the personnel of the Afro-Peruvian Yapatera High School and the nonprofit organizations CEDET and Lundu. Finally, it articulates these counter-proposals with Senghor, Santa Cruz, and Luciano’s theoretical inputs for decolonizing and democratizing Peruvian intercultural education policy.
Keywords: Intercultural Education, Peru, Afro-Latino, Criollo, Colonial Legacy, Mestizaje,
Leopold Sedar Senghor, Nicomedes Santa Cruz, José Carlos Luciano, Decolonization.
Cambridge Core - Latin American Studies - Our Time is Now - by Julie Gibbings
In order to systematically explore the normative treatment of black slavery by Second Scholastic thinkers, who usually place the problem within the broad discussion of moral conscience and, more narrowly, the nature and justice of trade and contracts, I propose two stations of research that may be helpful for future studies, especially concerning the study of Scholastic ideas in colonial Latin America. Beginning with the analysis of just titles for slavery and slavery trade proposed by Luis de Molina S.J. (1535–1600), I show how his accounts were critically reviewed by Diego de Avendaño S.J. (1594–1688), revealing basic features of Second Scholasticism’s normative thinking in Europe and the Americas. The normative knowledge provided by these two Scholastic intellectuals would be profoundly tested during the last decades of the 17th century, especially by authors who sharpened the systemic analysis and a rigorist moral assessment of every title of slavery and slaveholding, as well as the requirements of an ethics of restitution.
Cambridge Core - Latin American Studies - A Silver River in a Silver World - by David Freeman
In order to systematically explore the normative treatment of Black slavery by Second Scholastic thinkers, usually placing the problem within the broad discussion of moral conscience and, more narrowly, the nature and justice of trade and contracts, I propose two stations of research that may be helpful for future studies, especially in what concerns the study of Scholastic ideas in colonial Latin America. Beginning with the analysisof just titles for slavery and slavery trade proposed by Luis de Molina S.J. (1535–1600), I show how his accounts were critically reviewed by Diego de Avendaño S.J. (1594–1688), revealing basic features of Second Scholastic normative thinking in Europe and the Americas. Normative knowledge provided by these two Scholastic intellectuals wouldbe deeply tested throughout the last decades of the 17th century, especially by authors who sharpened the systemic analysis and a rigorist moral assessment of every title of slavery and slaveholding, as well as the requirements of an ethics of restitution.
By looking at the Jamaica Letter and other political writings of the period, this article explores some problematic aspects of Bolívar’s thought regarding the capacity of Spanish Americans for self-government and the place assigned to marginalized ethnic groups within the revolutionary political process. Although it is nowadays revered as a great Americanist manifesto, Bolívar’s Jamaica Letter was ultimately an attempt to reassure Britain of the commercial benefits that a military intervention in favour of Spanish American Independence would bring to her geopolitical ambitions. However, because of the reliance on slave workforce for its rich plantation economy, and in view of its pivotal commercial role in the Caribbean, Bolívar had also to guarantee the stability of British economic interests in the region. This also applied to New Granada (present-day Colombia) and Venezuela, where creole opposition to the abolition of slavery was strong. Thus, Bolívar avoided the issue of slavery and took a cautious approach with regard to the future status of Indian communities. In this respect, the Jamaica Letter reveals the inexistence of a unified national body during the Wars of Independence as well as the socio-political tensions entwined within such a fragmented and heterogeneous milieu.
By looking at the Jamaica Letter and other political writings of the period, this article explores some problematic aspects of Bolívar’s thought regarding the capacity of Spanish Americans for self-government and the place assigned to marginalized ethnic groups within the revolutionary political process. Although it is nowadays revered as a great Americanist manifesto, Bolívar’s Jamaica Letter was ultimately an attempt to reassure Britain of the commercial benefits that a military intervention in favour of Spanish American Independence would bring to her geopolitical ambitions. However, because of the reliance on slave workforce for its rich plantation economy, and in view of its pivotal commercial role in the Caribbean, Bolívar had also to guarantee the stability of British economic interests in the region. This also applied to New Granada (present-day Colombia) and Venezuela, where creole opposition to the abolition of slavery was strong. Thus, Bolívar avoided the issue of slavery and took a cautious approach with regard to the future status of Indian communities. In this respect, the Jamaica Letter reveals the inexistence of a unified national body during the Wars of Independence as well as the socio-political tensions entwined within such a fragmented and heterogeneous milieu.
Black Panamanian identity in Panama is both complex and problematic becauseof the coexistence of two groups of blacks in the country: afro-colonials and black West Indians. While afro-colonials are the product of race mixing and identify by their Panamanian nationality, West Indians are immigrants and follow the racial model of their native countries-Jamaica and Barbados- which are racially constructed around blackness. Therefore, they identify as black. As a result, in Panama it is difficult to talk about Afro-Panamanian identity because it is marked by fluidity and racial, cultural and linguistic hybridity. The afro-Panamanian writers, Juan Urriola, Gaspar Octavio Hernández, Carlos Cubena Guillermo Wilson, and Melva Lowe de Goodin represent these two ethnic groups. As a result, their works manifest the problematic of identity which is a reflection of the African diaspora.
This chapter briefly retells the 1960s’ Cuban exilic arrival and reception experience in South Florida via the lenses of race, using the Rosemond family’s adjustment experiences as illustrative. While vastly fewer in number (and many leaving the region entirely), some Afro-Cubans did settle in South Florida during the early stages of the Cuban Revolution. I apply a mixed methodology, comparing US Census data (5 % PUMS sample) on “white” and “black” Cuban arrivals in Miami-Dade County over time, and ground these dichotomous outcomes in the historical literature on racism in Cuba. Here, I present the historical antecedents, grounded in anti-black racism in Cuba, as background for the presently bifurcated streams of arrival.
The last quarter of the eighteenth century was crucial in the debate over slavery in the American colonies because when thirteen of the provinces in British America made their break with Britain, their inhabitants and leaders had a debate over what kind of country they would form. Although these colonies were not the only places with slaves or the only places that are discussed here, their role is prominent because of these critical circumstances. The American Revolution, like the French Revolution, declared liberty to be a principal theme. Freedom at this time, unlike that in the period of the English Revolution almost one hundred and fifty years before, was a product of the Enlightenment. The question of universal rights for human beings was being raised and even though questions of class, race, and gender took a long time to resolve in practice (and indeed continue to this day), at least the theory called into question the ascendancy of European males of substantial property. Slavery, then, was part of a wider movement to equal civil and human rights, a change that is still underway.
Who are the Afro-Latin Americans?3 What historical contributions do they bring to their respective national polities? What is the nature of their identity? What happens to their identities as a result of migration to the United States? What do we know of the experience of the second and subsequent generations of Afro-Latin American immigrants categorized under the current social labels as “Afro-Latinas/os” in the United States? What is the impact of their growing presence within Latina/o populations, particularly with respect to the dynamics of race relations in the United States today? And, more generally, what are the possible goals, the prospects, and obstacles for coalition building between and among racial(ized) minorities and other groups in U.S. society today?
In Little Havana, Miami, a young Afro-Cuban woman went into a “Cuban” hair salon seeking to make an appointment, She politely asked in Spanish how she might make an appointment to have her hair done. The proprietor of the salon snapped back in English, “We don’t work on Black hair here—you will have to go somewhere else.” The women in the salon then went back to conversing in Spanish and the Afro-Cuban woman left dejected.
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