No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the authors.
Imperialism: A Study
Abstract
J. A. Hobson (1858–1940) was an English economist and early socialist, whose writings on capitalism and industrialism influenced Lenin and Trotsky, and were highly regarded by John Maynard Keynes. Imperialism, published in 1902, is considered his most important work. Employed as a war correspondent by the Manchester Guardian to report on the Second Boer War, he became convinced that imperial expansion was driven by the desire to find new markets and investment opportunities, resulting in capitalistic exploitation of the colonies. He argued that imperial policies were a fundamental cause of international conflict, as greed led to aggression and militarism. While modern critics have seen weaknesses in his arguments, such as his failure to examine the development of the British Empire out of early private trading enterprises, Hobson was a very influential and prolific writer and social theorist, who helped shape British welfare policy in the twentieth century.
... Based on Roemer's [39] theory of exploitation, a theoretical (albeit not historical) distinction can be drawn between a notion of feudal imperialism, in which the use of force and non-competitive distortions play a definitional role -as in 'classical' (Lenin [29]; Luxemburg [30]; Hobson [21]) and neoclassical (Schumpeter [41]) theories of imperialism; and neo-Marxist theories of dependency (Baran [3] and Frank [18]). 1 And a notion of capitalist imperialism, in which exploitation and mutual gains from trade may in principle coexist. Capitalist imperialism is thus related to Hobson's [21] "internationalism" and to the concept of "informal imperialism" (Griffin and Gurley [19], p.1092ff), in that power relations between states and exploitation are primarily the product of economic activities, rather than extra-economic coercion (see also Willoughby [52]). ...
... Based on Roemer's [39] theory of exploitation, a theoretical (albeit not historical) distinction can be drawn between a notion of feudal imperialism, in which the use of force and non-competitive distortions play a definitional role -as in 'classical' (Lenin [29]; Luxemburg [30]; Hobson [21]) and neoclassical (Schumpeter [41]) theories of imperialism; and neo-Marxist theories of dependency (Baran [3] and Frank [18]). 1 And a notion of capitalist imperialism, in which exploitation and mutual gains from trade may in principle coexist. Capitalist imperialism is thus related to Hobson's [21] "internationalism" and to the concept of "informal imperialism" (Griffin and Gurley [19], p.1092ff), in that power relations between states and exploitation are primarily the product of economic activities, rather than extra-economic coercion (see also Willoughby [52]). ...
... Formally, at any RS, at any period t, if the interest rate is strictly positive then: if ν ∈ C 1 t then ν is an exploiter and if ν ∈ C 3 t ∪ C 4 t then ν is exploited. 21 In other words, based on the concepts of exploitation and class that we have proposed here, building on Roemer [39,40], it is possible to show that IIR are clearly characterised by a hierarchical structure that emerges endogenously, and that, contrary to postmodern claims, has a clear economic and territorial dimension: wealthy countries are exploiters and poor countries are exploited. Further, contrary to classical theories, IIR emerge from the functioning of competitive markets: wealthy countries are net creditors, poor countries are net debtors, and it is the credit market that allows surplus to be transferred from the latter to the former. ...
This paper develops a theoretical and computational framework to analyse imperialistic international relations and the dynamics of international exploitation. A new measure of unequal exchange across borders -- an exploitation intensity index -- is proposed which can be used to characterise the structure of imperialistic international relations in the current global economy. It is shown that wealthy nations are net lenders and exploiters, whereas endowment-poor countries are net borrowers and suffer from exploitation. Capital flows transfer surplus from countries in the core of the global economy to those in the periphery. However, while international credit markets and wealth inequalities are sufficient to generate unequal exchange, they are proved to be insufficient for it to persist. Various possible factors are considered, including technical change and varying social norms, that may explain the persistence of international inequalities.
... 3 However, not all identified missionary assistance as acts of benevolence. Historians like K.M. Panikkar (1953) and J.A. Hobson (1902) projected the Christian missionaries as agents of 'an aggressive cultural imperialism' and that their contributions were meant to affect the mental health and spirituality of the 'colonised '. 4 According to them, Protestant missionary evangelism and European imperial expansion were complementary aspects which ultimately led to a communal divide between the Christian converts and the non-converts, similar to that of the Hindus and Muslims (Bayly 1989). In contrast to these arguments, Brian Stanley (1990) and Andrew Porter (2004) vouched that the relation between the Church and the State was characteristically 'temporary, grudging, and self-interested'. ...
... 3 However, not all identified missionary assistance as acts of benevolence. Historians like K.M. Panikkar (1953) and Hobson (1902) projected the Christian missionaries as agents of 'an aggressive cultural imperialism' and that their contributions were meant to affect the mental health and spirituality of the 'colonised '. 4 According to them, Protestant missionary evangelism and European imperial expansion were complementary aspects which ultimately led to a communal divide between the Christian converts and the nonconverts, similar to that of the Hindus and Muslims (Bayly 1989). In contrast to these arguments, Brian Stanley (1990) and Andrew Porter (2004) vouched that the relation between the Church and the State was characteristically 'temporary, grudging, and selfinterested'. ...
For centuries, various denominations of Christian missionaries have contributed in a larger way towards the spread of Christianity among the people of Indian sub-continent. Each Church had its own principles of preaching the word of God and undertook welfare activities in and around the mission-stations. From establishing schools to providing medical aids, the Christian missionaries were involved in constant perseverance to improve the ‘indigenous’ societies not only in terms of amenities and opportunities, but also in spiritual aspects. Despite conversion being the prime motive, every Mission prepared ground on which their undertakings found meanings and made an impact over people’s lives. These endeavours, combining missiological and theological discourses, brought hope and success to the missionaries, and in our case study, the Basel Mission added to the history of the Christian Mission while operating in the coastal and hilly districts of Kerala during the 19th and the 20th centuries. Predominantly following the trait of Pietism, the Basel Mission emphasised practical matters more than doctrine, which was evident in the Mission activities among the Thiyyas and the Badagas of Malabar and Nilgiris, respectively. Along with addressing issues like the caste system and spreading education in the ‘backward’ regions, the most remarkable contribution of the Basel Mission established the ‘prototype’ of industries which was part of the ‘praxis practice’ model. It aimed at self-sufficiency and provided a livelihood for a number of people who otherwise had no honourable means of subsistence. Moreover, conversion in Kerala was a combination of ‘self-transformation’ and active participation which resulted in ‘enculturation’ and inception of ‘modernity’ in the region. Finally, this article shows that works of the Basel Mission weaved together its theological and missiological ideologies which determined its exclusivity as a Church denomination.
... Writers who studied late nineteenth-century imperialism from other intellectual traditions also saw economic interdependence (in this instance defined in terms of competition over international markets) as leading to interstate conflict. The challenge to capitalism of domestic underconsumption, an argument originally developed from a social democratic perspective (Hobson 1902), fueled an expansionary logic that ultimately produced conflict among rival imperial powers. Subsequently, Marxist theorists of imperialism added two other reasons for capitalist adventures overseas and consequent conflict: the problem of finding outlets for ever-increasing capital surpluses and the quest for less-expensive raw materials (Lenin 1933;Bukharin 1929). ...
This chapter reviews studies on the relationship between economic interdependence and conflict/peaceful change. Measuring both the independent variable (economic interdependence) and the dependent variable (conflict) presents formidable challenges that cast doubt on the conclusions of many studies. Globalization of production has further complicated the task, given the fragmentation of production across many countries and the consequent limits on the usefulness of conventional international trade data.
... Un análisis teórico diferente del imperialismo fue elaborado por Rosa Luxemburg en La Acumulación del Capital. Allí, postuló que el capitalismo tenía una necesidad perpetua de expansión dado que era imposible para 204 Para una edición moderna de este trabajo, ver Hobson (2005). 205 De acuerdo al historiador Schröder, que analizó gran parte de la prensa socialista alemana, no hay otras referencias a su trabajo en la época (Schröder 1970, 104-22). ...
La Segunda Internacional marcó una etapa en la historia del movimiento obrero caracterizada por la formación de partidos de masas, el crecimiento de los sindicatos, el desarrollo de numerosas organizaciones sociales y la constitución de un ámbito internacional de circulación de ideas. En este trabajo investigamos comparativamente los debates sobre el imperialismo de dos de sus partidos más importantes, la socialdemocracia alemana (SPD) y francesa (SFIO). Indagamos en su análisis de la expansión colonial europea, de las causas del imperialismo y de las perspectivas de una guerra entre las potencias. A su vez, examinamos su acción política en torno a estos temas y las posturas sobre el imperialismo de sus principales tendencias internas, ponderando su impacto en la política partidaria. Ambas organizaciones debatieron y se posicionaron frente a estas cuestiones en el marco de una agitada situación política marcada por guerras de conquista, episodios de rebelión en las colonias y varias crisis bélicas entre los Estados europeos. El desarrollo contradictorio de estos debates es un factor importante para explicar las diferentes reacciones en estos partidos frente a la Primera Guerra Mundial y la posterior escisión del socialismo internacional entre comunistas y reformistas.
Manuel Quiroga es Doctor en Historia por la Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, Argentina.
... The fact that real interest rates followed the natural rate toward zero and even turned negative from 2012 to 2013, makes one wonder underconsumption leading to imperialistic expansion in search for new markets and investment opportunities overseas which later influenced Lenin and modern Marxists (Hobson, 1902). ...
The new “secular stagnation hypothesis” developed by Lawrence H. Summers attempts to justify why the demand stimulus applied in the aftermath of the global financial crisis failed to revive growth in a satisfactory manner. Building on previous ideas of Keynes, Hansen, and Bernanke, Summers claims that excess savings together with feeble investment drove the natural rate of interest down to zero and advanced economies into stagnation. As the US monetary policy rate is not allowed to fall below the zero bound, Summers calls for “quantitative easing” and more expansionary fiscal policy to spur investment demand. This paper refutes Summers’s hypothesis by revealing its internal inconsistencies and presenting both theoretical arguments and empirical evidence on the long-term evolution of savings, investment, productivity, and capital stock. It also estimates the natural rate of interest following the approach of Salerno (2020), which is further refined based on Rothbard’s “pure interest rate” theory. The calculation shows that the natural interest rate did not drop to zero after the global financial crisis, but has actually remained consistently and significantly above the federal funds rate and the bank loan prime rate. This not only invalidates Summers’s central claim, but confirms once more the explanatory power of the Austrian business cycle theory in relation to the main trigger of the global financial crisis and its subsequent unfinished recovery.
... Mazrui (1969) argued that it was the quest for knowledge that was to know the unknown, to spread the teachings of Christianity, and imperialist design to lay claims to other parts of the land. Other intellectuals like Klaus Knorr (1944) and John Hobson (1902) view seem much rational. According to them, reasons for colonization can be classified as political, cultural, and economic. ...
Purpose: This paper intends to focus on elaborating on British colonialism and the types of indirect rule. The main purpose of the paper is to dig deep into the matter of how the British controlled the tribal societies and how far they were successful in controlling the tribal people. Indirect rule was designed to serve the interests of the British, whereas the tribes were left independent to deal with their internal affairs. It gives a detailed description of the British policy of controlling the tribes and answering the question of why the British opted for the indirect form of rule. Method: The research work is qualitative and descriptive in which the already available information and facts about the contents are critically analyzed. Secondary sources such as books, research papers, journals, and online internet materials have been used to collect data related to this topic. The research work is analytical where qualitative techniques have been applied to investigate the major research question. The technique involves exploring different ideas and hypotheses related to ruling different colonies by the imperial administrators. Main Findings: This study highlights that an indirect form of rule was the best strategy of the British colonial masters to control the unruly tribes. The hierarchical administrative structure which the British devised to control different areas of the world better served their interests where they rely on very few of their officers who controlled and administered the tribes. Another significant finding of the study is that the socio-political and economic underdevelopment in the post-colonial setup is because of the indirect form of rule which the British adopted during the colonization of the tribal regions. Application of the Study: This study provides guidelines for further research to contemplate the links between indirect rule and the socio-political and economic underdevelopment in the post-colonial tribal areas of the world in general and in the erstwhile FATA (Federally Administered Tribal Areas) of Pakistan in particular. The Originality of the Study: The study elaborates the concept of colonialism and the indirect rule of the British colonial masters and further explains how the British served their interests. It also linked the colonial legacies that continued in the tribal areas, which hampered their progress and development.
... Perlu ditegaskan bahawa tempoh penghujung kurun ke-19 ini dilihat sebagai era imperialisme baharu dalam kalangan kuasa-kuasa Barat menerusi usahausaha untuk mendapatkan wilayah tanah jajahan masing-masing atas dorongan penguasaan ekonomi khususnya bermula pada tahun 1870 seperti yang dinyatakan oleh sarjana British, J.A. Hobson (1902). Keadaan ini diperlihatkan dengan jelas setelah banyak kawasan tanah jajahan yang kaya dengan sumber asli seperti timah, balak, getah, koko dan bijih besi jatuh dalam kekuasaan imperialis Barat seperti Jerman, Perancis serta Amerika Syarikat. ...
Artikel ini mengkaji peranan yang dimainkan oleh mufti kerajaan Johor dalam mendepani imperialisme British dari tahun 1885 hingga 1941. Tumpuan diberi kepada peranan mufti dalam urusan berkaitan ekonomi dan sosial kerajaan Johor bagi memastikan kedudukan agama Islam terus dipertahankan di negeri tersebut. Berdasarkan sumber-sumber yang diperoleh daripada Arkib Negara Malaysia Cawangan Johor dan sumber sekunder, makalah ini membincangkan pentadbiran empat orang mufti, terdiri daripada Dato’ Syed Salim Abdullah al-Attas, Dato’ Abdullah Musa, Syed ‘Abd Qadir Muhsin al-Attas dan Syed Alwi Tahir al-Haddad. Menerusi peranan yang dimainkan oleh keempat-empat mufti berkenaan, kajian ini menilai aspek ekonomi dan social dalam kerajaan Johor yang mencakupi perkara-perkara yang berkaitan dengan hukum hakam muamalat dan aspek pendidikan. Kajian ini mendapati bahawa mufti kerajaan Johor dalam era tersebut memainkan peranan dalam aspek ekonomi dan sosial menerusi hujahan yang informatif dan autoritatif.
... Liberal criticism of the costly imperial adventures necessitated these measures if the colonies were maintained (cf. Hobson 1902). In Senegal as in Uganda, cash crop production expanded massively, and it created a path-dependent change in agriculture that would affect the provision of food for decades. ...
Food policy is a predominantly overlooked vector of state formation in Africa. Comparing the trajectories of food policy in Senegal and Uganda, this article shows how internationally embedded food policies underpin state domination. It highlights three themes – early colonial food policies, the rise of organisational knowledge and the internationalisation of state domination through multilateral “assistance”. This argument is based on field research in both countries and on official documents and secondary literature. Its theoretical orientation draws upon a historical sociology of the State, as opposed to the idea of the heroic nation-state or the State as a component of “global ‘governance'”. We claim that food policy is highly politicised and that its effects on the State deserve much more attention in International Relations (IR), on the one hand, and state theory on the other. To study politics around food, we argue, would help to globalise IR.
... This might mean that in addition to exporting capital, the industrial region might, in the second stage of growth, begin importing labour -a point also noted both by Hobson and Lenin. In this article, Krugman picks up a model from US economist Frank Graham ( Graham, 1923 ) and -as seen in the quote aboveplaces increasing returns and their absence in the context of what he calls 'a Hobson-Lenin view', based on the works on imperialism by John Hobson ( Hobson, 1902 ) and Vladimir Lenin ( Lenin, 1939 ). ...
Three decades after the fall of the Berlin wall and one and a half decades after the Big Bang enlargement of the European Union (2004-2007), we revisit contrasting narratives about the benefit of both free trade and the EU enlargement for Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries. We distinguish old, pre-2004 EU countries from CEE countries that joined the EU in 2004-2007, as well as from the CEE countries that have not become part of the EU, in particular Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine. Our analysis looks at two temporal windows: one from 1991 – the demise of the Eastern European free trade zone (COMECON) – to today, and the second zooming on the period following the enlargement process of 2004-2007. Our analysis points to an unfavourable turn of events for CEE countries, which appear to have experienced significant losses in their process of rapid integration in the world and EU economies. We are comparing these events in Central and Eastern Europe with the patterns of de-industrialisation and migration that took place in Latin America after a similar free trade shock starting in the 1970s.
... Other theoreticians of imperialism, notably Hobson (1902) and Lenin (1916), saw these two developments as subsequent stages. They argued that industrial capitalism would develop domestic markets in the North and that the expansion of these markets would be constrained by an unequal distribution of incomes that puts tight limits on consumer demand from impoverished masses. ...
This article reconstructs Rosa Luxemburg’s theories of capital accumulation, class formation and class struggle against the background of ‘the long 19th century’. It then uses these theories to analyse the ‘short 20th century’ and ends with some preliminary thoughts about capital accumulation and class formation today. It is argued that the working classes that had developed over the 19th century were integrated into statist development projects – welfare capitalism in the West, state socialism in the East, or developmental states in the South – in the 20th century. It is further argued that this integration was accompanied by the capitalist penetration of non-capitalist milieus that the strategies of colonial expansion in the 19th century could not reach. After a period of intense conflict within these ‘three worlds of statist socialism’, capitalist restructuring led to the unmaking of hitherto existing working classes. Yet, this restructuring produced not only a great crisis but also laid the foundation for the remaking of international working classes.
... m'-d' es la tercera etapa en la cual el capitalista regresa al mercado como vendedor para convertir sus mercancías en dinero, donde pasan por el acto de circulación de m-d. Los puntos indican que el proceso de circulación se interrumpe y que m' y d' designan a m y d aumentados por la plusvalía (Marx, 1909 (Hobson, 1902). También se considera como un método de acumulación de capital impulsado por la demanda externa en las economías precapitalistas, a través de la cual el capitalismo resuelve su problema de realización y se sumerge en una crisis irrecuperable (Luxemburgo, 1951 El imperialismo es la creciente lucha política y militar por el control de estos territorios no capitalistas para garantizar el proceso de acumulación de capital bajo el capitalismo. ...
In this article the «extractive capitalism», the «extractive imperialism» and the «imperialism» are analyzed in order to clear out the confusion on the debate about neoextractivism caused by the interchangeable usage of these concepts. Urgent attention is required to reinforce the comprehension about the underlying class struggle in the extractive industries. The strating point is the counterpoint developed by Petras and Veltmeyer about the theorical and political issues of the state role in their review concerning the theory of neoextractivism. In order to understand their arguments is necessary to involve the three concepts. Their analysis about the relation between capitalism and imperialism is crucial to understand the extractive capitalism and the extractive imperialism. The argument is that the extractivism is the incarnation of a particular form of productive activity in the capitalist era that deepens the capitalism in the capitalist periphery. The extraction of natural resources is not a purely capitalist process or imperialist; the human beings have extracted their livelihood from the nature since the primitive communalism until the current capitalism. It is not the specific productive activity of extracting natural resources, that is capitalist or imperialist, since the capitalism, and by extension, the imperialism is associated with a variety of productive activities. The productive activity must have a place inside a capital-work salaried nexus in order to belong to a capitalist kind. Some of the first expositions about the definitions of this concepts are reviewed to help the activists to have a clear comprehension about the debate of the neoextractivism.
... For these authors, government loans were a central component of a general strategy promoted by imperial states to secure new markets and natural resources. Their work followed directly from the early studies published by Lenin (1939) and Hobson (1902). More recently however, economic historians have engaged with colonialism only reluctantly or en passant, giving credence to the idea that colonialism is not a development that deserves to be treated on its own.² ...
This volume offers two important contributions to the literature on sovereign debt. First, it provides a unique genealogy of debt collection practices in terms of their availability, acceptability and efficacy. We argue that creditors’ tactics and methods to enforce debt repayment emerged and solidified to a large extent in relation to the threads of colonial history, from the building of empires to the decolonisation era. Second, this volume reflects critically on the relevance of neo-colonial interpretations in recent cases of sovereign debt disputes
... In opposition to Lenin's conception that imperialism was the inevitable highest stage of capitalism, the "Peasant War" saw imperialism as an unfortunate policy choice that could be prevented by the expansion of the New Deal in the United States, an analysis that was in keeping with John Hobson's 1902 work, Imperialism, which had rooted the drive towards imperialism in the perils of underconsumption. The underpaid working class could not afford the commodities they were producing, and thus capitalism needed to forcibly expand into new markets (Hobson 1965). 12 The author of the "Peasant War" wrote: ...
Jose Maria Sison, founder of the Communist Party of the Philippines, developed the foundational ideas of his future political career during his final year as a graduate student at the University of the Philippines in 1961. An examination of his writings and activity over the course of this year reveals that a series of political developments pushed his ideas from those of an existentialist focused on the alienation of the individual to the basic conceptions of Stalinism, which sought to tie mass social anger to the interests of a section of the ruling class in the name of nationalism.
ستعمل مصطلح "ما بعد الاستعمار" (Postcolonialism) للدلالة على مجموعةً واسعة ومتنوعة وبينيَّة من الدراسات الأكاديمية، التي تهتم في المقام الأول بدراسة التأثير الثقافي والاجتماعي للاستعمار الأوروبي، ودراسة الطُّرق التي تستخدم لمقاومة هذا الاستعمار. ومع أنَّ نظرية ما بعد الاستعمار قد توحي للمهتمين بدراستها بأنها منهج منسَّق أو شائع، فإن مجال نظرية ما بعد الاستعمار أكثر تفاوُتًا بكثير مما قد يوحي به المصطلح. وهناك خلاف كبير حول: (1) مزايا وعيوب دراسات ما بعد الاستعمار، (2) وحول مدى إمكانية أو عدم إمكانية أن تساعد هذه الدراساتُ بشكل فعَّال المقاومةَ المتواصلة للاستعمار وإرثه السياسي والإبداعيّ الذي ما زال قائمًا، (3) وأخيرًا حول طريقة كتابة هذا المصطلح (هل نكتبه post-colonialism أم نكتبه postcolonialism؟). فدخول مجال دراسات ما بعد الاستعمار يُعَدُّ بمثابة دخول منطقة متنازع عليها بشدَّة وتتسم بالتصدُّع من الداخل والتضارب وغياب الإجماع عليها.
This work seeks to analyze the correlation between the emergence and expansion of the HIV-1 virus in Africa and the structural changes caused by the European colonization of the territory. With this in mind, the emergence of the virus in the Democratic Republic of Congo, associated with the colonization policies of Leopoldo II and Belgium, which caused risk factors that potentiated the transmission of HIV and the emergence of the epidemic will be analyzed. Next, how the virus emerged and expanded, reaching the continental territories of Southern Africa, associated with the conflicts related to the independence of States in the region, starting in the 1960s, will be observed. Finally, the insertion of the virus in South Africa will be analyzed, related to the context of the Apartheid and immigrant mining work, and the HIV and AIDS policies of the first South African governments after the virus was discovered, until the distribution of antiretrovirals to the population.
Renato Constantino was a historian and a public intellectual whose ideas were often considered as thought-provoking and controversial. Regarded as one of the pioneers in nationalist historiography, he produced a popular yet contentious historical interpretation that was unmistakably Marxist in nature. As a nationalist thinker, Constantino argued that the people's nationalist aspirations can be achieved by introducing them to a partisan form of scholarship. This paper critically examines his idea of partisan scholarship by proving that it was a necessary undertaking that inevitably undermined traditional historical practice and exposed the public to social criticisms and ideological discourse. To understand his intellectual labors, this research contextualizes Constantino during the crucial decades of the 1950s to the 1980s. By looking at his published works within these years, this paper aims to show the conjugal role of his social commentaries and historical expositions in provoking nationalism among readers. Moreover, this research explores the ideological dimension of partisan scholarship. Thus, a more holistic understanding of partisan scholarship could be elicited by interrogating his social commentaries and historical expositions in conjunction with the ideological paradigm apparent in his writings. Finally, this paper examines the impact of Constantino's partisan scholarship by determining major criticisms about his ideas and then identifying the place of his intellectual contributions within the nationalist and, arguably, postcolonial traditions.
This textbook shows how to think about international relations and offers insights into its most important theories and issues.
Written from beyond the Anglo-US academic environment, with attention to regional nuances, it teaches students to perceive international politics in an organized and theoretical way, thus helping them grasp the complexity of the subject and see simple ways of making sense of it. Providing a thorough introduction to the main theories and approaches to international relations, the book covers the main dilemmas, concepts and methodological issues alongside a number of neglected theoretical paradigms such as institutionalism, Marxism, critical approaches, feminism and power in world politics.
It will be of great use as a main textbook as well as a supplementary guide for related courses, including Foreign Policy Analysis, Conflict Studies, Security Studies, History of International Relations, International Organizations and Global Governance.
Abstract This article aims to provide a framework for conceptualizing the China-US rivalry. It argues that while the China-US rivalry is distorted to be an analogy to the Cold War, it must be understood as an intra-core competition between two different capitalisms. Theoretically the paper is inspired by the world system theory’s perspective on “cycles of hegemony” and the Kautsky-Lenin debate on inter-capitalism relationships. The causal nexus of the two theories explains that the China-US rivalry is in a new phase of the cycles of capital accumulation, and China’s changing competitive dynamics led by its state capitalism model have generated disadvantageous effect on the US hegemony. The paper’s conclusion is that China-US competition will shape the trajectory of world order for decades to come.
Europe's past is an imperial and colonial past. Often presenting itself as a cosmopolitan continent of nations, it is, in fact, a continent of national projects buttressed by colonial endeavours. These have included colonial emigration and settlement, dispossession, appropriation, extraction, and enslavement. While particular national governments have played a central role – Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Netherlands, for example – populations from across the European continent have also participated. This article sets out the ‘varieties of colonialism’ at the heart of the European project and asks what a decolonial project of Europe might look like. I argue it would be one that places the colonial histories of Europe at the centre of our understandings of the present and which seeks redress of the injustices associated with that history through postcolonial reparative action.
Is one’s identity projected by oneself or imposed by others? How to understand identity? This chapter outlines the debate and considers identity fixes meaning in relation to other. It advances Britishness from being constructed in relation to the Catholics, French and common interests to the colonised. The chapter elaborates on how the colonised (periphery) deflected internal differences between England, Scotland, Ireland and Wales. It traces the role of the colonised in the cultural hegemony of Briton. A senso comune of Britishness that provided racist cultural weltanschauung—world view. The influence of the colonised is shown through the advocates of minimal and significant impact of the periphery on Britishness.
The main results of the research on the economic development of Europe, which is presented here, can be divided into three parts. The first is to clarify the evolutionary and successive economic development of Europe, which is the basis for understanding contemporary regional geographical analysis of Europe. This development began with laissez- faire in the 19th century, which was then (until the middle of the 20th century) replaced by the growth of a regulated market and economic dirigisme. After the Second World War, two economic systems developed in parallel, the central planning system in the East and the mixed economy in the West. The common denominator of both designs was the idea of the welfare state, which was replaced by neoliberalism in the West during the 1970s, and then by economies from the East, only two decades later. The second set of results focuses on the regional economy, a scientific field of economics that does not study the regional distribution of the economy but includes the dimension of space and location problems in the analysis of market functioning. Therefore, the permeation of geography and economics as the primary subject of research is best expressed through this area. That is the space that geography tries to understand and describe.
This chapter explores the ways in which the insights of the benchmark thinkers of the book differ from Marxist accounts in relation to imperialism. It shows that the four benchmark thinkers in consideration embraced the Marxian tenets of historical materialism, class struggles, and its solution to imperialism in distinctive and more flexible ways in comparison to Leninism. This is of significance because it reveals a theoretical alternative to classical realism, to so-called liberal idealism and even to Leninism that has been overlooked in IR: a Marxist and socialist-inspired—and yet distinctive— IR theory. This in turn contributes to debunk the myth of the first great debate which oversimplifies the interwar years of the discipline as merely an idealist-realist dichotomy.
This chapter introduces the five benchmark thinkers considered in the book—J. A. Hobson, H. N. Brailsford, L. S. Woolf, H. J. Laski, and R. N. Angell. It contextualizes their thought and writings by highlighting their impact on and engagement with intellectuals, themes, and institutions related to International Relations (IR). It shows that even though most of them were not academics, they were certainly IR thinkers. The analysis also highlights the importance of the theme of imperialism in the initial stages of the field and in the process reveals the existence of some IR specialized theorists and institutions with a socialist orientation before the conventional birth of the discipline. All of this is important because is at odds with the traditional narrative that claims that the genesis of IR was marked by the First World War and by an exclusive interest on issues related to internationalism.
This chapter analyzes the extent to which the benchmark thinkers considered in the book embraced the Marxian precepts of the concentration of capital, historical materialism, capitalist exploitation, class, instrumentalism, and socialism as key elements of their respective theoretical insights on international affairs, particularly on imperialism. The chapter contributes to uncover the unrecognized, and yet fundamental, role that Marxism played in the theoretical writings of the formative years of International Relations (IR). This is significant because it helps to debunk the conventional IR narrative that depicts the formative years of the discipline as merely liberal idealist and only focused on the theme of internationalism. It is also important because the Marxian clout on the thinkers considered in this chapter has received very limited attention in the field.
Bu araştırmada Güney Afrika’nın siyasal dönüşümü ve medyası çalışılmıştır. Tezin amacı siyasal dönüşüm sonrasında medyanın özgürleştiğini öne sürmektir. Apartheid rejimi özellikleriyle anlatılmıştır. Literatürde konu hakkında yapılan çalışmaların eksikliği bu araştırmayı önemli kılar. Çalışmada tarihselci-gelenekselci yöntem kullanılmıştır. Araştırmada ulaşılan sonuca göre, Apartheid döneminde medya iktidardaki Ulusal Parti tarafından propaganda yapmak amacıyla kontrol edilirken siyasal dönüşüm sonrasında tüm medya araçlarının özgürleştiği görülmüştür.
Güney Afrika’da basın sömürgecilik döneminde ortaya çıkmıştır. Afrikanerler ve İngilizlerin hâkim olduğu basın alanında misyonerler çalışmışlardır. Hristiyan broşürleri yayınlamışlardır. Radyo ve televizyon tarihsel süreç içerisinde beyaz elitlere ve beyaz halka hizmet vermek için kullanılmıştır. 1936 yılında kurulan Güney Afrika Yayın Kurumu 1980’lerin ortalarına kadar radyo ve televizyon alanında ülkede tekel olmuştur. Ulusal Parti tarafından kontrol edildiği için apartheid uygulamalarına uyumlu bir şekilde ırkçı bir tutum sergilemiştir. Apartheid döneminde basın, radyo ve televizyon iktidardaki Ulusal Parti’nin kontrolünde faaliyetlerini gerçekleştirmiştir. Ayrıca Afrikaner Broederbond bir kardeşlik örgütü olarak medyada ve siyasette en etkin pozisyonları kontrol etmiştir.
1990’larda yaşanan siyasal dönüşüm neticesinde bu durum tamamen değişmiş ve medya üzerinde hükümet kontrolü ortadan kalkmıştır. Basın özgürlüğü konusunda büyük ilerleme kaydedilmiş ve apartheid rejiminin çözülme yıllarında kullanılmaya başlayan internet özgür bir ortama doğmuştur. 1993 yılında Bağımsız Yayın Otoritesi Yasası çıkarılmıştır. Bu yasaya göre, yayın sektörü kamu, özel ve topluluk olmak üzere 3’e ayrılmıştır. Topluluk radyoları yasal zeminde yaşam alanı bulmuş ve toplumdan dışlanan siyahların fikirlerinin duyulmasına yardımcı olmuştur. Bölgesel gelişim konusunda yayınlar aracılığıyla fayda sağlamıştır.
Güney Afrika’da apartheid rejiminden sonra yeni ulusal kimlik inşası gerçekleştirilmiştir. Yeni ulusal bayrak, yeni milli marş ve yeni devlet arması oluşturulmuştur. Böylece siyahlar ile beyazların milliyetçilik duygularıyla bağlanacakları yeni bir ulusal kimlik inşa edilmiştir. 2010 FIFA Dünya Kupası gibi spor organizasyonlarına ev sahipliği yapılmış ve Charlize Theron gibi alanında ön plana çıkan ünlülerin başarıları sahiplenilmiştir. Afrika Ulusal Kongresi 1990’lardan sonra yeni ve demokratik bir Güney Afrika inşa etmiştir.
Bu yeni Güney Afrika’nın medya özgürlüğü noktasında gelişmiş ülkelerin standardında olduğu argümanı öne sürülebilir. Siyasal dönüşüm Güney Afrika’yı demokratikleştirirken ülke medyasını özgürleştirmiştir. Uluslararası endekslere bakıldığında Güney Afrika’nın demokratik ve özgür bir medyaya sahip olduğu görülür. Endeksler Afrika’nın güney ucundaki bu ülkenin medya alanında gelişmiş ülkeler kadar özgür ve demokratik olduğunu göstermektedir. Bu sebeple postyapısalcı bir perspektifle Afrika’nın özgürlük potansiyeli ele alınmalı ve kıtayla ilgili batı merkezci söylemlerden kaçınılmalıdır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Güney Afrika, Apartheid, Siyasal Dönüşüm, Basın, Radyo, İnternet, Televizyon.
From the very inception of Economics as a discipline, economic research on policies of aggression has remained relatively limited. This is a strange oversight, given that economic issues have often been a key aspect of international conflicts. Indeed, in recent years, natural resource issues have returned to the forefront of international security concerns. Similarly, the growing privatization of security directly integrates the economic dimension into national defense policies. It is argued here that liberal economic models are better suited to denouncing the costs of non-cooperative international strategies than to explaining the economic determinants of aggressive national policies. Conversely, heterodox economic theories have more frequently aimed to explain interstate conflicts. Marxism, economic nationalism, and institutionalism shed some light on this question. International political economy also aims to analyze international relations through the neorealist prism of power strategies, both political and economic. However, empirical economic studies on the causes of post-Cold War military operations have remained rare. Tools from economic theory are nonetheless indispensable to modelling the strategic behaviors of interacting States on the international stage.
This article investigates how the quality of institutions shapes foreign direct investment (FDI) concentration and assesses the impact on African attractiveness, controlling the effect of bilateral aid. Based on data from 37 African countries over the period 2009–2018 and using the generalized method of moments, the paper finds that FDI concentration crowds out FDI inflows from countries other than the former colonizer, causing Africa to lose nearly three‐quarters of its potential. In contrast, investors from the old metropolis exhibit an accommodation effect on their former colonies' characteristics. Our study also finds that there is an inverse relationship between the quality of institutions and FDI concentration. Besides, bilateral aid from countries other than the former metropolis reduces FDI concentration, while bilateral aid from the former colonizer strengthens FDI concentration. Finally, the study shows that bilateral aid modulates the impact of the quality of institutions, such as aid from the former colonizer reduces the impact of the quality of institutions, while aid from other countries reinforces its marginal effect. Therefore, African countries should consider undertaking reforms to build institutions strong enough to improve their attractiveness and divest from the grip of international aid.
Globalizations took place under every empires, whether Greek, Persian, Maurya, Roman, Turkish, but the real globalization was under the British Empire, which by geographical expansion was the biggest of all other empires and created industrialization of Britain. British historians normally are shy about answering some basic questions: Where the investments came from, and where was the market for the products of Industrial Revolution in Britain.
American empire of Britain was started in fifteenth century and subsequently when Britain defeated both France and Spain to expand its American empire. The profit came from the sugar and cotton plantations and slave trade. This chapter explains how the American empire gave Britain these profits and after the independence of the American empire, how the US continued with the colonization process in Latin America through various multinational companies, and how the profits from these empires contributed to the development of American capitalism.
Capitalism is an economic organization that encourages individuals to engage in economic activities in different capacities in large scale to produce, distribute, and consume in collaboration with smaller-scale enterprises within the existing legal and institutional characteristics. The elements of production such as raw materials, machines, and labor are privately with no or restricted state interference.
A fim de diagnosticar as origens do totalitarismo, em seu livro Origens do totalitarismo – publicado originalmente em 1951 –, na secção sobre o imperialismo, Hannah Arendt reflete como a emancipação política da burguesia se estabeleceu através da dinâmica política entre colónias de colonos, centros imperiais e grupos nativos. A partir do estudo do imperialismo colonial europeu, explica como se deu a desintegração dos Estados-nacionais que continham os artifícios necessários para o surgimento posterior de movimentos e governos totalitários. Este nos coloca diante de um novo formato de governo, que, ao passo que desafia as leis positivas, não age sem a orientação de uma lei, nem é arbitrário, pois afirma seguir as leis da natureza, ou da história; recorre à autoridade a que as leis positivas recebem sua legitimidade final.
The current world order is undergoing a profound change in its structure, in the composition of the leading participants, and in the socio-cultural discourse that buttresses the political evolution of international relations. Two factors are essential to understand this process. First, several new states, or groups of states, entered the league of the leading world powers and began to exert a significant influence over global politics. Analysts often consider these players as civilizations, in that many such states aspire to proposing an alternative spiritual, cultural, political, and even economic developmental model. Second, the West and its followers began to experience a significant civilizational transformation at the socio-political and socio-cultural levels, placing such countries at a crossroad that could determine their existential future. Contextual transformations of this magnitude must always deploy ideology to legitimize ongoing political change because ideology can question the prevailing conventions of the age to reflect fundamental shifts in society. From this point of view, the arrival of civilizations in the contemporary narrative of international relations invariably involves ideological doctrines that legitimize this process. This paper examines the emergent ideology of civilizational discourse, focusing on its central tenets, and discusses the political shifts that such an ideology seeks to justify.
The article critically examines the "pyramid" metaphor for mass-participation sports. It focuses on the heterogeneity of intra-group structure and motives among adult amateurs participating in open races in running, triathlon, etc. The study is based on comparative participant observation at Russian and European mass-sports events and semi-formalized interviews. We describe the lifestyle and motives of non-elite athletes. Mostly they participate "for fit, for fun, for challenge, for socialization", defined as key motives. Participation in races is essential for healthy lifestyle. However, the motive "for health" is peripheral. We noted a latent motive of "to win, to be ahead of others". It reflects the very nature of sports, but creates a "loser's problem" subverting participation. We show how skill-level and a balance between key and latent motives constitute three strata among non-elite athletes. We define these strata as "Ordinary", "Adequate" and "Crazy" and demonstrate how the motivation difference produces hidden controversies among them. Our theoretical interpretation is based on Norbert Elias's concept of civilizing process and Konrad Lorenz's comparative anthropology. We outline two normative sports models. For the Expressive model, the key motives "fit, fun, challenge, socialization" are socially approved, but for the Traditional-competitive or Top-achievements model, only the latent motive of "to win" looks legitimate. We believe that mass-participation sports emerged due to modern recognition of the Expressive model as a new social norm, while the Competitive model hinders its development. Rejecting the "pyramid" metaphor in sports, we propose an "iceberg" metaphor wherein these models co-exist through different social roles.
This chapter introduces Hybrid Exceptionalism as this monograph’s central concept. It starts by delivering an overview of various approaches to ‘Empire’ to have emerged in the literature, from formal conceptualisations in International Relations, to more ideational approaches found in the postcolonial Humanities literature. ‘Hybrid Exceptionalism’ will subsequently be placed within the debates of a relatively sparse, but growing body of literature on Russia’s postcolonial condition. After a short discussion of both ‘exceptionalism’ and ‘hybridity’, the terms will be combined to denote Russia’s tendency to both imitate the West, and double down on civilisational difference in its problematic relationship with modernity, resulting in the bounding of a civilisational space separate from, yet simultaneously associated with both West and East. A concluding section will discuss methodological issues.
Capitalist-style reforms were an important factor in the economic and social evolution of the Late Ottoman Empire. This research investigates how foreign governments and financiers, and especially Britain, influenced these various financial reforms implemented in the Ottoman Empire during the 19th century. The chief purpose of such reforms was to integrate the Empire into the capitalist world-economy by imposing, both directly and indirectly, the adoption of rules, institutions, attitudes and procedures amenable to exploitation on the part of foreign and also local capitalists. Drawing on primary sources, mainly from the United Kingdom’s National Archives, the article argues that foreign pressure for financial reforms was instrumental in the Empire’s economic subjection to the rules and norms that regulated the capitalist world-economy, most notably in the field of public finance, banking and the monetary sector. It takes a long-term view and largely adheres to the scholarly evolution of Antonio Gramsci’s theory of hegemony and world-systems theory and methodology developed by Fernand Braudel, Immanuel Wallerstein and Giovanni Arrighi, adopting a multidisciplinary and macro-scale perspective. Special attention is paid to the correlation between secondary and primary sources in support of empirical evidence. More broadly, this research contributes to the literature on the capitalist world-economy and brings a set of theoretical frameworks to bear on defining the role of financial reforms induced mainly by Britain in peripheral and semi-peripheral countries.
In order to be neutral to, or actively aid, the industrialization of poorer countries, rich countries must intervene within their domestic economies to internalize the costs of industrial adjustment. Interventions include industrial policy to aid the rapid reallocation of capital & generation of new industries and innovations; social policy to aid the rapid reallocation, upskilling, reskilling, and transitional welfare nets for labour in and from import-competing industries; and fiscal policy to mitigate the negative macroeconomic shocks from intensified import competition. Thus, being neutral to the industrialization of emerging countries does not actually require industrialized nations to take a "hands-off approach" in the sense of simply not placing barriers to the converging country. However, this is also a tensile endeavour, as forces within global industrial capitalism and economic hegemony make such interventions by industrial incumbents very difficult. This includes a limited manufacturing share of global GDP (saturation point of Engel's law), the embeddedness of expansionary interests of merchants and capitalists in the state, and the domestic and international pressures for regional and global industrial great powers to be the hubs of economic liberalism.
The article is devoted to the analysis of the complex interrelations between the imaginaries of nation and colony, and, by the same token, between nationalism and colonialism. The author argues that modern nationalism has always contained colonialism as its integral part and parcel. Colonies are interpreted as "mirrors" for the nation-building; while oceans, civilizations and races are the factors which keep distance between what is considered to be national and what is to be interpreted as colonial. In their turn, movement of the population, education and modernization were important tools for bridging the gaps between nations and their colonies. Russian national, imperial and colonial experience in this context is rather anomalous, because, according to the author, it constantly blurs the existing boundaries and mix up differences. One of the interesting results of this historical experience is current insensitivity of Russian society to such pressing issues of the today's European and American politics as the war against symbolic representations of the racist nationalism.
The importance of industrialisation as an engine of economic growth and development cannot be
overstated. Industrial production creates job opportunities at higher skill levels, facilitates denser
links across the services and agricultural sectors, between rural and urban economies and between
consumer, intermediate and capital goods industries.
The main focus of this paper is on imperialism and industrialisation in West Africa. The nature of
imperialism and industrialisation in West Africa will be examined to determine if imperialism
enhanced or destroyed industrialisation in West Africa.
A dissertação analisa a percepção social e os impactos causados pelo fim do império na Inglaterra dos anos 1950, principalmente com relação aos impactos no âmbito ideológico. Levando em conta as diversas modificações na economia e na política capitalistas de fins do século XIX, abordarei, a partir da noção gramsciana de hegemonia, a maneira que o fim do império no pós-Segunda Guerra repercutiu nessa sociedade. Para isso, são utilizadas como fontes as peças e escritos de John Osborne, controverso dramaturgo da época, precursor de um novo movimento teatral que possui relações específicas com o tema do fim do império. A partir da biografia de John Osborne, buscando ressaltar a especificidade, a riqueza e as contradições de sua obra, inserindo-a no contexto do cenário teatral inglês da época, tratarei de dissecar os principais aspectos da visão de mundo do autor que, a meu ver, sintetiza as contradições do seu tempo, apontando seus principais pontos de crítica à sua época, as rupturas e permanências presentes em sua obra com relação à ideologia imperial nesse crucial período da história do Império Britânico.
The article deals with the concept of war in modern political realism. Realism claims to have an original notion of war, which distinguishes it from empirical war studies and from other schools in international relations theory. Realism does not have a strict formal definition of war like empirical studies do, it focuses on understanding the causes and nature of war instead. The distinction between realism and other international relations theories like idealism, Marxism or constructivism consists in the realist notion of politics. Realism understands politics as an eternal struggle for power that underlies all social life, while war is the most intense manifestation of this struggle. Thus, the possibility of war cannot be eradicated. The article shows the normative aspects of such understanding of war. Realism, unlike pacifism or just war theory, is less enthusiastic about ethical or legal regulation of war; furthermore, it shows the dangers that may be caused by political moralism and “criminalization” of war. On the other hand, realism fails to provide a set of norms or principles that would surpass the just war principles. The realist principles of national interest and prudence are as vague, unclear and prone to misuse as classic just war principles are. Author draws a conclusion that to be able to create a valid set of principles of war, realism needs to further converge with international relations theory schools and “enlarge” the set of its base theoretical notions.
The main hypothesis of this paper is that, thanks to the currently available advanced technologies, one could come in a short time, and in an objective and efficient way, to a more complete picture, if not quite different, about the legacy of a scholar in the History of Economic Thought. The cognitive question of the investigation is: What lies beyond the “common label” – “Scholar of Imperialism” – in the scientific legacy of John Atkinson Hobson? The answer is sought through semi-automatic textual analysis techniques employing NVivo software. I call this approach, without hiding a certain sarcasm and the presence of some formal limits, a “scientific label approach”. Thus, this research can be placed within the disciplinary field of Economic Thought elaborated from a sociological point of view, i.e. the application of a sociological approach to the Historical Method in Economics. In my view, this “scientific labeling” approach has several potentialities, such as its extreme efficiency, versatility and impartiality (it limits the intrinsic subjectivity of traditional reading). This approach could be used for both general and specific inquiries, virtually becoming a valuable methodological tool for the future advancement of research in Economic Thought.
Despite its comprehensiveness, Lenin’s classical analysis of the imperialistic nature of capitalism deserves to be considered under a new lens. This article is an attempt to highlight some important features of late imperialism. While Lenin’s analysis is the focal point of critical inquiry, the article goes beyond his account to examine some important features of classical theory that remained unaddressed by Lenin. The attempt is to dialectically sublate Lenin’s theory with the analysis of contemporary imperialism. It is suggested that the mechanism of financial accumulation, concentration and centralisation of finance capital is broader than classical conception of finance capital. Another important driver of contemporary imperialism is the globalisation of industrial capital driven by transnational corporations and arm’s length production. The central feature of this new form of production is global monopoly capital resulting from combined interplay of concentration and internationalisation. The article also endeavours to understand the global proletarianisation of labour as a consequence of the accumulation at the world scale; a point only obliquely addressed by Lenin. The article concludes by comparing capitalism’s crisis and decay in Lenin’s analysis with the capitalism of present times
The lack of a rigorous Marxian theory of the state and the international has caused much discussion about what a Marxist theory of imperialism and International Relations would look like. The aim of this chapter is threefold. Firstly, it makes the reader familiar with theories of and debates on imperialism in the early twentieth century and the early twenty-first century. Secondly, it reviews theories of imperialism seeking to highlight strengths and weaknesses. Thirdly, it provides the theoretical framework for the empirical chapters of the book. Ultimately, this chapter maintains that because capitalism develops unevenly at the spatial, institutional, and ideological level, a Marxist theory of the international can incorporate political concepts from mainstream theories of IR. It is suggested that such theory should develop an ‘operational code’ of political elites’ ideologies that accounts for their views of the geopolitical world order, capitalism and the ruling class, and power.
The East Indies (currently Indonesia) was a complex region politically and culturally. The study of the East Indies in an undergraduate course on Southeast Asia has over the years integrated visits (reconnoitring and/or involving students) to Jakarta, Makassar, (Banda) Aceh and Kupang (via Dili). The travels has helped with the understanding of themes such as the extent to which Dutch colonialism evolved overseas in the East Indies or the degree to which indigenous or diasporic/intermediate groups adapted in collaborating or resisting the Dutch colonial encroachment. This essay aims to discuss the connection between points in general/niche knowledge in secondary textual sources with what is observed in the fieldtrips; in the process engaging in sub-fields outside the subject of history in order to better mitigate the vestiges of time and understand past development better in context of contemporary society.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any references for this publication.