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The Instability of Androgynous Names: The Symbolic Maintenance of Gender Boundaries
Abstract
By definition, androgynous names do not serve as gender markers. Two radically different expectations about their growth are plausible: on the one hand, the rise of the feminist movement, which militates against gender distinctions, would suggest androgynous names increasing in recent decades. On the other hand, cross-cultural research indicates that first names designate gender more frequently than any other characteristic of a child or its family, suggesting a minimal increase. Examining data for all white births in Illinois in every year from 1916 through 1989 produces paradoxical results. Overall use of androgynous names is barely increasing; however, the disposition to use androgynous names has increased among parents of daughters. Analysis of the accidental ways in which androgynous names develop, their special characteristics, and their asymmetric growth patterns, leads to viewing the androgynous process as collective behavior that can be fruitfully examined through the perspective of the Schelling residential segregation model. The minimal increase in androgyny reflects a gender contamination effect that may be operating in a variety of other domains as well.
... Социолозите установяват закономерност между промените в културата и социалната структура на обществата, настъпили през 20. век, и промените в моделите на именуване, респективно в самия набор от имена (Кръстева-Благоева 1999;Lieberson 2000;Gerhards 2005). Според Ю. Герхардс и Р. Хакенброх в съвременността процесите на секуларизация, намаляващото значение на семейните отношения, индивидуализацията и глобализацията се отразяват и върху избора на имена (Gerhards & Hackenbroch 2020). ...
... Андрогинните имена са ново явление, което се наблюдава и в други антропонимни системи, където няма регулаторни механизми за забрана на тяхното използване, например в Румъния (Felecan 2015) и Нидерландия (Schmuck 2018) и най-вече в САЩ (Lieberson et al. 2000). От друга страна, използването им е строго ограничено в някои европейски страни, като Швеция (Brylla 2009: 177) и Германия (Nübling 2018), или е напълно забранено, както в Полша (Walkowiak 2016). ...
... С други думи, морфологично-фонологичният състав на името посочва пола, за който то се отнася (вж. Barry, Harper 1998;Lieberson et al. 2000;Mutsukawa 2016;Nübling 2018), а по отношение на българските лични имена може да се обобщи, че мъжките завършват на съгласна или -о, докато женските -на -а /-я (вж. Илчев 1969; Ковачев 1982). ...
This book presents the main results of a socio-onomastic study of the names of
newborn children in the largest Bulgarian cities at the beginning of the 21st century.
A starting point for the study is the well-known sociolinguistic thesis that the social
and cultural factors that influence linguistic processes in general also create trends
in naming and determine the state of the repertoire of names in the present moment.
This study of personal names relies on the recent theoretical views in sociolinguistics,
which, transferred to the field of anthroponymy, help to satisfactorily explain changes
in the personal name system that occurred in Bulgaria at the beginning of the 21st
century. The point of departure of the analysis is the idea that urbanization, globalization,
and glocalization, as fundamental processes unfolding in Europe and motivat-
ing linguistic changes, are also the cause of alterations in the area of anthroponymy.
This enables the theoretical understanding of the processes in the anthroponomasticon
from a macro-sociolinguistic point of view, with the observations extending to
important aspects such as clarifying the way in which the contemporary linguistic
situation influences the appearance and frequency of certain names and name patterns,
how processes of globalization and migration shape anthroponymic tastes to
determine the new contingent of names, and, no less importantly, how linguistic urbanization
levels out naming trends geographically.
... In English, for example, most first names have strong gender associations. Androgynous first names are relatively infrequent in the US, and specific names rarely maintain an androgynous gender association over time (Lieberson et al., 2000). While English last names do not mark gender per se, men are more likely than women to be referred to by last name, particularly in professional contexts (Atir & Ferguson, 2018;Files et al., 2017;Rubin, 1981;Stewart et al., 2003;Takiff et al., 2001;Uscinski & Goren, 2011). ...
... In contrast, when a person is introduced with a first name, probabilistic information carried by the gender distribution of that name would guide gender inferences, instead of the people=male assumption. While this pattern would differ from findings for role nouns (Boyce et al., 2019;von der Malsburg et al., 2020), such a pattern of findings may be expected, given that gender associations for English first names cluster at the endpoints (Lieberson et al., 2000) more than gender associations for jobrelated role nouns (Garnham et al., 2015;Misersky et al., 2014). If, on average, first names carry stronger gender cues than role nouns, people may form inferences based primarily on names, without defaulting to the "people=male" assumption. ...
... From these results, we selected 21 names to represent a range of ratings from masculine to feminine, with different levels of androgyny in between. The 21 names were not perfectly centered (M = 4.19), partially due to the fact that androgynous names that lean masculine are much more frequent than androgynous names that lean feminine (Lieberson et al., 2000). The norming data were compared to US census data from 1930-2015(USSSA, 2020. ...
How do alternative forms of reference to individuals—first, last, and full names—guide inferences about the gender of the referent? Given distributional correspondences between English first names and gender, first names provide probabilistic information about an individual's gender. While English last names do not vary with gender, men are more likely to be referred to by last name alone. Across four experiments, we demonstrate that inferences about gender are shaped by a persistent bias to infer that people are male, along with probabilistic information carried by the first name. When an individual was introduced by last name alone, participants overwhelmingly used he to subsequently refer to the person, suggesting that participants inferred that the person was male. This bias was still present when the individual was introduced using a first or full name, with participants less likely to use she than the distributional characteristics of the first names would predict. When explicitly asked to recall an individual’s gender who was introduced by last name alone, participants preferentially responded that the person was male. This bias persisted even when the person was introduced using a first or full name. Repeated reference attenuated, but did not eliminate, this bias. We discuss implications for models of how world knowledge is linked to language use.
... дали като мъжко, или като женско (Van Fleet, Atwater 1997; Barry, Harper 2000). Редица изследвания показват, че фонологичният състав посочва пола, за който се отнася името (Barry, Harper 1998, Lieberson et al. 2000, Mutsukawa 2016. Известно е, че между граматическата форма и граматическия род на съществителните имена в българския език съществува доста ясна и последователна зависимост (Морфология / Morfologiya 1998: 121) и "родът се сигнализира с твърде голяма вероятност от завършека на съществителното име в ед.ч. ...
... Появата на полово неутрални лични имена далеч не е ново явление, а има дълга история, но подобен тип имена са използвани в специални случаи. (КръстеваБлагоева / KrastevaBlagoeva 1999; Lieberson et al. 2000). Зачестилата им употреба в последно време обаче има своето обяснение поради редица социални фактори, чието изследване не е обект на анализ тук, но вече е проучвано (Lieberson et al. 2000;Felecan 2015). ...
... (КръстеваБлагоева / KrastevaBlagoeva 1999; Lieberson et al. 2000). Зачестилата им употреба в последно време обаче има своето обяснение поради редица социални фактори, чието изследване не е обект на анализ тук, но вече е проучвано (Lieberson et al. 2000;Felecan 2015). В България полово неутрални имена съществуват отдавна, но преди всичко под формата на умалителни имена 6 , които относително рядко са официални имена. ...
This paper’s aim is to study the terminology used in domains related to translation technologies and translation in Bulgarian. The first step was to extract terms related to computer technologies and translation in English from available specialised dictionaries and glossaries. The next step was to examine if and how those terms are translated in Bulgarian, by looking for them in trusted term bases. A comparison was made with the terms adopted by Bulgarian translation agencies. The result of the study shows that only a very small number of English terms have recognized translation equivalents in Bulgarian, and these terms are related to the most popular services in the translation industry (for example: content, formatting, translation memory, etc.). An additional survey was conducted to investigate the Bulgarian translation equivalents of the selected terms on the internet. The survey showed that the majority of terms used on the internet are calques from English.
... Причинами активізації використання індиферентних за статтю імен сьогодні називають зростання феміністичного руху [15] і сексуальну революцію з її нейтралізацією статевих ролей та запереченням гендерних стереотипів [18]. Але, зрозуміло, називання дітей іменами, прийнятими для іншої статі, не перетворює чоловічі імена на жіночі, а жіночі -на чоловічі. ...
... Стереотипи популярних імен виявляються гендерно забарвленими, тому деякі лінгвісти пояснюють збільшення кількості нетрадиційних та індиферентних до статі імен мовним антисексизмом -прагненням подолати мовну й концептуальну упередженість проти жінок [11, с. 22]. Не випадково виявлена схильність до частішого називання дівчаток індиферентними за статтю іменами [15]. ...
... Таким чином, саме імена-унісекс відіграють значну роль у «приховуванні» біологічної статі їхніх носіїв, що привабливо для жінок, які відчувають гендерне стереотипізування за ім'ям, і невигідне для чоловіків. Соціологи й лінгвісти одностайні в тому, що індиферентні за статтю імена більше характерні для жіночого іменника [15]. ...
... Whether or not English makes use of grammatical gender to determine gender congruency between coreferring elements, an argument for φ-features on names must account for how gender (conceptual and/or grammatical) is associated with their referents, since gender bias of names is wildly variable and mutable, more akin to cultural shifts than language change (Barry & Harper 1982;Van Fleet & Atwater 1997;Lieberson, Dumais & Baumann 2000;Hahn & Bentley 2003;Barry & Harper 2014). Thus, for grammatical gender to play a role in English, it would need to be the case that names and a limited number of nouns have φ-features for gender, but that agreement with a coreferring pronoun is optional in cases where the antecedent does not have a φ-feature for gender. ...
... Personal names comprise a large portion of antecedents used in empirical investigations and syntactic judgments of English coreference, presumably due to their intuitive genderspecificity, although this has been identified as an issue in stimulus design (Kasof 1993;Merritt & Kok 1995;Van Fleet & Atwater 1997;Lieberson, Dumais & Baumann 2000;Gabriel et al. 2008). However, English lacks overt morphological marking on names to unambiguously distinguish a correct assessment of the gender identity of the referent, where a 'correct assessment' would result in a conceptual gender that is congruent with the referent's gender identity. ...
... However, it is not immediately clear what the implications of this configuration would be or how this could be tested. At the very least, it would be necessary to conduct extensive evaluation of each individual participant's experience with the target names and gender nonconformity and examine effects from the perspective individual differences (Barry & Harper 1982;Van Fleet & Atwater 1997;Lieberson, Dumais & Baumann 2000;Barry & Harper 2014). ...
This paper presents a framework for how the multifaceted nature of “gender” (human and linguistic) interacts with grammatical operations such as coreference dependency formation. It frames the question through the lens of English, in which it focuses on how personal names and referents who identify as nonbinary can provide insight into the conceptual representations of gender. Additional data from a variety of modern languages supports a model of how gender might be cognitively represented such that the observed linguistic patterns are available. I propose a three-tiered model of gender that unites grammatical, cognitive, social, and biological aspects and describes how implications of this model might be tested in future work.
... Names represent a fundamental attribute of both the individual and social identity, differentiating while at the same time integrating and contributing to the feeling of belonging: to a genealogical line, to a community, to a culture, to a period of time. The great majority of given names 1 are gender-specific and thus assign the new-born to a gender category (Lieberson et al., 2000;Pilcher, 2017;Seguin et al., 2021). Researchers in the field of social psychology have indeed stressed that one of the main factors influencing the name giving process is the sex of the baby (Gueguen et al., 2005), which represents the first dimension a first name points to (Defays, 2022); cross-cultural research showed that first names designate gender more frequently than any other characteristic of a child or their family (Lieberson et al., 2000;Pilcher, 2017). ...
... The great majority of given names 1 are gender-specific and thus assign the new-born to a gender category (Lieberson et al., 2000;Pilcher, 2017;Seguin et al., 2021). Researchers in the field of social psychology have indeed stressed that one of the main factors influencing the name giving process is the sex of the baby (Gueguen et al., 2005), which represents the first dimension a first name points to (Defays, 2022); cross-cultural research showed that first names designate gender more frequently than any other characteristic of a child or their family (Lieberson et al., 2000;Pilcher, 2017). Moreover, this association seems to be stable over time within a given culture (Demeulenaere, 2004). ...
Background: For transgender people, choosing and using a name congruent with their gender identity has been identified as a factor that improved self-esteem and well-being. This study aims to explore their renaming experiences and to identify the functions of chosen names in affirming gender identity and in expressing the need for continuity or rupture with the past.
Method: The study was structured in two phases. The first phase, purely inductive, consisted in nine semi-structured interviews. A short version of the interview guide was used with sixteen other participants during the second phase of the study, which was both inductive and deductive, following a non-systematic literature review. Data was analyzed based on a constructivist grounded theory approach.
Results: Two categories of functions of the chosen name were identified. The first category consisted of the functions of chosen names regarding the affirmation of gender identity, which were: the classificatory, the identificatory and the symbolic functions. The second category consisted of the functions of chosen names in expressing participants’ needs for continuity or discontinuity with the past, chosen names being experienced as metaphors of a new beginning, supports for continuity through transformation, compromises between family and cultural identifications and disidentifications.
Conclusion: Exploring the renaming process and the functions of the chosen names in the clinical setting with transgender people looking for mental health support may help to identify and enhance gender affirming strategies. This may further assist in reducing aspects of gender incongruence and dysphoria through subjectivation and resilience-developing processes.
... On the other hand, conceptual gender is tied to the inferences speakers make, and may vary by societal norms, by context, and over time. For example, studies have shown that namesincluding those that are often considered to be 'gender-neutral' -change over time and may become associated stereotypically with either male or female gender (see Barry & Harper 1982, 1993; Van Fleet & Atwater 1997;Lieberson et al. 2000;Hahn & Bentley 2003, among others). ...
... 18When using names in example sentences, consider using diverse names, paying explicit attention to the distribution of gender in your examples. We do not advise here the use of "gender-neutral" names, given the existing research that shows that such names are often not truly perceived as neutral, and furthermore that the perceived gender of a given name may change over time (seeBarry & Harper 1982;Van Fleet & Atwater 1997;Lieberson et al. 2000; Hahn & Bentley 2003, among others). Your examples could include non-Western names as an additional signal of diversity. ...
... However, names are not randomly distributed across the human population, and first names can signal demographic categories. Names are generally chosen for people by their parents through deeply entrenched and meaningful cultural processes (Alford 1987;Elchardus and Siongers 2011;Lieberson 2000) and can therefore signal many demographic features of a person, including their gender category, country of origin, ethnicity, class, and race (Gaddis 2017a(Gaddis , 2017bGoldstein and Stecklov 2016;Lieberson, Dumais, and Baumann 2000). The signaling power of names suggests that the particular name used in a survey stimulus may cause research participants to have systematic impressions about the fictional person being discussed. ...
... Notes 1 Although researchers assume names signal gender, there is surprisingly little research directly testing this, particularly compared with the amount of research on race signaling. Names are generally assumed to be highly gendered; this assumption may be reasonable, given research on the gender patterning and meaning in first names across cultures (Alford 1987;Lieberson et al. 2000). However, my own analysis of national birth records shows that even highly gendered names are given to the other sex category, and research on androgynous names show that some names are weakly associated with gender category across the population . ...
Social scientists often describe fictional people in survey stimuli using first names. However, which name a researcher chooses may elicit nonrandom impressions, which could confound results. Although past research has examined how names signal race and class, very little has examined whether names signal age, which is a highly salient status characteristic involved in person construal. I test the perceived demographics of 228 American names. I find that most strongly signal age, with older-sounding names much more likely to be perceived as white than as black. Furthermore, participants' perceptions of the age of a name poorly match with the true average birth year of people with that name, suggesting that researchers cannot simply use birth records as a proxy for perceived age. To assist researchers in name selection, I provide a set of candidate names that strongly signal a matrix of combined age, race, and gender categories.
... Disregarding authors with only first initials may exclude female authors disproportionately, particularly in early eras when women may have been more likely than men to publish with initials to avoid potential discrimination. Because in any given era, gender-ambiguous names are more likely to be women (Lieberson, Dumais, and Baumann 2000), this may slightly downwardly bias our appropriate assignments of women. Similarly, we were unable to classify names that were not in the top 1,000 Social Security Administration records for any year from 1879 to 2012. ...
How common is self-citation in scholarly publication, and does the practice vary by gender? Using novel methods and a data set of 1.5 million research papers in the scholarly database JSTOR published between 1779 and 2011, the authors find that nearly 10 percent of references are self-citations by a paper's authors. The findings also show that between 1779 and 2011, men cited their own papers 56 percent more than did women. In the last two decades of data, men self-cited 70 percent more than women. Women are also more than 10 percentage points more likely than men to not cite their own previous work at all. While these patterns could result from differences in the number of papers that men and women authors have published rather than gender-specific patterns of self-citation behavior, this gender gap in self-citation rates has remained stable over the last 50 years, despite increased representation of women in academia. The authors break down self-citation patterns by academic field and number of authors and comment on potential mechanisms behind these observations. These findings have important implications for scholarly visibility and cumulative advantage in academic careers.
... Excluded author names may have given an inaccurate representation of authors present. More women and individuals from certain countries (e.g., China, South Korea) may have had gender-neutral names (Lieberson et al. 2000, Bendels et al. 2016. Though Genderize.io ...
An inequity persists between women and men in nearly all scientific fields. A clear indicator of this bias is the disparity between women and men in authorship of scientific papers, as publications are a critical part of a researcher's career. Our objective was to describe gender equity ( sensu women, men) in wildlife‐related publishing in recent decades. We reviewed all research articles published in The Journal of Wildlife Management ( JWM ) from 1999 through 2020 and collected author names, affiliated institutions, and study species taxa from each paper. To help understand representation by gender in publishing, we classified the gender of each author using the online tool Genderize.io. We then calculated the women‐to‐men ratio in publishing as first‐ and co‐authors across time. We further investigated whether there were biases by country, institution, and taxon of study species. Our results revealed that authorships were dominated by men 22 years ago, with 14 and 12 women/100 men for first‐ and co‐authorships, respectively, in 1999. Since then, apart from year‐to‐year fluctuations, the overall gap between women and men gradually narrowed until the mid‐2010s, reaching approximately 60 and 30 women/100 men for first‐ and co‐authorship, respectively. The percentage of women increased across institutions, taxa, and countries during the study; however, the percentages of women associated with each institution type and most wildlife taxa were lower than the percentages of men. Although it is encouraging to see the improvement in equity in publishing since 1999, there are still substantially more men publishing than women, which indicates there is still a need to remedy known barriers and identify additional barriers that contribute to publication inequity.
... It is a very strong cultural norm in the United Kingdom (and elsewhere) to give a new-born baby a sex-specific first name (Alford 1988), according to the initial sex categorization of its body as female or male. Further, in the United States at least, almost all (97 per cent) of first names thought of as female-appropriate are only given to children whose sex category is female and almost all (97 per cent) of first names seen to be maleappropriate are only given to children whose sex category is male (Lieberson et al. 2000; see also Herbert & Aylene 2014). First names are therefore widely recognized as a robust indicator of the sex and/ or gender of the bearer. ...
Name changing is an under-researched topic in socio-onomastics. In this article, we extend knowledge of and understanding about gender and name changing by analysing ‘enrolled deed polls’, which people in the United Kingdom can use to change any part or all parts of their names. We examine which names are changed in relation to gender, including those we linked to transitions in gender identity. Our quantitative analyses of 10 665 enrolled deed polls for the period 1998–2019 shows that, over time, women have replaced men as the majority of applicants for name change and that, compared to men, women are more likely to make ‘surname only’ changes to their name. Among men applicants, there was an increase over time in changes made to first and middle names (a doubled figure in 2019 compared to 1998). Although case numbers are small, of the name changes we attributed to gender transition, the majority were changes made to the applicant’s first name and/or middle name. Our article concludes by reflecting on what our analysis of otherwise unexamined records of enrolled deed polls reveals about the (re)doing of gender identities through name changing in contemporary societies.
... Although this method is imprecise, after validating the results by manually identifying the gender of 500 random authorships where the specific information or an image was available, we estimate that its accuracy is 84%, 33% (F1 0,9457, confusion matrix and full performance metrics for the estimation method are provided in supplementary tables 2 and 3). As seen from the confusion matrix, there is a slight upward bias towards prediction of 'female' authorship instances however, considering that names disregarded due to ambiguous gender estimations belong to women researchers more often [30], similarly to the records of initials instead of full first names [31] these biases should not affect the estimated gender composition of the field. For each paper in the dataset, gender estimations are derived for the first author, last author, and full author group. ...
This paper is the first to analyse the role of women authors in fostering justice-relevant topics in climate adaptation research. As representation, citation and payment patterns remain gender-biased across scientific disciplines, we explore the case of climate science, particularly adaptation, as its most human-oriented facet. In climate research and policy, there has been a recent surge of interest in climate justice topics: mentions of justice have increased almost tenfold in Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change Working Group 2 reports between the latest assessment cycles (AR5 and AR6). We conduct a systematic examination of the topic space in the adaptation policy scholarship. As it is a vast and rapidly growing field, we use topic modelling, an unsupervised machine learning method, to identify the literature on climate justice and related fields, as well as to examine the relationship between topic prevalence and the gender of the authors. We find climate change adaptation policy research to be male dominated, with women holding 38.8% of first and 28.8% of last authorships. However, we observe topic-specific variability, whereby the share of female authors is higher among publications on justice-relevant topics. Female authorship is highly linked to topics such as Community, Local Knowledge, and Governance, but less to Food Security and Climate Finance. Our findings corroborate the evidence that female authors play a significant role in advancing the research and dialogue on the relationship between climate change and areas that have meaningful impact on lives of women and other marginalised groups.
... For example, in the contemporary US, the name 'Andrea' typically refers to women whereas in Italy, it typically refers to men. Other names, like 'Leslie', are commonly used for both women and men, resulting in weaker demographic correlations and less social signalling information 16,19 . ...
Academics and companies increasingly draw on large datasets to understand the social world, and name-based demographic ascription tools are widespread for imputing information that is often missing from these large datasets. These approaches have drawn criticism on ethical, empirical and theoretical grounds. Using a survey of all authors listed on articles in sociology, economics and communication journals in Web of Science between 2015 and 2020, we compared self-identified demographics with name-based imputations of gender and race/ethnicity for 19,924 scholars across four gender ascription tools and four race/ethnicity ascription tools. We found substantial inequalities in how these tools misgender and misrecognize the race/ethnicity of authors, distributing erroneous ascriptions unevenly among other demographic traits. Because of the empirical and ethical consequences of these errors, scholars need to be cautious with the use of demographic imputation. We recommend five principles for the responsible use of name-based demographic inference.
... First, the phenomenon of post-migration name assimilation is gendered. Immigrants choose names from the host country more often for their daughters than their sons (Lieberson et al. 2000, p. 1249, Sue and Telles 2007, p. 1383, Gerhards and Tuppat 2020. The latter study, for instance, finds a 35% points higher likelihood of choosing name assimilation for female descendants (ibid., p. 610). ...
Uncovering the world’s ethnic inequalities is hampered by a lack of ethnicity-annotated datasets. Name-ethnicity classifiers (NECs) can help, as they are able to infer people’s ethnicities from their names. However, since the latest generation of NECs rely on machine learning and artificial intelligence (AI), they may suffer from the same racist and sexist biases found in many AIs. Therefore, this paper offers an algorithmic fairness audit of three NECs. It finds that the UK-Census-trained EthnicityEstimator displays large accuracy biases with regards to ethnicity, but relatively less among gender and age groups. In contrast, the Twitter-trained NamePrism and the Wikipedia-trained Ethnicolr are more balanced among ethnicity, but less among gender and age. We relate these biases to global power structures manifested in naming conventions and NECs’ input distribution of names. To improve on the uncovered biases, we program a novel NEC, N2E, using fairness-aware AI techniques. We make N2E freely available at www.name-to-ethnicity.com.
... Education is proven to impact local and rural communities in terms of communication benefits. Once women access education, their trend and image in society increase performance which is passed on to their children [21,23]. ...
Gender equality and women in particular have recently gained attention by researchers, development organizations and human rights activists. The issues around gender and the inequality that exists have been evidenced most in less developed countries including Uganda. In regard to the present paper, critical reviews have eloquently provided empirical and conclusive issues that places women at a disadvantage in economic growth and societal development. Objectively, it provides a clear sense of direction for policy review and development concerns. Various research papers, reports and findings were critically investigated and found out that women were more inferiorly treated than men, and hence gender inequality exercised. World over, stylized evidences from different models and theories recognize the role of women in development. They are into livelihood and productivity, education, agriculture and health. In the recent times, where we have high level of industrialization and digitalization, women though not fully recognized, a lot is done by them to produce and market both industrial and agricultural products. The literature outlines that dynamics and issues around gender span from the aspect of economic development, including but not limited to women involvement in resource allocation, legal structures on inheritance, power in politics and household decision making, labour and credit market access, education and others. Our review findings indicate the need for extra engagement with gender as a unit of analysis in developing nations, with further engagement on inclusive and intersectional feminisms.
... For instance, knowing the fetal sex was associated with pregnant women talking to the unborn child in a gendered manner ("How is mommy's sweet girl doing in there?"), using gendered pronouns, and calling the unborn child by a gendered given name (Barnes, 2015). In addition, parents often choose a name for their child before birth, with most names being gendered in nature (Lieberson et al., 2000), and gender-typed name choices are associated with later gender-specific treatment of children by parents (Erwin, 1995). Notably, these forms of parental gender socialization have been associated with gender differences in language skills (Pruden & Levine, 2017), academic achievement (Updegraff et al., 1996), occupational preferences (Sandberg et al., 1991), and problem behaviors in children (Endendijk et al., 2017) in later child development. ...
There is a longstanding tradition in the Netherlands to announce the birth of a child by sending out birth announcement cards to friends and family. These cards provide a glimpse of the ‘zeitgeist’ over the years regarding gender through the way in which the birth of a son or a daughter is announced. The current study examined the gender-typed content of birth announcement cards from 1940 until 2019. To this end, 4669 birth announcement cards were coded based on the following categories: gender of baby, use of color, different types of images, and different types of text. Logistic regression analyses revealed that boy cards were more likely than girl cards to include blue as the dominant color, masculine descriptions of the baby, and parental expressions of pride. Girl cards were more likely than boy cards to include pink as the dominant color and images of flowers. Over time there was a decrease in the inclusion of masculine descriptions on boy cards, as well as the likelihood that fathers were mentioned before mothers. However, the expression of pride on boy cards increased over time. Overall, the amount of gender-typed content in birth announcement cards was minimal. Birth announcement cards which included gender-typed content tended to reflect gender stereotypes and different expressions for boys and girls in subtle ways that continue to reinforce gender stereotypes.
... First names often act as markers of social identity. They typically reveal information about the person's gender and sometimes even about their generation, social class, or ethnic origin (Lieberson and Mikelson 1995;Lieberson, Dumais, and Baumann 2000;Sue and Telles 2007). In Germany, a person called Eylül or Pavlov might be inferred to come from an immigrant family based on the name. ...
This study investigates why some immigrants choose names for their children that are common in their home country whereas others opt for names used by natives in the host country. Drawing on the sociological literature on symbolic boundaries, the first strategy can be described as boundary-maintenance whereas the second can be classified as boundary-crossing. Using data from the German Socio-Economic Panel Study and applying bivariate and multivariate methods, two broader explanations for name-giving practices are tested: (1) cultural proximity and the permeability of the symbolic boundary between home and host country; and (2) immigrants’ levels of linguistic, structural, social, and emotional integration in the host country. Overall, the theoretical model explains the differences very satisfactorily. Whilst both sets of factors proved relevant to immigrants’ name-giving practices, the immigrants’ level of integration in the host country was less important than the cultural proximity between the origin group and host country.
... Girl names varied more than boy names: of the 63,697 different names registered, 13,697 occurred more than three times and 55% were for girls, 45% for boys. Figure 1 shows that more boys share the most popular boy names than girls, perhaps reflecting the historical observation that girl names are more variable and girls may be more likely to receive androgynous names than boys (Lieberson, Dumais, & Baumann, 2000). ...
Gender bias exists in our language environment. We investigated personal name usage in two large corpora of language written for and by U.K. children aged 5-13. Study 1 found an overrepresentation of male names in children's books, largely attributable to male authors. In stories written by over 100,000 children, Study 2 found an overall male bias that interacted with age. Younger children wrote more about their own gender. With age, girls became more balanced yet boys continued to show a strong male bias. Our findings demonstrate a male-centered bias in both children's books and their own writing. We consider the power of written language to both shape and be shaped by cultural stereotypes via systematic biases in gender associations.
... Indeed, several experimental studies find that women are perceived to be significantly less competent and to have lower overall abilities compared with men with equivalent qualifications and credentials (Biernat and Kobrynowicz 1997;Foschi 1996;Moss-Racusin et al. 2012;Swim et al. 1989), as are mothers when compared with equally qualified fathers (Correll, Benard, and Paik 2007;Cuddy, Fiske, and Glick 2004). Similarly, research on androgynous baby names in the United States finds that as they become popular, they cease to be given to boys and become names only for girls (Lieberson, Dumais, and Baumann 2000) illustrating a patterned devaluation associated with femininity for boys and men. Relatedly, research shows that transgender men receive more authority, respect, and rewards after transitioning from being socially recognized as women to being socially recognized as men (Dozier 2005;Schilt 2006;Schilt and Wiswall 2008). ...
It is difficult to gauge people’s acceptance about same-sex sexualities, as responses to questionnaires are prone to social desirability bias. We offer a new proxy for understanding popular concern surrounding same-sex sexualities: prevalence of Google searches demonstrating concern over gay/lesbian sexual identities. Using Google Trends data, we find that Google searches about whether a specific person is gay or lesbian show patterned bias toward masculine searches, in that such searches are much more frequently conducted about boys and men compared with girls and women. We put these findings into context by comparing search frequencies with other popular Google searches about sexuality and otherwise. We put forth that the patterned bias toward masculine searches illustrates support for the enduring relationship between masculinity and heterosexuality and that it does so on a larger scale than previous research has been able to establish.
... By excluding authors whose names were associated with a given gender ,95% of the time, we reduced the risk for inaccurate gender assignment but may have also disproportionately excluded authors from certain countries. Women are more likely to have androgynous names than men (Lieberson et al. 2000); therefore, this exclusion may also have resulted in slight exaggeration of the underrepresentation of female authors. However, given that we were able to utilize so many thousands of author data points, across multiple taxonomic groups and over time, we believe that the estimates we provide about the gender gap in herpetology publications accurately reflect the true patterns in authorship. ...
It is well-known that women are underrepresented in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM), but the extent of this underrepresentation varies among STEM fields. Analyzing gender demographics of publications within a field is an effective means of quantifying representation because of the importance of publications to scientists' careers and to the scientific community. We created a data set consisting of all publications accessed with a database search on each taxonomic order of herpetofauna (Anura, Caudata, Gymnophiona, Testudines, Crocodylia, Rhynchocephalia, and Squamata) as well as squamate suborders (Amphisbaenia, Lacertilia, Serpentes) from 2010 to 2019, and another data set with all publications on Lacertilia and Serpentes from 1970 to 2019, and used these data sets to estimate the genders of authors. During the past decade, our estimates show that male authors outnumbered female authors 2.24:1, with especially low levels of authorship by females in studies on Gymnophiona, Crocodylia, and Squamata. However, female authorship increased steadily during the decade. While male first authors also outnumbered females 1.95:1, male last authors outnumbered females 3.30:1, and male sole authors outnumbered females 5.29:1. Papers with female first authors or last authors were more likely to have female coauthors than were papers with male first authors or last authors. Papers with female first authors were more likely to be cited than papers with male first authors, and papers with female last authors were less likely to be cited than those with male last authors. Finally, qualitative analysis of authorship estimates in studies on lizards and snakes over the past 50 yr show that female authors represented about 10–15% of authors from 1970 to 2000, followed by a rapid rise in female authorship over the past 20 yr to current rates of >30% female authorship. Our data suggest that the gender gap in herpetology, which has traditionally appeared to be a male-dominated field, is slowly narrowing.
... were categorized as women, 23 (30.7%) as men, and 25 (33.3%) as unknown. Gender categories were recorded when commenters identified their gender in their posts, when their moniker included a reference to gender (e.g., "MartianBachelor"), or when their post used a gendertyped first name (considered a reasonable indicator of gender category [see Lieberson, Dumais, and Baumann 2000;Mueller and Stumme 2016]). The likelihood of commenters misrepresenting their gender in a news forum is low (see herring and Stoerger 2014). ...
We provide a qualitative analysis of resistance to calls for gender-neutral language. We analyzed more than 900 comments responding to two essays—one on AlterNet and another on Vox posted to the Vox editor’s Facebook page—that critiqued a pervasive male-based generic, “you guys.” Five rhetorics of resistance are discussed: appeals to origins, appeals to linguistic authority, appeals to aesthetics, appeals to intentionality and inclusivity, and appeals to women and feminist authorities. These rhetorics justified “you guys” as a nonsexist term, thereby allowing commenters to continue using it without compromising their moral identities as liberals or feminists. In addition to resisting an analysis that linked their use of “you guys” to social harms, commenters positioned the authors who called for true generics as unreasonable, divisive, and authoritarian. We conclude with suggestions for how feminists can challenge the status quo and promote social change.
... First names often act as markers of social identity. They typically reveal information about the person's gender and sometimes even about their generation, social class, or ethnic origin (Lieberson and Mikelson 1995;Lieberson, Dumais, and Baumann 2000;Sue and Telles 2007). In Germany, a person called Eylül or Pavlov might be inferred to come from an immigrant family based on the name. ...
The study investigates why some immigrants choose names for their children that are common in their home country whereas others opt for names used by natives in the host country. Drawing on the sociological literature on symbolic boundaries, the first strategy can be described as boundary-maintenance whereas the second can be classified as boundary-crossing. Using data from the German SocioEconomic Panel Study and applying bivariate and multivariate methods, two broader explanations for name-giving practices are tested: (1) cultural proximity and the permeability of the symbolic boundary between home and host country, and (2) immigrants' levels of linguistic, structural, social, and emotional integration in the host country. Overall, the theoretical model explains the differences very satisfactorily. Whilst both sets of factors proved relevant to immigrants' name-giving practices, the immigrants' level of integration in the host country was less important than the cultural proximity between the origin group and host country.
... Vornamen sind normalerweise frei gewählte Merkmale, zudem – im Vergleich zu anderen Identitätsmarkern wie teure Konsumgüter oder inkorporierte kulturelle Ka‐ pitalien – Merkmale, deren " Konsum " mit keinen Kosten verbunden ist (vgl. dazu Lieberson 2000). Das Wohnen in einer Villa, das Tragen von teuren Kleidern oder das elaborierte und distinguierte Reden über die letzte Picasso‐Ausstellung in der Neuen Nationalgalerie dienen häufig auch als Merkmale der Konstruktion einer sozialen I‐ dentität. ...
Im Rahmen der mit der EU-Integration und mit zuk�nftigen Erweiterungen verbundenen Freiz�gigkeitsregelungen stellt sich vermehrt die Frage nach der Integration von Zuwanderern aus L�ndern innerhalb und au�erhalb Europas. In diesem Beitrag fragen wir am Beispiel von Migranten aus drei Herkunftsgruppen (S�dwesteuropa, Ex-Jugoslawien, T�rkei) danach, unter welchen Bedingungen sich Zuwanderer am ehesten an die deutsche Gesellschaft anpassen. Um die abh�ngige Variable "Assimilation" zu messen, benutzen wir einen ungew�hnlichen, aber sehr aussagekr�ftigen Indikator - die Vergabe von Vornamen an in Deutschland geborene Kinder von Zuwanderern. Mit Daten des SOEP l�sst sich zeigen, dass Zuwanderer aus der T�rkei gegen�ber solchen aus dem ehemaligen Jugoslawien und S�dwesteuropa seltener in Deutschland gebr�uchliche Vornamen vergeben, also weniger angepasst sind. Ebenso steigt die Wahrscheinlichkeit der Vergabe deutscher Vornamen bei Zuwanderern mit hoher Bildung, christlicher Konfession und deutscher Staatsb�rgerschaft. Bei der Interpretation der Ergebnisse ist jedoch zu beachten, dass sich die Ausgangssituation f�r die Migrantengruppen unterscheidet. Der Pool an Vornamen, auf die zur�ckgegriffen wird, ist in Deutschland durch die christliche Tradition gepr�gt, die mit den s�dwesteurop�ischen L�ndern geteilt wird, so dass es in der Namensvergabe in diesen L�ndern gro�e �berschneidungen gibt. Relativiert man den Assimilationsgrad t�rkischen Zuwanderer um die von vornherein gr��ere kulturelle und sprachliche Distanz, zeigen sie eine genauso gro�e Anpassungsbereitschaft wie die anderen Gruppen.
... 3 2 Related Work Pilcher (2017) shows that names function not only to identify individuals, but also to manage gender throughout one's life. There is a strong cultural norm in various parts of the world to assign a first name to newborns as per their category of sex (Pilcher, 2017;Barry III and Harper, 2014;Lieberson et al., 2000;Alford, 1987). Pilcher (2017) argues that, throughout their life, the first name plays a role in repeatedly categorizing a person as being male or female. ...
Disparities in authorship and citations across genders can have substantial adverse consequences not just on the disadvantaged gender, but also on the field of study as a whole. In this work, we examine female first author percentages and the citations to their papers in Natural Language Processing. We find that only about 29% of first authors are female and only about 25% of last authors are female. Notably, this percentage has not improved since the mid 2000s. We also show that, on average, female first authors are cited less than male first authors, even when controlling for experience and area of research. We hope that recording citation and participation gaps across demographic groups will improve awareness of gender gaps and encourage more inclusiveness and fairness in research.
... Numele unisex, numite și nume androgenice sau nume epicene, sunt neutre din punct de vedere gender, pentru că nu au desinențe specifice care să indice genul biologic al persoanei, iar apariția lor este o consecință a emancipării femeii și a faptului că femeile militează tot mai pregnant pentru drepturile lor și vor fi tot mai frecvente în următoarele decenii, consideră cercetătorii Lieberson, Dumais, Baumann [7]. ...
Din punctul de vedere al frecvenței onomastice, nucleul inventarului de nume actual al Republicii Moldova (în special al orașului Orhei) îl constituie prenumele calendaristice, care, în pofida concurenței numelor laice, cele mai multe conjuncturale, rezistă modei și influențelor externe. Cu toate acestea, în ultimul timp se observă o tendință gene-rală de modernizare a onomasticonului tradițional, tendință care se manifestă atât prin apariția diferitelor forme scurte și hipocoristice, cât și prin prezența unor dublete antroponimice sau nume pare, formate prin derivarea numelor de persoană de la masculine la feminine (derivare regresivă), și invers-de la feminine la masculine (derivare progresivă). De menționat că în urma procesului de derivare au apărut o serie de prenume neconvenționale, cum ar fi hipocoristicele sau formele scurte, care pot fi considerate prenume unisex, dat fiind faptul că sunt neutre din punct de vedere gender și nu au desinențe specifice care să indice genul biologic al persoanei. Cuvinte-cheie: gender, inventar de nume, derivare progresivă, derivare regresivă, dublete antroponimice, prenume unisex. THE ACTUAL INVENTORY OF THE FIRST NAMES FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE GENDER SPECIFIC OF THE FIRST NAMES (with reference to Orhei's onomastic) From the point of view of the onomastic frequency, the nucleus of the current name inventory of the Republic of Moldova (especially of the Orhei town) consists from calendaristic (Christian) first names, which, despite the competition of the modern names, resists the fashion and the external influences. However, nowadays, there is a general tendency to modernize the traditional inventory of names, a tendency that manifests both through the appearance of various short and hypocoristic forms and by the appearance of a series of anthroponymic doubles or pair names, formed by the derivation of the first names, from masculine to feminine (regression derivation) and vice versa, from feminine to masculine (progressive derivation). It must be mentioned that the process of derivation generated a series of unconventional names such as hypocoristic forms or short forms, which can be considered unisex names because they are gender neutral and do not have specific markers to indicate the biological sex of the person. Studiul antroponimelor este în strânsă legătură cu evoluția societății, deoarece constituirea numelor de persoană depinde de structura societății în ansamblul ei. Schimbările înregistrate la nivel de micro-și macro-grup social atrag după sine și modificarea sistemului antroponimic, pentru că numele este oglinda unei colectivități și a unui ansamblu de relații interumane. Chiar dacă dimensiunea tradițional-religioasă constituie o trăsătură definitorie a onomasticonului actual, în ultimul timp inventarul de nume este puternic influențat de procesul de globalizare, de procesul de migrare a populației, de libertatea părinților de a atribui copiilor prenumele dorite, prenume care, adesea, transcend tradiționalul și care situează sistemul onomastic contemporan la limita dintre vechi și nou. Având în vedere cele scrise mai sus, în prezentul articol ne-am propus să facem o analiză a aspectelor legate de procesul de migrare a populației și de libertatea părinților de a alege și a acorda nou-născuților prenumele pe care le preferă și inflența acestor aspecte asupra atribuirii și dinamicii numelor de botez înre-gistrate în Registrele alfabetice ale actelor de naștere, oferite de către Serviciul Stare Civilă al municipiului Orhei. Orheiul este un oraș vechi situat în centrul Republicii Moldova, mai exact în partea de nord a Codrilor Orheiului, într-o zonă pitorească, cu tradiții culturale seculare și un evident potențial turistic. Este centru cultural și administrativ al municipiului cu același nume, înscriindu-se printre cele 9 orașe mari ale Republicii Moldova, devenite importante centre economice.
... The 'UK local BMD' birth records omit the sex assigned to each individual. Although the gender of each name can be predicted, this is not trivial: many names are unisex (although, like Leslie and Robin, more likely to be female [Lieberson, Dumais, and Baumann 2000]) and many records are ambiguous in the absence of contextual information (for instance, knowing only the forename, ...
The naming of a newborn for a deceased relative is a means by which a meaningful connection can be maintained with the dead. This study analyses the birth, marriage and death records of England and Wales to highlight a historic naming custom–that should a child die shortly after birth, their name could often be re-used for a later sibling.
This re-use of names in response to child bereavement is considered in the context of historic and cross-cultural naming customs offering pragmatic responses to infant mortality, such as apotropaic (protective) naming, and within the theoretical framework of ‘continuing bonds’, whereby namesakes can facilitate a post-mortem social life for the deceased. By considering the intricate relationship between one’s name and one’s personhood, the re-use of a name in full, shortly after death, could be interpreted as the symbolic reincarnation of an individual, rather than simply as a commemorative act.
... This high proportion is partly due to the necessity to remove relatively gender ambiguous or unisex names as well as rare names (for which reliable gender statistics are not available) in order to have a low proportion of false matches. The use of first names to approximate gender may slightly over represent males since a greater proportion of females have gender ambiguous first names (Lieberson, Dumais, & Baumann, 2000). This method has the advantage of transparency in contrast to online gender identification API services, and so it can be reproduced and its limitations understood. ...
Although the gender gap in academia has narrowed, females are underrepresented within some fields in the USA. Prior research suggests that the imbalances between science, technology, engineering and mathematics fields may be partly due to greater male interest in things and greater female interest in people, or to off-putting masculine cultures in some disciplines. To seek more detailed insights across all subjects, this article compares practising US male and female researchers between and within 285 narrow Scopus fields inside 26 broad fields from their first-authored articles published in 2017. The comparison is based on publishing fields and the words used in article titles, abstracts, and keywords. The results cannot be fully explained by the people/thing dimensions. Exceptions include greater female interest in veterinary science and cell biology and greater male interest in abstraction, patients, and power/control fields, such as politics and law. These may be due to other factors, such as the ability of a career to provide status or social impact or the availability of alternative careers. As a possible side effect of the partial people/thing relationship, females are more likely to use exploratory and qualitative methods and males are more likely to use quantitative methods. The results suggest that the necessary steps of eliminating explicit and implicit gender bias in academia are insufficient and might be complemented by measures to make fields more attractive to minority genders.
... For example, without contextual information Nicola may be an English female name or an Italian male name. Although unisex names, such as Leslie and Robin, are more likely to be female [21], we have not sought to assign them in this corpus. In total the dataset includes 3,246 names: 1,656 female, 1221 male, and 260 unisex. ...
Chosen names reflect changes in societal values, personal tastes and cultural diversity. Vogues in name usage can be easily shown on a case by case basis, by plotting the rise and fall in their popularity over time. However, individual name choices are not made in isolation and trends in naming are better understood as group-level phenomena. Here we use network analysis to examine onomastic (name) datasets in order to explore the influences on name choices within the UK over the last 170 years. Using a large representative sample of approximately 22 million forenames from England and Wales given between 1838 and 2014, along with a complete population sample of births registered between 1996 and 2016, we demonstrate how trends in name usage can be visualised as network graphs. By exploring the structure of these graphs various patterns of name use become apparent, a consequence of external social forces, such as migration, operating in concert with internal mechanisms of change. In general, we show that the topology of network graphs can reveal naming vogues, and that naming vogues in part reflect social and demographic changes. Many name choices are consistent with a self-correcting feedback loop, whereby rarer names become common because there are virtues perceived in their rarity, yet with these perceived virtues lost upon increasing commonality. Towards the present day, we can speculate that the comparatively greater range of media, freedom of movement, and ability to maintain globally-distributed social networks increases the number of possible names, but also ensures they may more quickly be perceived as commonplace. Consequently, contemporary naming vogues are relatively short-lived with many name choices appearing a balance struck between recognisability and rarity. The data are available in multiple forms including via an easy-to-use web interface at http://demos.flourish.studio/namehistory.
... Records with an unknown first author gender (43%) were removed. The use of first names to approximate gender may slightly over represent males since a greater proportion of females have gender ambiguous first names (Lieberson, Dumais, & Baumann, 2000). This method has the advantage of transparency in contrast to online gender identification API services, and so it can be reproduced and its limitations understood. ...
Although the gender gap in academia has narrowed, females are underrepresented within some fields in the USA. Prior research suggests that the imbalances between science, technology, engineering and mathematics fields may be partly due to greater male interest in things and greater female interest in people, or to off-putting masculine cultures in some disciplines. To seek more detailed insights across all subjects, this article compares practising US male and female researchers between and within 285 narrow Scopus fields inside 26 broad fields from their first-authored articles published in 2017. The comparison is based on publishing fields and the words used in article titles, abstracts, and keywords. The results cannot be fully explained by the people/thing dimensions. Exceptions include greater female interest in veterinary science and cell biology and greater male interest in abstraction, patients, and power/control fields, such as politics and law. These may be due to other factors, such as the ability of a career to provide status or social impact or the availability of alternative careers. As a possible side effect of the partial people/thing relationship, females are more likely to use exploratory and qualitative methods and males are more likely to use quantitative methods.
Çocukluk dönemi, bireyin toplumsal kimliğinin ve cinsiyet rollerinin temellerinin atıldığı kritik
bir evre olarak değerlendirilmektedir. Toplumsal cinsiyet ise bireyin biyolojik cinsiyetinden
bağımsız olarak toplum tarafından atfedilen roller, davranışlar ve beklentiler bütünü olarak
tanımlanmaktadır. Toplumsal cinsiyetin kuramsal çerçevesi içinde yer alan sosyal öğrenme
kuramı üzerinden cinsiyet rollerinin nasıl aktarıldığı açık bir şekilde görülmektedir. İlgili
kuramsal temelden hareketle bu çalışmada öncelikle oyuncakların cinsiyete göre ayrıştırılması,
renk kodlamaları ve oyuncak reklamlarının çocukların cinsiyet algısı üzerindeki etkisi
tartışılmaktadır. Oyuncakların yanı sıra, kıyafetler de toplumsal cinsiyet rollerini pekiştiren
önemli bir araç olarak ele alınmakta; bebeklikten itibaren kız ve erkek çocuklarına yönelik
giyim pratiklerinin nasıl farklılaştığı incelenmektedir. Çalışmanın bir diğer odak noktasını
ebeveynlerin çocuklarına yönelik tutum ve davranışları oluşturmaktadır. Ebeveynlerin bilinçli
ya da bilinçsiz bir şekilde çocuklarına cinsiyetçi roller aktardıkları; oyuncak seçiminden, kıyafet
tercihlerine ve çocuk yetiştirme pratiklerine kadar geniş bir alanda bu rollerin yeniden üretildiği
görülmektedir. Bu çalışmada, toplumsal cinsiyet rollerinin çocukluk döneminde nasıl inşa
edildiğini oyuncaklar, kıyafetler ve ebeveyn tutumları üzerinden incelenmektedir. Sonuç olarak
bu çalışma, çocuklukta toplumsal cinsiyet rollerinin inşasında oyuncakların, kıyafetlerin ve
ebeveyn tutumlarının kritik bir rol oynadığını göstermektedir. Toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliğini
sağlamak adına cinsiyetçi tutumların fark edilmesi, ebeveynler ve eğitimciler için önemli bir
adım olarak öne çıkmaktadır.
Punkt wyjścia rozważań stanowi ustalony historycznie w warunkach polskich wzorzec nadawania imion osobowych, który wiąże się z wyraźną różnicą między imionami męskimi i żeńskimi. Na tej zasadzie forma językowa wielu imion jest skorelowana z określoną płcią, to jest zawiera odpowiedni gramatyczny wskaźnik rodzajowy pozwalający na ich zidentyfikowanie w polskiej świadomości językowej jako męskich lub żeńskich. Przyjęte społecznie sposoby kodowania informacji o płci mają oparcie w utrwalonych kognitywnie schematach, za pomocą których użytkownik języka dokonuje kategoryzacji imion jako wyrażeń językowych. Schemat łączy się z przyporządkowaną do rodzaju formą językową imion. Biorąc pod uwagę cechy morfologiczne (fleksyjne) imion osobowych można wydzielić w tej klasie antroponimicznej nazwy bardziej i mniej prototypowe ze względu na kategorię płci. Do tych pierwszych będą należeć imiona, w których informacja o płci osoby przekazywana jest najwyraźniej pod względem systemowym (na podstawie schematów prymarnych), czyli w przykładach, w których rodzaj męski wyraża w formie kanonicznej (M. lp.) końcówka zerowa i spółgłoskowe zakończenie tematu, a rodzaj żeński końcówka -a. Obserwacja uzusu pokazuje, że mamy też w polszczyźnie do czynienia z imionami, w których ustalona w ten sposób korelacja między formą językową a płcią nosicieli ulega zaburzeniu, co przejawia się w tym, że mogą być one używane jako męskie i żeńskie. Z tej perspektywy rozpatrywane są wystąpienia językowe, w których dochodzi do rozszerzenia referencji płci i funkcjonowania niektórych (zwłaszcza nowszych i mniej tradycyjnych) imion w kategoriach uniseks. Nacisk konwencji językowych i wzorów kulturowych sprawia, że imiona uniseks są w warunkach polskich zjawiskiem bardzo ograniczonym pod względem uzualnym, o którym wiedzę użytkownicy imion czerpią z innych języków (obce wzory nazewnicze) i w coraz szerszym zakresie z mediów, przede wszystkim z Internetu. Zwyczaje imiennicze w Polsce zmieniają się i w kontekście tych zmian można też rozpatrywać występowanie nazw wspólnych dla obu płci. Ponieważ jednak nie służą one płci, można przypuszczać, że tak jak obecnie będą one miały w polszczyźnie charakter marginalny. Kolejne zagadnienie to zmiany imion wynikające z różnych genderowych koncepcji siebie. Stanowią one w dzisiejszej Polsce zauważalny trend, który trzeba dokładniej zanalizować.
This paper presents the findings of qualitative research that is part of a larger project investigating the recent phenomenon of non-gender-specific names in Japan. One objective of the project, and the focus of this study, is to gain insight into how such names are perceived by their bearers, what experiences these individuals have had with their names, and how these experiences have shaped their perception of and identification with their name, and their future name preferences. The findings obtained from thematic analysis of interviews with 35 university students, aged 18–26, suggest that the perception of their names is influenced especially by the inherent qualities and characteristics of the names themselves, the individuals’ immediate environment, and reactions their names elicit. Many of the interviewees described a common trajectory: from not particularly liking or even
disliking their own name during childhood or teenage years due to perceived lack of femininity or masculinity and gender misidentification to later appreciating that it does not
indicate a particular gender and valuing its uniqueness. However, despite accepting and being fond of their own gender-neutral names, the participants did not necessarily view this type of name as a preferable option for their own future children.
How do people conduct gender classification in ambiguous contexts? A gender framing perspective suggests the pervasiveness and consequences of using gender in novel contexts, but there is a paucity of knowledge about how people assign a gender to ambiguous targets in interpersonal relations. This study fills in this knowledge gap by investigating how U.S. individuals classify the gender of two types of gender-ambiguous names—Chinese names written in English letters and gender-neutral American names. It also examines how respondents’ gender ideologies and racial stereotypes are associated with their perceptions of gender-ambiguous names. An online survey experiment with 795 U.S. individuals finds that respondents predominantly assign a binary gender (versus neutral or unsure) to both Chinese names (40.8 percent men and 37.4 percent women) and gender-neutral American names (41.1 percent men and 19.4 percent women). Multivariate analyses reveal that respondents with traditional gender ideologies associate a gender-binary perception with gender-neutral American names rather than Chinese names. Meanwhile, respondents who endorse the racialized stereotypes that Chinese people are socially cold and/or generally competent are more likely to perceive Chinese names as men’s names. These findings demonstrate that a gender-binary frame persists in ambiguous contexts, and that the classification outcome is conditional on contextual signals and preexisting cultural beliefs. They also deepen understanding of gender neutrality during social interactions and a gendered nature of racialized stereotypes.
Children are often given a name based in some part on the sex they were assigned at birth. For trans youth, their given name does not always reflect their gender and so an aspect of their transition often includes changing their name. Drawing on interviews with trans youth in Australia, Ireland and Canada, I explore how trans youths’ naming practices offer insight into the ways that they express their desire for intelligibility and safety, while simultaneously navigating gender norms and a new sense of identity. In this paper, I engage with trans studies and critical child studies to argue that naming practices are a trans technology that trans youth use to strategically navigate gender. For some trans youth, chosen first names are described as way to be seen as one of the two societally recognized genders (man or woman), and for others, their chosen first name reflects their resistance to cisnormativity and naming practices that adhere to binary gender norms.
През последните две десетилетия тенденциите към плурилингвизъм и глобализация в рамките на ЕС се отразяват и върху българската езикова ситуация. Проявяват се и в българската антропонимия, която също се характеризира с глобализиране чрез интернационализиране. В резултат на това при личните имена се наблюдават актуални процеси, пораждащи явления, които биха могли да се определят като гранични. Най-общо казано, те се изразяват, първо, в преноса на множество чужди лични имена от най-различни (близки или непознати) култури, като в повечето случаи не се адаптират към нормите на българския език (Джой, Дуйгу, Ефе, Нанси). Нетипичният контекст, в който те биват преместени, ги превръща в неконвенционални лични имена. Второ, наблюдава се прекрачване на установените граматични норми, изразяващо се в изпускането на задължителната за българския език флексия за женски род (Елен, Ивелин, Кристин). Тези две явления имат пряка връзка с появата и утвърждаването на т.нар. унисекс имена, доскоро непознати за българската официална (конвенционална) антропонимия. Настоящото изследване анализира в каква степен посочените нови явления, смятани на този етап за гранични, засягат различните видове официални антропоними (лични, бащини и фамилни имена). Споменатите явления са проява на две отчетливи тенденции при личните имена – към заличаване на границата между бащино и лично име и към преход от полово определени към полово неопределени имена. Безспорно това са гранични явления, които може да се интерпретират като наченки на нов етап в развитието на българската личноименна система.
We investigate the educational and employment consequences of having a gender discordant name – one that is also given to people of a different gender. People with discordant names may be more likely to experience stigma due to the conflicting signal between their gender and the perceptions of femininity or masculinity associated with their names. Our primary measure of discordance is based on the percentage of men and women with each first name, using a large administrative dataset from Brazil. We find that both men and women with gender discordant names attain significantly less education. Gender discordant names are also negatively and significantly associated with earnings though, after controlling for educational attainment, only people with the most discordant names have significantly lower earnings. These results are corroborated when using crowd-sourced gender perceptions of names in our dataset, which suggests that stereotypes and the judgments of others are a probable mechanism for the observed disparities.
The social environment has long been recognized as an important context for human development in general and gender development in particular. Children’s environments are replete with cues about gender appropriateness and models of gendered behavior. Children receive direct and indirect feedback about their gendered behavior such as the reward of social approval by peers or parents. As a result, gender role differences appear early, especially in domains where the environment is strongly gender-differentiated such as in the realm of play or children’s media. From early in life, boys and girls show gender-differentiated preferences for color, toys, and same-gender peers. In this chapter we review classic and contemporary theories of gender development with a focus on Social Cognitive Theory (Bussey & Bandura, 1999) and a newer developmental model of persuasion (Buijzen et al., 2010). We then discuss environmental contexts in which social influences operate to produce gender role development, including parents, peers, school, toys and play, and children’s media.KeywordsSocial Cognitive TheoryDevelopmental Persuasion ModelGender developmentGender socialization
Culture scholars have shown that cultural intermediaries play a crucial role in the reproduction of inequalities in consecration (Corse and Westervelt, 2002; Maguire Smith and Matthews, 2012; Miller, 2014; Ridgeway, 2011; Steinberg, 1990 cited in Bourdieu, 2010). However, the analysis of gender inequalities in reception and canonization has focused on individual bias, neglecting the contribution of scholars of hegemonic masculinity about the importance of patterned practices in the reproduction of men’s dominance over women (Connell and Messerschmidt, 2005). Given that art worlds are not settings where typical markers of hegemonic masculinity are valued, such as money and physical prowess, what are the tools of hegemonic masculinity in art worlds? I answer this question through a comparative analysis of the reception of two iconic Canadian feminist novels: L’Euguélionne (2012 [1976]) by Louky Bersianik and The Handmaid’s Tale (1985) by Margaret Atwood. Building on feminist scholarship, I find that the discursive apparatus of hegemonic masculinity in art worlds consists of a derogatory method of reading employed by critics in newspapers. This method of reading is founded on three discursive components: (i) a reductive reading of feminist politics; (ii) a man-centred assessment of feminism and (iii) a questioning of women’s creative credibility which belittles the contribution of feminist authors. By translating the concept of boys’ club (Delvaux, 2019) and identifying its derogatory method of reading, I propose a framework that illuminates how critical appraisal shapes discursive resources available for both professional and non-professional readers to draw upon for evaluation and classification of women’s cultural productions and feminist engagements.
Names? What is in a name? This article endeavors to investigate what is in a name. Names are an important part of an individual’s identity. Names, depending on one’s culture, defines and identifies an individual. How an individual obtains a name, who names the individual, be it the father or mother of a newborn, or even grandparents, has a lifetime impact on the named individual. There are implications when naming a newborn at birth because the named individual may in the future be transgender. This situation brings negative consequences for any transgender when assigned a name usually associated with a gender. This article conducts a systematic database search for the evaluation of ethical impact on gender non-conforming names.
La distinción de género en los antropónimos es un reto que abordamos a partir de tres rasgos estructurales: la longitud, la terminación y el patrón acentual de este tipo de nombres propios. A partir de dos repertorios de índole diferente y aplicando pruebas de tipo estadístico, observamos cambios significativos en la evolución de los nombres de persona: se produce un proceso de desambiguación genérica, que afecta especialmente al repertorio de los antropónimos femeninos.
We analyze gender differences in immigrants’ ethnic boundary making using the example of name giving. We draw on the well-established finding that immigrants are more likely to choose a name that is common in the host country (strategy of boundary crossing) for female than for male descendants. We distinguish between two dimensions that help us to understand the gender gap in naming: the impact of origin-specific factors (institutionalization of gender equality in the country of origin and religious affiliation) and immigrants’ level of integration into the host country. Using data from the German Socio-Economic Panel Study on immigrants from 49 countries, we show that both sets of factors have a strong impact on immigrants’ boundary making in naming, as well as on the extent of the difference between daughters and sons: traditional gender role attitudes foster the gender gap in naming, whereas integration into the host country reduces it.
Scholars have argued that androgynous names—names given to both boys and girls—are unstable because parents prefer single-gender names. This single-gender preference creates bandwagon effects: as a name is increasingly given to girls, it becomes less attractive for parents of boys, and vice-versa. We contrast this bandwagon model with a taste model: in the taste model parents evaluate name gender based on how a name's spelling or phonology signals its similarity to other gendered names. We first show that previous research on androgynous names makes conceptual errors which render its conclusions unreliable. Using more extensive data and new analyses, we show that popularity for both boys and girls for most androgynous names tends to rise and fall in tandem, as opposed to popularity with one sex making the name less popular for the other. Androgynous names, moreover, remain in use for longer lengths of time compared to nonandrogynous names. In short, androgynous names, although rare, are stably androgynous. Finally, we show that many examples of names switching from one gender to another, such as Leslie or Ashley, were part of a larger shift in tastes which made the long-e suffix more desirable for girls’ names. Following other work on name adoption, and larger debates in the literature on cultural consumption, we argue that gendered baby-naming is more consistent with a taste model of cultural adoption, as opposed to a bandwagon model.
Monografia „Studiu asupra prenumelor actuale (pe material din municipiul Orhei)” este consacrată unui subiect mai puțin abordat în ultimul timp, și anume sistemului antroponimic din Republica Moldova. Este logic faptul că din antroponimie s-a ales prenumele, deoarece această componentă a numelui de persoană este cea mai „mobilă”, se află într-o permanentă evoluție, fiind marcată de diverși factori sociali și psihologici.
Scholars have illustrated the significance of forenames in processes of social identity and personhood, yet little attention has focused on the relationship between names and gender identity among people of transgender experience. This article uses mixed methods to consider what’s in a name among people of transgender experience whose gender identities are within and outside of the gender binary. Chi-square analyses demonstrate a robust association between gender identity and gendered characteristics of the current name. While there are nuanced differences according to gender identity, renaming is fundamental to recognition and an important cultural practice for all people of transgender experience. Names are also controllable state objects, which pose tensions between administrative governance and the individual, who has the right to legally amend them. Ultimately, transgender name stories reveal the ways that names become active sites of contested citizenship.
This squib examines how the multifaceted nature of "gender" (human and linguistic) interacts with grammatical operations such as coreference dependency formation. It particularly focuses on how personal names and referents who identify as nonbinary can provide insight into the cognitive representations of gender. A three-tiered model of gender is proposed that unites grammatical, cognitive, social, and biological aspects and describes how implications of this model might be tested in future work.
Frequencies of first names given in Pennsylvania in 1960 and 1990 were used to identify 33 unisex names, given with substantial frequency to both sexes. According to earlier books of names for babies, most of the unisex names were given to boys. In 1990 most of the same names were given to more girls than boys. The findings support previous studies that names tend to evolve from masculine to unisex to feminine. Popularity of unisex names is usually brief. Most names given to a substantial number of boys and girls in one of the two years, 1960 or 1990, had low frequencies of one sex or both sexes in the other year.
IN RECENT years many indexes have been proposed to measure ecological segregation and many criteria for the evaluation of such a measure have been set forth. As Jahn, Schmid, and Schrag point out, there is theoretically virtually no limit to the number and variety of indexes of ecological segregation which might be constructed. The purpose of this paper is to examine the underlying logic of one set of these segregation indexes, namely, the Shevky-Williams index of isolation and group segregation ratio. A probability model is proposed which estimates the probable interaction between the members of the same racial, nationality, or cultural group and another is proposed which estimates the probable interaction among the members of different groups.
Residential segregation, especially of blacks from whites, remains the common pattern in urban America. This research examines
the part that popular attitudes on residential integration may play in the process of residential integration/segregation.
Using data from a large multiethnic sample survey in Los Angeles, we examine three hypotheses about the nature of attitudes
toward residential integration. The perceived economic status difference hypothesis holds that attitudes about racial residential
integration rest upon assumptions about likely class background differences between ethnic groups. The mere in-group preference
hypothesis suggests that ethnocentrism results in mutual across-group preferences for residential contact with in-group members.
The prejudice hypothesis suggests that hostile attitudes toward an out-group shape views on residential integration. Little
evidence in support of the perceived economic status difference and mere in-group preference hypotheses can be found. Theories
of prejudice, in particular Blumer's theory of group position, provide much greater leverage on residential integration attitudes.
We discuss the implications of the results for actual behavior and aggregate patterns of racial residential segregation.
Almost a decade ago, the Kerner Commission warned that this country was moving toward two societies—one white and one black. Data on residential segregation indicate clear-cut boundaries for these two societies—large cities are becoming black but most suburban areas remain white. Detroit is a case in point and this led the 1976 Detroit Area Study to investigate the sources of racial residential segregation. Our approach was guided by three hypothesized causes of this segregation: (i) the economic status of blacks, (ii) the preference of blacks to be with their own kind, and (iii) the resistance of whites to residential integration. We developed several new measurement techniques and found that most evidence supported the third hypothesis. Blacks in the Detroit area can afford suburban housing and both blacks and whites are quite knowledgable about the housing market. Most black respondents expressed a preference for mixed neighborhoods and are willing to enter such areas. Whites, on the other hand, are reluctant to remain in neighborhoods where blacks are moving in and will not buy homes in already integrated areas. This last result has been overlooked by traditional measures of white attitudes toward residential integration but emerges clearly with the new measure.
Most major urban areas remain segregated by race, especially in terms of black segregation from whites. We replicate and extend the innovative approach developed by Farley and colleagues for understanding processes of racial residential segregation with data collected in Los Angeles. Using a large (N = 4025) multiracial sample of adults, we examine (1) actual and perceived differences in economic status, (2) mutual preference for same race neighbors, and (3) racial prejudice and discrimination as hypotheses for the persistence of residential segregation. With a systematic experimental design we gauge respondent openness to living in areas with varying proportions of black, white, Latino, or Asian neighbors. We find no support for actual or perceived cost of housing as a barrier to integration. Although all groups exhibit some degree of ethnocentric preference for same race neighbors, this tendency is strongest among whites rather than blacks and plays only a small role in perpetuating segregation. Blacks face the greatest hostility in the search for housing and are consensually recognized as most likely to face discrimination in the housing market. Racial minorities are more open to sharing residential space with whites than with other minorities. We find generally higher rates of openness to integration than Farley and colleagues found in their recent Detroit survey.
Many African American parents create unique names for their children. Although in the United States there are no formal "rules" limiting the sounds parents may combine in creating a child's name, innovative names are not simply free-floating imaginative acts; they actually incorporate certain implicit practices found in the culture of both Whites and African Americans. Consequently, on hearing an innovative name, a stranger usually can guess the sex of the child. We are able to infer the linguistic features that influence innovations because these features appear more appropriate or less appropriate, depending on the sex of the child. We interpret our observations in terms of a cultural perspective on innovation which argues that the existing culture operates as an independent force to set bounds on creativity and imagination, independent of the influence of organizations or institutions. We also evaluate an alternative perspective. We analyze innovative naming patterns in the past 75 years and then consider both the influence of African heritage in America and the thrust toward African roots in recent decades. Here too we find a naming mechanism whereby adopted African names are modified by American linguistic conventions.
Data on the relatives children were named after are analyzed as an empirical index to the subjectively salient inner core of kin in a sample of 347 urban middle-class mothers. Kin are the major source of the personal names chosen for the 951 children of these women. Boys are more apt to be named for kin than girls, and kin-naming declines sharply and uniformly with each higher order of birth. The kin for whom children were named consist largely of consanguineal lineal kin, one or two generations removed from the child. Analysis shows a trend over the past 40 years away from naming sons for their paternal kin and daughters for their maternal kin, suggesting that while a structural symmetry has long existed between the nuclear family's two families of origin, an affective social symmetry between them is only now in the making.
The abstract for this document is available on CSA Illumina.To view the Abstract, click the Abstract button above the document title.
We used data from the 1976 and 1992 Detroit Area Studies and the census to test four hypotheses about persistent racial residential segregation in the Detroit area: (1) differences in housing expenditures between the races explain segregation; (2) blacks and whites have different knowledge and perceptions of the suburban housing market; (3) blacks perceive institutional barriers in the housing market; and (4) neighborhood preferences of whites and blacks differ. We reject the first hypothesis; housing expenditures of blacks and whites overlap substantially. Nor did we find evidence that segregation stems from differing knowledge or perceptions of the suburbs. We did find that blacks, much more than whites, believe that there is pervasive racial discrimination by real estate agents and lenders. There is also strong support for the fourth hypothesis, although white attitudes toward integration have become more liberal since 1976. This change, along with the willingness of blacks to move into neighborhoods with few black families, suggests the potential for greater integration in the Detroit area. The city of Detroit is a community generally divided by racial lines. Residential segregation within the city and throughout the larger metropolitan area is substantial, pervasive and of long standing. Black citizens are located in separate and distinct areas within the city, and are not generally to be found in the suburbs. (Bradley v. Milliken 1971)1
Subjects with gender-ambiguous names or nicknames (i.e., names that can belong to either males or females) were compared on Bem's androgyny scale to subjects having common or uncommon first names or nicknames to determine if name ambiguity was related to sex-role identification. The results showed that for our sample of college undergraduates (N=489), both males (N=246) and females (N=243) with ambiguous nicknames (e.g., Pat, Tony, Marty) were more often classified as androgynous on the Bem inventory than were subjects with uncommon, common, or no nicknames. Ambiguous first names were unrelated to the androgyny scale. Name and nickname ambiguity were not related to liking of name, self-concept, family tradition, social class differences, or grade point average.
The abstract for this document is available on CSA Illumina.To view the Abstract, click the Abstract button above the document title.
The Facts on File Dictionary of First Names
- Leslie Dunkling
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