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From Running Amok to Eating Dogs: A Century of Misrepresenting Filipino Americans in Hawai'i

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Abstract

This article reviews and analyses historical and contemporary processes of the racist representation of Filipino Americans in Hawai'i. Historically, it discusses the causes and consequences of the extreme over-representation of Filipino men among those executed from 1900 until 1944. In contemporary terms, it examines how the news media, ethnic joke telling and the 'local literature' of Hawai'i reinforce stigmatizing stereotypes of Filipino Americans. While some of these stereotypes are new, others have been revived from the pre-Second World War era. The factors that explain why Filipino Americans have been subject to extremely denigrating stereotypes include their continuing subordinate status and the considerable proportion of immigrants among them, which result in their being associated with especially perverse and 'barbaric' activities, such as running amok and eating dogs, that are common in the Philippines as a seemingly culturally underdeveloped nation.

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... While there is ample archaeological evidence that early humans across the world consumed dogs, since the late twentieth century in particular, the eating of dog meat has been another site of clashes over values and norms, clashes which are also continuously evolving (Oh and Jackson, 2011;Podberscek, 2009). Dog meat is eaten in many East Asian and South East Asian countries, including South Korea, China, Vietnam and Cambodia; it was eaten in the Philippines, as seen in the derogatory description of Pilipino men as 'dog eaters' by white Americans (Okamura, 2010), though the eating of dog meat has been banned in the Philippines since 1988 (Podberscek, 2009). There are conflicting reports on the eating of dog meat in Thailand; while Podberscek (2009) includes Thailand in the group of countries in which dog meat is eaten, Nir Avieli (2011) quotes a study which suggests that dog meat is not eaten in Thailand due to the prevailing view of dogs 'as sort of degraded human beings that lack moral restraint [incest] and indulge in forbidden practices [eating its own excrement]' (Avieli, 2011: 68). ...
Chapter
The previous chapter has examined the important role food plays at the nation-state level and the ways in which the state uses food in its attempts to control, modernise and homogenise the nation. It also showcased the close relationship between the state’s domestic political, social and economic policies and its intervention in the nation’s diet. However, the relationship between food and nationalism and its importance to the nation-state extends far beyond the borders of the state. Food is not only used for domestic purposes and as an internal and banal symbol of the nation; it is also used internationally by the state in its diplomatic engagements and as a form of soft power, often referred to as gastrodiplomacy. In this regard, national food can be seen as exhibiting a duality; on the one hand, it can be used to indicate the attractiveness of the nation and increase its appeal, while, on the other hand, it can also be seen as a ‘contested medium of cultural politics that demarcates national boundaries and identities’ (DeSoucey, 2010: 433). This means that what is viewed as national food items or traditions can be used in branding and marketing the nation internationally, but this might also require state intervention and protection from foreign claims. In other words, national food is viewed by the state as a resource that can be utilised to accomplish a variety of aims but that also needs to be secured.
... While there is ample archaeological evidence that early humans across the world consumed dogs, since the late twentieth century in particular, the eating of dog meat has been another site of clashes over values and norms, clashes which are also continuously evolving (Oh and Jackson, 2011;Podberscek, 2009). Dog meat is eaten in many East Asian and South East Asian countries, including South Korea, China, Vietnam and Cambodia; it was eaten in the Philippines, as seen in the derogatory description of Pilipino men as 'dog eaters' by white Americans (Okamura, 2010), though the eating of dog meat has been banned in the Philippines since 1988 (Podberscek, 2009). There are conflicting reports on the eating of dog meat in Thailand; while Podberscek (2009) includes Thailand in the group of countries in which dog meat is eaten, Nir Avieli (2011) quotes a study which suggests that dog meat is not eaten in Thailand due to the prevailing view of dogs 'as sort of degraded human beings that lack moral restraint [incest] and indulge in forbidden practices [eating its own excrement]' (Avieli, 2011: 68). ...
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Exploring a much neglected area, the relationship between food and nationalism, this book examines a number of case studies at various levels of political analysis to show how useful the food and nationalism axis can be in the study of politics.
... Writing a few years later, Rafia Zafar (1999) wondered whether, with the updating of the image of Aunt Jemima on the pancake box, the consciousness of the American public about African Americans and food had been altered. Perhaps Western disgust over Asian consumption of dog meat, for instance, is more muted now than in the past (Okamura, 2010;Wu, 2002) and more ridiculed for its hypocrisy (Foer, 2009). In an intriguing comparison between the politics of race in his native India and the USA, Krishnendu Ray (2007: 135) suggests that the 'visceral disgust of blackness – the body, its appetites, and the comestibles that go into it. ...
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As a result of the Philippine-American War and their long history of labor migration, Filipinos, the second-largest Asian immigrant population in the United States, figured prominently in the U.S. popular imagination during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.1 In his autobiography, America Is in the Heart (1946), labor activist and writer Carlos Bulosan chronicles the lives of Filipino farmworkers during the Great Depression. A substantial part of the text is set in California in the 1930s, when an increase in the state's Filipino immigrant population provoked anti-Filipino sentiment and Filipino farmworkers were the subjects of racial violence and discrimination.2 The book depicts this violence in vivid terms, nowhere more graphically than in a scene where three Filipino farmworkers are lynched. The narrator, Carlos, is preparing union materials with two Filipino labor organizers in a restaurant when five white men with guns barge in and force them into a car.
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In this essay I discuss two related issues concerning the impact of transnationalism as concept and process on Asian American Studies (hereafter referred to as AAS). I first review what has been termed the "transnational turn" in the field from the initial "domestic" perspective of the late 1960s and early 1970s focused on the "community" and discuss the critiques of this theoretical transition to a greater emphasis on transnational and diasporic perspectives. Secondly, given this transnational redirection, especially during the past decade, I consider its consequences for demarcating the disciplinary boundaries of the field in relation to Asian Studies, American Studies, and what is called "Asian Pacific American" Studies. Despite the emphases on transnationalism, I argue that AAS still should retain a primary concern with the community by situating it transnationally in the larger context of global economic and political forces and processes. Such a transnational perspective does not elide race as a sig...
Article
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Article
Hawai’i’s multiculturalism and perceived harmonious race and ethnic relations are widely celebrated in popular and academic discourse. The image of Hawai’i as a “racial paradise,” a rainbow of peacefully coexisting groups, partially stems from the fact that among the various racial and ethnic groups there is no numerical majority and from the common belief in equality of opportunity and status. Hawai’i ethnic humor is part and parcel of the maintenance and continued reinforcement of the notion of Hawai’i as “racial paradise” with underlying racializing and stigmatizing discourses that disguise severe social inequalities and elide differential access to wealth and power. In this paper, I examine the intersection of language, humor, and representation by analyzing the linguistic practices in the comedy performances of Frank DeLima, a pioneer in Hawai’i ethnic humor, and excerpts from Buckaloose: Shmall Keed Time (Small Kid Time), a comedy CD by Da Braddahs, a relatively new but tremendously popular comedy duo in Hawai’i. Central to these comedy performances is the use of a language variety that I call Mock Filipino, a strategy often employed by Local comedians to differentiate the speakers of Philippine languages from speakers of Hawai’i Creole English (or Pidgin). A key component to understanding the use of Mock Filipino is the idea of “Local” as a cultural and linguistic identity category and its concomitant multiculturalist discourse. I argue that the Local comedians’ use of Mock Filipino relies on the myth of multiculturalism while constructing racializing discourses which position immigrant Filipinos as a cultural and linguistic Other, signifying their outsider status and their subordinate position in the social hierarchy and order. The linguistic practices in the comedy performances are thus identity acts that help to produce and disseminate ideas about language, culture, and identity while normalizing Local and reinforcing Hawai’i’s mainstream multiculturalist ideology.
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