City, Music and Place Attachment: Beloved Istanbul

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This paper discusses the role of music in establishing and expressing place attachment based on a study of Istanbul songs in Turkish classical music, from 1700 to the present. Istanbul songs are about fortunate people who participate in a way of life made possible by the beauty of the city. The study identifies four themes: excursion, romance, persona and panegyric. In all four themes, the place or the setting is significant and essential. Music gives emotional life to the place, becomes memorable and is passed from one generation to the next, celebrating the city. What generates people's attachment are the intimate connections between particular places in the city that are maintained through the public's engagement in the activities depicted in these themes. The way of life and social conduct change through time, as the city itself changes to accommodate the masses, and yet, they retain the essences of excursion, romance, persona and panegyric told in the songs. These songs are a testimony to the exceptional quality of the public realm in Istanbul that has embraced waves of newcomers throughout history.

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... Although it has been found that 49 celebrity involvement in film tourism can positively affect visitors' place attachment 50 (Chen, 2017), there are might be other reasons. According to Sancar (2003), music with 51 textual and emotional messages can express composers' attachment to places. 52 ...
... 80 Long, 2014). For residents, music is particularly important to their identity and helps to 105 convey their deep attachment to the place (Sancar, 2003). When it turns to tourists, 106 through visual musical texts, music can create an imagined space which might be 107 considered utopian (Sites, 2012), this may bring them an idealized place and an 108 essentialized identities, enable a vicarious tour finally (Connell & Gibson, 2004). ...
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... For example, Harris (2003) showed that residents reporting a higher quality of life are more likely to report greater levels of place attachment. Sancar (2003) claimed that Turkish music played in local pubs helped establish people's attachment towards Istanbul, and Rosenbaum (2006) claimed that a sense of community creates people's attachment to restaurants and pubs. Similarly, the analysis in our study represents three broad characterizations of seniors' club attachment: emotional, communal, and functional. ...
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... While the connections between place and musical content (e.g., song lyrics) have been analyzed by a number of cultural and economic geographers (e.g., Gumprecht 1998;Sancar 2003;Connell and Gibson 2004), there is very little work on how place affects network development. In this article, we seek to fill this gap by conducting an analysis of the independent music industry in Montreal. ...
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Throughout Brazil, Afro-Brazilians face widespread racial prejudice. Many turn to religion, with Afro-Brazilians disproportionately represented among Protestants, the fastest-growing religious group in the country. Officially, Brazilian Protestants do not involve themselves in racial politics. Behind the scenes, however, the community is deeply involved in the formation of different kinds of blackness-and its engagement in racial politics is rooted in the major new cultural movement of black music. In this highly original account, anthropologist John Burdick explores the complex ideas about race, racism, and racial identity that have grown up among Afro-Brazilians in the black music scene. By immersing himself for nearly a year in the vibrant worlds of black gospel, gospel rap, and gospel samba, Burdick pushes our understanding of racial identity and the social effects of music in new directions. Delving into the everyday music-making practices of these scenes, Burdick shows how the creative process itself shapes how Afro-Brazilian artists experience and understand their racial identities. This deeply detailed, engaging portrait challenges much of what we thought we knew about Brazil's Protestants,provoking us to think in new ways about their role in their country's struggle to combat racism.
In our spirit, music just can be an artful arrangement of sounds across time. In fact, "music is part of virtually every culture on Earth, but it varies widely among cultures in style and structure" (Bulter David). More complex than it should be, music link art, society, space and culture, and by its all forms it is a system. Between our two research projects of "sciences of territory" master, the study of punk music can make the surprise. One of us works on the paper of music in geography, the other on sensible territories. Both are thinking that music can be relevant in the next years, and not only in geography. It is everywhere and every time, it is source of economical, political and social stakes, everybody in the world can have an access to it. Yet, its style, its signification or the values its leaves exist in many different forms. Its use and the message its produces are not always simples to descript, but more and more works show that it is most of the time an image of the society. To go to some question, we want introduce this topic in a geographic approach by the example of a specific place and time. How can we aboard music in geography? What is the interest we have? By which process music take place in the society? And overall, how it can be a producer of identity, a vehicle of a social discourse? All this questions are link to our theory which puts music in the situation of a territory marker and a place maker. Thus, we will introduce our argument in a scientific and critical way, taking care of the necessity we have to look serious and credible. In a first part, we going to try establish and affirm the role of music in geography and the trace the latter leave in its. A second part will deals with punk music in the crisis of the 70's in England by a territorial and social aspect.
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This study tests a path model in which residential satisfaction, operationalized in terms of multidimensional perceived residential environment quality (PREQ), predicts neighbourhood attachment considered as the final criterion. Socio-demographic (age, sex, socio-economic level) and residential (length of residence both in the neighbourhood and in Rome, number of persons living together) variables are also included in the theoretical model as predictors of both PREQ and neighbourhood attachment. Using a multidimensional questionnaire for the measurement of PREQ and a unidimensional scale for the measurement of neighbourhood attachment, the study focuses on a sample of 497 inhabitants from 20 different neighbourhoods in the city of Rome. The multidimensional PREQ questionnaire comprises 20 different scales covering four main areas: architectural and town-planning features (six scales); social relations features (three scales); punctual and in-network services (six scales); context features (five scales). First, the path model is tested separately in each area using structural equation analysis. Then, the best predictors emerging from each area, together with all socio-demographic and residential variables, are included in a final model. This model shows both the relevance of predictors from all four areas in predicting attachment, and also a hierarchy between the areas in the power of the prediction (context area giving the most powerful predictors, services giving the weakest ones, architectural and town-planning, and social relations having intermediate importance). Length of residence in the neighbourhood and socio-economic level are the most relevant of the residential and socio-demographic variables. Results are discussed with reference to the multicomponential nature of the process of neighbourhood attachment.
The sociology of music has been an area largely left to European sociologists. In an effort to generate greater domestic interest in the field, an examination of Max Weber's methodology and an update to his study of music is proposed. Fewer occupations or cultural projects are more social than making music, and the domestic sociological community's absence from the debate is deplorable given the dominant position our country possesses regarding musical production. Weber's Sociology of Music, which combines urban theory, class/labor theory, rationalization theory, and even climatic changes, is an excellent place to begin a thorough discussion of the social components of music. Our present understanding of cultural theories, urban theories, and Habermas's Communicative Action Theory can be employed to improve on Weber's theory; toward a new approach for the study of the sociology of music.
Social discourse regarding design issues evolves in the contexts of the scholarly arena, the city hall, the courts, the public media, and the use/action realm or everyday life. Design review, narrowly conceived, is one of the formal mechanisms within the broader context of this social discourse. In this conception, the impact of design review on the physical environment is direct and immediate but specific and limited in scope. Altematively, it can also be considered as a generic process encompassing any or all instances of collective and critical reflection on design issues. These diverse processes may appear to lack coherence, but they have a much more fundamental and lasting effect because they shape the tacit assumptions and beliefs underlying our more direct actions. Here the broader context of design review will be considered. Following a discussion of the spatial scene, the evolution of three constructs during the past three decades-place, sustainability, and participation-into full-blown paradigms is summarized. It is shown that the three together are converging into a worldview that is taking hold globally. This emerging worldview, then, provides the grounds and the backing for substantive and procedural discussion of planning and design review.
Concepts such as non‐place and placelessness can provide planners and designers with new insights to better capture the essence of place. This essay first reviews the literature of place and its byproducts, namely non‐place and placelessness. Against such a backdrop, the paper then explores how the contemporary transformation of the three components of place, namely locale, location and sense of place, has contributed to a narrative of loss. Characterized by loss of meaning and loss of proper connection between locations, the geographies of ‘otherness’ and ‘nowhereness’ and the crisis of identity are among the major implications of this narrative.
This paper suggests an analytical framework for the understanding of what makes places meaningful. In an interview study, respondents were asked to list places they considered important and describe what these places meant to them. The analysis of the interviews indicates that meanings spontaneously attributed to places by the respondents can be mapped around and between the three poles of self, others and environment. In addition, a number of underlying dimensions of meaning emerge: distinction, valuation, continuity and change. The relationship between these results and earlier empirical research is discussed. The paper also points out that, to a great extent, the empirical findings converge with theoretical conceptualizations of place within social science. It therefore argues that the results of empirical studies need not be limited to ‘special places’, but may also, using the suggested analytical framework, contribute to more general empirical and theoretical discussions regarding the roles and meanings of place in contemporary society.
A synthesis of current empirical work in environmental aesthetics is overdue. Based on the twin criteria of methodological rigour and social relevance, four major approaches to environmental aesthetics are defined and described. A contemplative humanist approach is matched by goal-oriented activism. The planner, doomed to relevance, confronts the rigorously scientific experimentalist. Advances in environmental aesthetic research and practice will depend upon the fruitful collaboration of the four approaches.
Early studies and observations of working-class communities reveal the physical environment itself as a very meaningful aspect of urban social life, a finding strongly borne out by the study of the relocation of several thousand people from the West End of Boston (1958–1961). Attachment to place is a characteristic feature of life in many poor, ethnic, immigrant communities. The development of a sense of spatial identity is a critical component of attachment experiences in such local areas.As a consequence of such spatial identity, built on the convergence of physical places and social relationships, displacement from the community entails widespread grief and mourning. But life, even in these relatively stable and enclosed communities, is not simply continuous: people change, communities change, social discontinuities are inevitable. And the stable forms of attachment which are so highly adaptive to the first or second generation ethnic community inhibit progression to new urban environments and to new conditions of social life when these become desirable or necessary. While community ties are often of importance at all social class levels and serve as stabilizing forces, the transition to new statuses, wider opportunities, and new conditions of life implies a more attenuated form of place attachment. However, many people remain addicted to encompassing forms of continuity in community attachments. Spatial identities which are highly functional at one point can thus become dysfunctional. These commitments can become the basis for contagious violence and bloodshed especially after the demise of long-term autocratic controls which leave a political hiatus and present us with pathologies of community attachment, visible in the territorial conflicts of recent decades.
One of the limitations in the study of attachment to place has been its restriction to the spatial range of neighbourhood. Apart from some studies analysing attachment to house, there is a gap regarding other spatial environments. In this sense, we do not know to what extent people can be attached to other spatial categories, i.e., to bigger or smaller places, and whether the neighbourhood range is effectively the basic level of attachment, as many studies assume. On the other hand, most studies on attachment to place have viewed places as social environments only. We have found very few references to the physical dimension of place in the definition of the concept and also few regarding its operationalization. In this study, we measured place attachment within three spatial ranges (house, neighbourhood, and city) and two dimensions (physical and social), in order to establish some comparison between them. We did so by interviewing 177 people from different areas of Santa Cruz de Tenerife (Spain). The results indicate that attachment to place develops to different degrees within different spatial ranges and dimensions. Among the results, we can highlight that: 1) attachment to neighbourhood is the weakest; 2) social attachment is greater than physical attachment; and 3) the degree of attachment varies with age and sex.
On the 25th anniversary of its publication, a new edition of this foundational work on human geography. In the twenty years since its original publication, Space and Place has not only established the discipline of human geography, but it has proven influential in such diverse fields as theatre, literature, anthropology, psychology, and theology. Eminent geographer Yi-Fu Tuan considers the ways in which people feel and think about space, how they form attachments to home, neighborhood, and nation, and how feelings about space and place are affected by the sense of time. He suggests that place is security and space is freedom: we are attached to the one and long for the other. Whether he is considering sacred versus "biased" space, mythical space and place, time in experiential space, or cultural attachments to space, Tuan's analysis is thoughtful and insightful throughout. Until retiring in 1998, Yi-Fu Tuan was a professor of geography at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. He is ranked among the country's most distinguished cultural geographers and has earned numerous honors, among them a Guggenheim Fellowship, the Bracken Award for landscape architecture, and an award for meritorious contribution to geography from the Association of American Geographers. He was recently named the Lauréat d'Honneur 2000 of the International Geographers Union. He is the author of many essays and books, including Escapism (1998) and Cosmos and Hearth (1999), and Dear Colleague.
The purpose of this article is twofold. First, to illustrate how recently developed technologies are giving rise to new ways of conceptualizing the relationship between music and place. Applying the concept of mythscapes, developed from Appadurai's work, to the 'Canterbury Sound', a term recently revived and adapted by a website-centred fanbase to describe a loosely defined back-catalogue of albums, songs and home-recorded musical experiments, the article argues that the city of Canterbury is being inscribed with a series of urban myths relating to its perceived role in the creation of a musical style deemed by fans to be locally specific. Second, through its analysis of the Canterbury Sound's 'construction' on the Internet, the article considers the extent to which the Canterbury Sound can be considered a 'virtual' scene, Internet communication replacing more conventional forms of celebrating collective musical taste as these emerge through the sociality of club, concert hall and festival-based scenes. Yes Yes
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