Two discourses of citizenship in Germany. The difference between public debate and administrative practice

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The recent policy changes concerning immigration and citizenship in Germany are interpreted as outcomes of the conflicting interaction between public deliberations and administrative practices. While these changes were viewed by both the public and the state as responses to an emerging crisis of the stability of German nationhood, the public and the state placed the problems of migration and citizenship in a different context. The public debated these issues in the context of moral obligations resulting from a xenophobic past; the administrative system treated them in the context of the constitutional imperative to further the social integration of the residents of Germany. Further conflicts over these issues seem likely in Germany which has yet to adjust to a situation of continuous future immigration. This will put pressure on the public and the state to find new solutions to the problem of membership in the nation‐state.

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... 6 Resumir el estado de la cuestión desborda los límites de este artículo. Para una rápida aproximación a los debates sobre los que ha girado la literatura en estos años, véanse los trabajos de Von Beyme (1988); Stöss (1988); Zimmermann y Saalfeld (1993); Betz e Immerfall (1998); Eatwell y Mudde (2004); Merkl y Weinberg (1997; Norris (2005); Mudde (2000Mudde ( , 2007; Schain, Zolberg y Hossay (2002); Casals (2005); Hainsworth (1992Hainsworth ( , 2000; Carter (2005); Ignazi (2003); Minkenberg (1998 Los discursos sobre ciudadanía e inmigración en Europa sociedad, sino en el interior de la propia comunidad política como consecuencia de la apertura de las políticas de naturalización, la ciudadanía es entendida cada vez más en términos cívicos y no nacionales, lo que nos une son valores políticos más que étnico-culturales. Se ha producido, así, una progresiva disociación en el interior de la ciudadanía nacional, entre la pertenencia a un estado y la identidad nacional, en la medida en que la pertenencia a un estado y los derechos a ella asociados no pasan necesariamente por la pertenencia a una identidad nacional concreta y que los estados ya no pueden seguir exigiendo (o imponiendo) una identidad sustantiva como precondición para adquirir la ciudadanía. ...
... Publicly, they centre strongly on democracy and economic accomplishments. Yet, the investments in these areas oftentimes remain unreflected and ideas of Germanness that find expression in the everyday are more normative and jingoistic (Halfmann 1997) as well as ethnocentric (Joppke et al. 2002). Yet, despite public emphasis on democracy and openness, German self-definition rests upon ethnic privilege, often at the expenses of other groups (Joppke et al. 2002, 7-14). ...
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State-assisted return programmes (SARPs) have emerged as key components of diaspora mobilisation strategies in countries of origin. Especially in countries where the principle of jus sanguinis underpins citizenship regimes, these programmes have often been drawn from ostensibly national(istic) discourses in order to encourage the repatriation of (mostly highly skilled) citizens residing abroad. Drawing on interviews with public officials and migrants as well as content analysis of primary and secondary materials, this paper examines SARPs deployed by Israel and Germany. It argues that while the discourse and practice within which state programmes are embedded (re-)construct the nation in certain ways that are commensurate with perceived determinants of return, migrants have often rejected these formulations, underscoring instead a range of neglected personal and professional return-oriented risks. The paper's main contribution lies in better clarifying the links between highly skilled return migration policy, national identity and migration determinants and uncovers the diverging articulations of return used by state and migrants alike.
This collection of essays addresses three interrelated themes: the basic issues in contemporary German and European Migration since 1945 with particular focus on new developments in the 80s; the ways in which the citizenship debate has proceeded and how immigration and citizenship have been handled in Western Europe.
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Abstract/Summary In this paper we present empirical data on the historical development, the current regulations and the political contexts of dual citizenship regulations in the world. With this focus on empirical data this report presents complementary information in respect to the first results of our research project. In the paper “Dual citizenship and democracy” Joachim Blatter (2008) discussed the normative implications of dual citizenship on the basis of six theories of democracy. The first part contains an overview on existing surveys on dual citizenship. These surveys indicate that the acceptance of dual citizenship by countries has been rising strongly since Second World War. At the beginning of the 21st Century, from 189 analyzed countries, 87 show a rather positive stance toward dual citizenship and 77 a rather negative one. For 25 countries, the existing surveys do not provide consistent results. In the second part of the paper, we present the findings of our own expert survey in which we collected more differentiated information about the contexts, salience, goals and specifics of dual citizenship regulation for 35 countries. Our data reveals the high political salience of citizenship regulations in many countries and the fact that the acceptance of dual citizenship is often a very controversial aspect of citizenship reforms. In line with the data in the first part of the paper, our data shows a steady trend towards broader acceptance of dual citizenship. Furthermore, we discover a trend towards more symmetric regulations of dual citizenship insofar that emigrants and immigrants are treated similar. Although this is mainly due to the fact that dual citizenship is facilitated for emigrants we do not interpret this as a reethnicization of citizenship but as a trend towards an expansive and non-exclusive notion of citizenship. Contrary to many normative theorists, most countries do not apply any restrictions for dual citizens in respect to political participation and in respect to taking political offices. Finally, our data does not confirm any “securitiza-tion” discourses. Both, the traditional/conservative fear that dual citizens might produce military or diplomatic conflicts between states and the liberal/critical warning that dual citizenship might be used for expelling and denationalizing migrants, which are perceived as threats to the host society, have proven unwarranted (so far).
How can close to 200,000 people, in this instance categorical Jews from the former Soviet Union, be allowed to move to Germany, receive generous state benefits from a state that hopes they will settle permanently and yet not be considered immigrants, but instead find themselves labeled “contingent, quota refugees,” a category generally reserved for those fleeing war-torn regions? By the same token, how can categorical “Germans,” numbering 1.5 million, from the same territory of the former Soviet Union as the Russian Jews, albeit categorical Germans who for the most part speak no German and only some of whom can trace descent from eighteenth-century settlers in Russia, be allowed to enter Germany, also not as immigrants, but instead as Aussiedler (“resettlers”), and be able to instantly to claim all rights as citizens? By contrast, consider the 2.5 million Turks in Germany, part of a community that began to arrive more than 40 years ago as “guest workers”: only since January 2000 have Turkish children born to long-term residents in Germany been permitted to assume German citizenship, thanks to a legislative landmark, giving them a path out of decades of chronic disenfranchisement and marginalization. But this is permitted only if they meet a set of sometimes impossible criteria, including the renunciation of claims to Turkish nationality upon reaching their majority.
This paper addresses the repatriation of Aussiedler or "ethnic Germans" to Germany. It focuses specifically on the use of the rhetoric of "demography" and "reproduction" to show some of the ways in which Aussiedler are symbolically incorporated into German society. The paper argues that demographic discourse functions as a form of mimetic magic that serves to symbolically transform immigrants into family members. Such magical discourse, however, is challenged by German welfare-policy, which grants access to benefits to virtually all immigrants. The paper is based on fieldwork conducted in Berlin in 1994 and 1995.
In contrast to most migration studies that focus on specific "foreigner" groups in Germany, this study simultaneously compares and contrasts the legal, political, social, and economic opportunity structures facing diverse categories of the ethnic minorities who have settled in the country since the 1950s. It reveals the contradictory, and usually self-defeating, nature of German policies intended to keep "migrants" out-allegedly in order to preserve a German Leitkultur (with which very few of its own citizens still identify). The main barriers to effective integration-and socioeconomic revitalization in general-sooner lie in the country's obsolete labor market regulations and bureaucratic procedures. Drawing on local case studies, personal interviews, and national surveys, the author describes "the human faces" behind official citizenship and integration practices in Germany, and in doing so demonstrates that average citizens are much more multi-cultural than they realize.
The concept of functional differentiation is used to reformulate citizenship as inclusion in the political system and to describe the effects of the nation-state segmentation of the political system for the evolution of citizenship. In modern (functionally differentiated) society inclusion is system-specific, but not allembracing. Inclusion in the political system is offered via two types of roles: the lay role of the voter and the professional role of the politician. Citizenship has not only a role, but also a status dimension. Citizenship is attributed to individuals by birth, either based on ius sanguinis or ius soli. In evolutionary perspective, nation-states have been particularly successful in including individuals in the political system by basing state rule on territoriality and by building up centralized state administrations. As a consequence, citizen-state relations are immediate, permanent, and exclusive. Nation-states also mediate the inclusion of individuals in social systems other than the political system. The nation-state as welfare state mediates inclusion in social systems by managing the risks of exclusion. With the emergence of largescale cross-border migration and the advent of supranational forms of governance the risks of exclusion from nation-state based forms of inclusion increase not only for legal aliens, but for citizens as well. Thus the nation-state reflects the frictions between functional and segmentary differentiation of world society.
Wichtiges Kriterium des Entwicklungsstandes der politischen Kultur einer Gesellschaft ist ihre Fähigkeit zur Integration, d.h. nach außen zur Selbsteinordnung in übernationale, hier europäische, und weltgesellschaftliche Kooperation, und nach innen die Fähigkeit zur Offenheit, Toleranz und Gleichbehandlungsbereitschaft gegenüber transnationalen Zuwanderern und ethnokulturell heterogenen Minderheiten. Konkret kommt es in Deutschland und in anderen Teilen Europas für die Gegenwart auf die Entwicklung postnationaler Orientierungen an. Dies Erfordernis ergibt sich aus der fortschreitenden Großraumverflechtung der Gesellschaften, die in Europa noch in mehr oder minder traditionalen Nationalstaatsformen existieren.
Einen aktuellen Überblick über das Asylrecht in Europa zu gewinnen, wäre schon unter der Voraussetzung kein leichtes Unterfangen, daß die Rechtslage in den einzelnen Staaten längere Zeit konstant bliebe. Sie befindet sich aber im Gegenteil im ständigen Fluß. So wurden allein in den ersten vier Monaten des Jahres 1993 drei neue Gesetze zur Änderung des Asylrechts beschlossen, nämlich in Belgien, Großbritannien und Spanien; in zwei weiteren Ländern wurden neue Gesetzentwürfe erarbeitet bzw. in die parlamentarischen Beratungen eingebracht (Portugal, Deutschland).
Wie andere europäische Verfassungen gewährleistet das Grundgesetz Asyl für politisch Verfolgte. Während der Verfassungsberatungen waren die Erfahrungen der deutschen Verfolgten des Nationalsozialismus gegenwärtig, von denen 800000 im Ausland Zuflucht gefunden hatten, viele andere aber von den Nachbarstaaten zurückgewiesen worden waren, oft mit der Begründung, sie seien Wirtschaftsflüchtlinge. Deshalb wurde bewußt eine Formulierung gewählt, die „generös“ sein sollte, wie der Verfassungsvater C. Schmid es ausdrückte: „Politisch Verfolgte genießen Asylrecht“ (Art. 16 II 2). In den folgenden Jahrzehnten nahm die BRD großzügig deutsche und ausländische Flüchtlinge aus dem kommunistischen Machtbereich auf — u.a. Ungarn nach dem Aufstand von 1956, Tschechoslowaken nach dem „Prager Frühling“ 1968 und Polen nach der Verhängung des Kriegszustandes 1981.
In this article, the Republikaner party's ideology and policies are explored on the basis of programmes and other public statements. There will be an emphasis on economic policies and issues of national and ethnic identity. It will be argued that the Republikaner party is targeting a broader electoral coalition than its main competitors and predecessors on the extreme right. In its attempt to mobilise a broad and heterogeneous protest coalition and to attract voters beyond the narrow confines of traditional right‐wing extremism the party makes contradictory promises to various sectional groups without being able to integrate them into a consistent framework of economic policy. These contradictions are covered up by the party's radical nationalism, extreme xenophobia and populist propaganda.
This article tries to answer two questions. First, how did Germany, a de facto country of immigration, manage to espouse a counter‐factual ideology in the 1980s and early 1990s? Second, what have been the political consequences of upholding a political discourse that denied the reality of immigration? In a polity that officially denies migration and the development of a multiethnic society, issues such as immigration regulation and the settlement of the regulation of labour migrants’ immigration have not been directly addressed in partisan discourse. An ethno‐cultural conception of citizenship has facilitated a politics of exclusion of ‘guestworkers’ from voting rights, but inclusion of ethnic Germans, and a redefinition of asylum as labour migration. This has reinforced the symbolic uses of politics by Christian Democratic and populist parties and politicians: immigration, asylum and the multiethnic polity have come to be meta‐issues that can be referred to as causes of manifold problems in a context of rising unemployment and a ‘crisis of the welfare state’. Moreover, the main alternative to the dominant partisan discourse‐ ‘multiculturalism’ ‐ has remained a mirror image of an ethno‐cultural conception of membership by advocating a similar one‐dimensional positive image of cultural autonomy of ethnic groups in multiethnic states, excluding issues of socio‐economic and political participation.
Introduction. 1. State, Society and Modern History. 2. The Traditional State: Domination and Military Power. 3. The Traditional State: Bureaucracy, Class, Ideology. 4. The Absolutist State and the Nation--State. 5. Capitalism, Industrialism and Social Transformation. 6. Capitalism and the State: From Absolutism to the Nation--State. 7. Administrative Power, Internal Pacification. 8. Class, Sovereignty and Citizenship. 9. Capitalist Development and the Industrialization of War. 10. Nation--States in the Global State System. 11. Modernity, Totalitarianism and Critical Theory. Notes. Bibliography. Index.
Zusammenfassung Der Beitrag argumentiert, daß Fremdenfeindlichkeit sowie Renationalisierungsprozesse in der jüngeren politischen Auseinandersetzung in der BRD nur mittels eines historischen Zugangs zur Ethnizitätsproblematik und ihrer Wandlung im Verlauf der Entwicklung des modernen Nationalstaates zum Sozialstaat angemessen verstanden werden kann. Nationalität und Ethnizität werden gefaßt als Einheitssemantiken, die mit der Entstehung moderner Staaten einhergehen, und es wird argumentiert, daß diese Semantiken im Verlauf der schwierigen Geschichte der Staatsbildung in Deutschland sowie der Etablierung des Sozialstaates Prozesse der Valorisierung und Devalorisierung durchlaufen. Vor diesem Hintergrund wird darauf verwiesen, daß die jüngste Revalorisierung dieser Semantiken im Kontext verstärkter Zuwanderung, der sozialen Brüche und Friktionen des schwierigen Vereinigungsprozesses sowie der ökonomischen Umbruchsprozesse erst verständlich werden kann, wenn sie auf diese Geschichte der Staatsbildung in Deutschland, auf die Entwertung der Ethnizitätssemantik im Sozialstaat BRD sowie auf die Geschichte des Umgangs mit Migration und ihren Folgen bezogen wird.
"An analysis of the effects of the last wave of migration into West Germany on labor markets, public finances and economic growth, this study points at the often ignored fact that the migrants were rather successful in finding jobs and thus helped in eliminating labor shortages in certain industries. Simulations with a macroeconometric model for the FRG indicate that in 1992 the GDP was almost 6 percent higher than without migration, that 90,000 jobs were created and that migration created a surplus of DM14 billion in the public sector, compared to the baseline. This study also makes clear, however, that these effects mainly depend on a quick absorption of migrants by FRG labor markets, and as to the social system, the relief may be only transitory."
PIP: The author examines the changes to French immigration law adopted in 1993 in the light of current trends and pressures affecting migration to France. The focus is on the changes in the rules concerning the acquisition of French nationality, and the assimilation of existing immigrants from developing countries. The difficulties of resolving such problems at the national level while migration regulations are being developed at the European Community level are noted. Problems involving the control of the nation's borders, illegal immigration, and the growing demand for political asylum are also discussed. The author raises the possibility that immigration could be better managed in light of current labor market conditions in France.
Migration flows are shaped by a complex combination of self-selection and out-selection mechanisms. In this paper, the authors analyze how existing diasporas (the stock of people born in a country and living in another one) affect the size and human-capital structure of current migration flows. The analysis exploits a bilateral data set on international migration by educational attainment from 195 countries to 30 developed countries in 1990 and 2000. Based on simple micro-foundations and controlling for various determinants of migration, the analysis finds that diasporas increase migration flows, lower the average educational level and lead to higher concentration of low-skill migrants. Interestingly, diasporas explain the majority of the variability of migration flows and selection. This suggests that, without changing the generosity of family reunion programs, education-based selection rules are likely to have a moderate impact. The results are highly robust to the econometric techniques, accounting for the large proportion of zeros and endogeneity problems.
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