Net Gains and GUD Reactions: Patterns of Prejudice in a Neo-fascist Groupuscule

ArticleinPatterns of Prejudice 33(2):31-50 · April 1999with58 Reads
DOI: 10.1080/003132299128810542
Abstract
Using the student organization Groupe d'union et de défense (GUD) as a case-study, Griffin argues that the radical-right groupuscule should not be treated as an embryonic or stunted form of the inter-war 'armed party' epitomized by the Italian Fascist and German Nazi parties. Rather it is to be seen as a genus of extra-parlia-mentary political formation in its own right, perfectly adapted to the inhospitable climate of relatively stable liberal democracy and capitalism in which revolutionary nationalism has had to survive since 1945. As such the groupuscule's true significance lies in its existence as one minute entity in a swarm of similar organisms which can be termed the 'groupuscular right'. This takes on a collective force greater than the sum of its parts by conserving and transmitting fascism's diagnosis of the status quo and its vision of a new order despite its acute marginalization from mainstream politics. Having surveyed GUD's history and activities over the years, Griffin focuses on its ideology, which he identifies as a form of Third Positionism theoretically allied to anti-western Arab nations and heavily influenced by the Nouvelle Droite notion of 'cultural war' against the homogenizing effects of globalization and on behalf of a reborn Europe. He then considers the extraordinary network of historical and contemporary radical-right associations emanating to and from this one formation, a process considerably facilitated by the Internet. He concludes by suggesting that the importance of the groupuscular right, apart from its formation of cadres who may be recruited by mainstream parties such as the Front national, lies in its function as a self-perpetuating, leaderless, centreless and supra-national 'energy field' of neo-fascist beliefs, which, like the Web, is unaffected by the weakness or loss of individual nodal points (organizations).
GUD.DOC

108 KB

Sorry, there is no online preview for this file type.

To view this article, please download it below.

  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract] ABSTRACT: Maurice Bardèche is an important neo-fascist writer whose ideas derive from those of Pierre Drieu la Rochelle and Robert Brasillach. After 1945 he argued that right-wing thought had been ghettoized and even imprisoned by a post-Nuremberg liberal political establishment. In the face of a US military and cultural occupation of Western Europe and an encroaching Communist Soviet menace, Bardèche argued for a united European 'third force' to confront these two enemies. His dream was of a fascist-ruled Europe that would regenerate and defend the continent and the West against Communism and liberalism. Organic and idealist fascist states, without the faults of Nazi Germany and Mussolini's Italy, would implement a moral revolution, bolster economic affairs and prevent Europe being swamped by foreign goods, such as Asian electronics. He regretted Europe's membership of NATO and its being sucked into Cold War conflicts in the Middle East and in support of Israel. Europe's and fascism's enemies were blamed for all their ills, and a Jewish conspiracy was blamed for its campaign against the world whether in the guise of US financial power or through its control of Bolshevism, the latter being judged responsible for terrorism and subversion in the developing world. Bardèche was purely a warrior of the pen, and was important primarily for providing a link between fascism and neo-fascism and a training ground for new fascist writers in his journalDéfense de l'Occident.
    Article · Apr 2000
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract] ABSTRACT: This article focuses on the two most significant forms taken by ideological mutations of the fascist species of radical right in the hostile climate of post-war Europe: internationalization (Eurofascism, Universal Nazism, Third Positionism), and metapoliticization (Revisionism, the New Right, cyberfascism). It goes on to argue that the 'democratic fascism' of some political parties is emblematic of the extreme marginalization of revolutionary nationalism, and that the most potent species of radical right ideology now consists in ethnocratic perversions of liberalism, which help perpetuate Europe's less than democratic impact on the global community.
    Full-text · Article · Jun 2000
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract] ABSTRACT: In this article I use some findings of research into non-Russian civil societies and ultranationalisms, as well as selected examples of nonparty Russian rightwing extremism, to illustrate that the relative decline in radically nationalist party politics toward the end of the 1990s should not be seen as an unequivocal indication that "antiliberal statism" has lost its appeal in Russia. I also attempt to show that the considerable diversification in the nongovernmental, not-for-profit sector of Russian society since the mid- 1980s cannot be regarded as exclusively beneficial in terms of Russia's polyarchic consolidation and further democratization. Not only is a Russian "civic public" or "civic community" developing slowly, but some of the more significant pre- and post-Soviet groups, movements, and trends within the Russian voluntary sector are unsupportive or explicitly critical of liberal democracy. A number of major nonstate institutions and networks in Russian society contain ultranationalist, fundamentalist, and protofascist subsectors whose nature casts doubt on the use of the construct civil society to designate them. These organizations' or groupings' primary function is less or not at all to enhance people's inclination and ability to participate effectively in political activities that could promote further democratization. Instead, they provide a medium for the spread of radically particularistic world views, ascriptive notions about human nature, and illiberal and/or bellicose political ideas, as well as an organizational training ground for potential political activists holding such ideas.
    Article · Jun 2002 · Journal of Political Ideologies
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract] ABSTRACT: Some commentators have remarked upon the authoritarian, even fascist, antecedents of contemporary third way ideology in an attempt to critique the New Labour government. By focusing on a sub-type of the French and Belgian 'radical right' which proclaims itself the inheritor of revolutionary forms of fascism rooted in the works of activists like Valois, the German 'National Bolshevik' Ernst Niekisch, and the Strasser brothers, this article shows that the reality is more complex. After identifying elements common to ethno-differentialist revolutionary nationalist movements--which explicitly derive from a search for a 'third way' between capitalism and communism, West and East--a brief comparison with New Labour reveals that the two share only a 'family resemblance'. This leads to the conclusion that third way discourse is not a closed ideology, but the site of political contestation sparked by an organic crisis brought about by a number of social dislocations.
    Article · Oct 2002
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract] ABSTRACT: White Aryan Resistance (WAR) and the World Church of the Creator (WCOTC) are two American-based white-supremacist or neo-fascist groupuscules whose respective leaders, Tom Metzger and Matt Hale, were quick to take advantage of the new opportunities offered by the Internet and the World Wide Web in particular. This analysis, first, locates both WAR and the WCOTC in the context of the fascist style of radical politics in the West by emphasizing the role of vanguards in promoting disorder and violence to achieve a New Order. It then briefly examines the role of small, violent groups in general before the advent of modern forms of mass communication. Having established the background, the authors proceed to an account of WAR and the WCOTC as groupuscules apart from their roles on the Internet, and then to detailed descriptions of their websites and how visitors can explore them. The analysis concludes by asserting that the Internet does provide these groupuscules certain opportunities to reach audiences they might not have reached in the past, but that the threat they pose may be exaggerated.
    Full-text · Article · Mar 2003
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract] ABSTRACT: Conventional academic research into the legacy of inter-war fascism has generally neglected the myriad minuscule and often ephemeral formations of the extreme right which have sprung up since 1945, to concentrate instead on abortive attempts to emulate the success of the Nazi and Fascist party-based mass movements, and more recently on non-revolutionary 'neo-populist parties'. However, when examined closely many of them can be observed to behave as fully developed, highly specialized, and largely autonomous grouplets that simultaneously form the constituents of an amorphous, leaderless, and centreless cellular network of political ideology, organization, and activism termed here 'the groupuscular right'. As such these 'groupuscules' are to be seen as the product of a sophisticated process of evolutionary adaptation to post-1945 realities which allows extreme variants of revolutionary nationalism to survive in the 'post-fascist' age in a form which is largely resistant to attempts to suppress them, and may represent a number of permanent, if mostly inconspicuous, threats to the liberalism of liberal democracy .
    Full-text · Article · Apr 2003
Show more

People who read this publication also read