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Aboriginal perspectives on kangaroo management in South Australia
Abstract
Kangaroos are culturally significant to Aboriginal people but Aboriginal people are generally not involved in kangaroo management or in the kangaroo industry. Our research has provided the first opportunity for Aboriginal people in South Australia to present their perspectives on the commercial harvest of kangaroos. Research methods were qualitative, involving consultations with authoritative Aboriginal people about their perspectives, aspirations, and how they see their rights and interests in relation to the commercial harvest of kangaroos. We found diverse views on this topic from Aboriginal research participants. For some Aboriginal people, strict cultural protocols preclude any involvement in the commercial harvest, but for people from other regions where the cultural laws concerning kangaroos are quite different, there is interest in developing enterprises based on kangaroo harvest. Despite the diversity of views about commercial kangaroo harvest, Aboriginal people across South Australia highly value kangaroos, and want to be included in decision-making processes for kangaroo management. There is potential for appropriate engagement of Aboriginal people in kangaroo management through improved communication, greater understanding and respect for the diversity of Aboriginal perspectives and protocols regarding native wildlife.
... Aboriginals, both past and present, value kangaroos as they are often culturally, socially and spiritually significant to them (Thomsen et al., 2006). The unique depth of environmental understanding held by traditional owners can be a valuable part of kangaroo management (Berkes, 1999). ...
... The unique depth of environmental understanding held by traditional owners can be a valuable part of kangaroo management (Berkes, 1999). The interests and perspectives of Aboriginal people are, however, sometimes not understood by stakeholders or managers due to the lack of inclusion in management development (Thomsen et al., 2006). Thomsen et al. (2006) consulted traditional owners from two different cultural regions for their perspectives and attitudes towards kangaroo management and commercial harvesting. ...
... The interests and perspectives of Aboriginal people are, however, sometimes not understood by stakeholders or managers due to the lack of inclusion in management development (Thomsen et al., 2006). Thomsen et al. (2006) consulted traditional owners from two different cultural regions for their perspectives and attitudes towards kangaroo management and commercial harvesting. Their research resulted in a diversity of views, highlighting the challenge, but also the importance of Aboriginal involvement in decision making for kangaroo management. ...
Eastern grey kangaroos, Macropus giganteus, are common residents within the coastal-urban
communities of the Coffs Harbour Northern Beaches, New South Wales (NSW). They occur
in areas of suitable vegetation, such as residential properties, vacant blocks, grassland reserves
and golf courses. Their proximity to people often results in a range of interactions. While most
interactions are positive, negative interactions often occur. The expanding urban communities
and growing numbers of kangaroos on the Coffs Harbour Northern Beaches have resulted in
an increase in kangaroo-related incidents. The NSW National Parks and Wildlife Service
(NPWS); Wildlife Information, Rescue and Education Service (WIRES), and Coffs Harbour
City Council (CHCC) have drafted a Kangaroo Management Plan in light of this issue, to
ensure that people and kangaroos can co-exist without conflict. My thesis involved ecological
and human dimensions research on kangaroos and human-kangaroo interactions for the
purpose of providing information to the NPWS to assist the management plan. My thesis aimed
to estimate kangaroo abundance and density, gauge community perceptions and values towards
kangaroos, and understand the movement patterns of kangaroos in the peri-urban environment.
I sampled kangaroo populations using direct observation counts at four hotspot sites
(Heritage Park, Avocado Heights, the Emerald Beach Headlands and the Safety Beach golf
course), and distance sampling at Heritage Park. Estimates revealed that kangaroo abundance
was highest at Heritage Park, with the minimum number known to be alive (MNKA) exceeding
300 individuals in October. Overall, density was also high at Heritage Park (up to 2 kangaroos
per ha), the Emerald Beach headlands (2.3 to 4.9 kangaroos per ha) and the Safety Beach golf
course (1.6 to 2.3 kangaroos per ha). Monthly densities were relatively constant throughout the
year, with slight decreases in the winter months.
To gauge community perceptions of kangaroos in the peri-urban matrix, I created an
online questionnaire using the program Survey Monkey, and targeted specific communities on
the Coffs Harbour Northern Beaches using mail-outs. Community perceptions towards
kangaroos were positive overall. However, there were some concerns among residents on
potential conflict and vehicle collisions with kangaroos. Respondents also felt strongly that
they were uninformed by the NPWS and CHCC regarding human-kangaroo interactions. There
was also a clear lack of kangaroo related educational exposure among respondents, who also
expressed a strong desire to be provided with relevant information on how to appropriately live
with kangaroos in their local area.
ii
I used GPS collars and GPS telemtry backpacks to monitor the movement patterns of
14 male kangaroos at Heritage Park. Kangaroos mainly occurred within the peri-urban
landscape, however, only occupied small sections of Heritage Park. The mean range area and
core area for four collared kangaroos was 34 hectares and 6.5 hectares respectively, which is
approximately half of the home ranges for eastern grey kangaroos recorded in woodland
reserves and farmland areas. Kangaroos used on average 4.6 properties a day and an average
of 15 properties per tracking period, with one individual using a total of 34 properties. The four
collared kangaroos showed temporal shifts in their proximity to housing, being closer to houses
overnight and further away during the day, although in general movement rates did not change
much throughout the day.
These three components of research are all important in increasing the understanding
of peri-urban kangaroo populations on the Coffs Harbour Northern Beaches, to assist in
developing appropriate management strategies for managing kangaroos and their interactions
with people.
... Some areas of concern include how scientists kill animals and ⁄ or how they will be cared for in a museum or zoo (Nesbitt et al. 2001 ). For some animals , killing in a wasteful manner or not observing strict killing, preparation and cooking protocols contravenes the Tjukurrpa (Thomsen et al. 2006; VaarzonMorel 2010). There are also strict protocols for approaching and harvesting some plants (Walsh et al. in press). ...
... Moreover, many species have a socioecological function as well as being important spiritually (Newsome 1980; Walsh et al. in press). For example, some species are the totem of particular individuals and thus embody those individuals, and their continuity is critical to the continuation of a moral code (Cane 2002; Thomsen et al. 2006). Finally, scientists collecting biological specimens can be perceived as yet another example of outsiders coming in and taking away things belonging to local Aboriginal people (see also Thomsen et al. 2006). ...
... For example, some species are the totem of particular individuals and thus embody those individuals, and their continuity is critical to the continuation of a moral code (Cane 2002; Thomsen et al. 2006). Finally, scientists collecting biological specimens can be perceived as yet another example of outsiders coming in and taking away things belonging to local Aboriginal people (see also Thomsen et al. 2006). Doc u m en ti n g In d i g eno u s ecological knowledge ...
Summary We describe small-scale biological surveys conducted by a collaboration of biologists and Traditional Owners designed to build scientific knowledge of the biota in remote desert regions of Western Australia. Importantly, while science driven (including systematic survey methods), the project also incorporated Indigenous Ecological Knowledge (IEK). In doing so, it has assisted with cross-generational transfer and preliminary documentation of IEK in this region. Here, we describe a case study of surveys conducted with the Pila Nguru (Spinifex People) in the Spinifex Native Title Determined Area of the Great Victoria Desert. A total of 185 native plant species were recorded (representing 37 families and 94 genera). Only one individual of a weed species was recorded. Three plant species are new to science; Grevillea ilkurlka ms. Dicrastylis sp. ‘Ilkurlka’ and Gnephosis sp., with the first two of these species of conservation interest. The survey recorded 148 species of vertebrates; 72 birds, 21 mammals (of which six were introduced), 54 reptiles and one frog. Many animal names used by the Spinifex People were documented. The following animals that are of conservation interest were recorded: Itjarri-itjarri (Southern Marsupial Mole, Notoryctes typhlops), Nganamarra (Malleefowl, Leipoa ocellata), Murrtja (Brush-tailed Mulgara, Dasycercus blythi), and Princess Parrot (Polytelis alexandrae). We concur with previous authors that biological surveys, when cross-cultural, can not only build scientific knowledge, but contribute to broader social goals of assisting Aboriginal people with cross-generational transfer and documenting of IEK.
... Kangaroos have been a food source for thousands of years in Australia. Aboriginal peoples have hunted kangaroos for their meat, skins, and symbolic value (Thomson et al., 2006). Most Aboriginal kangaroo hunting has been for private use; the kangaroos were consumed by the hunters, their families, and their tribes. ...
... Most Aboriginal kangaroo hunting has been for private use; the kangaroos were consumed by the hunters, their families, and their tribes. Since the early 2000s, the South Australian government has attempted to involve Aboriginal peoples in the commercial kangaroo industry as well (Thomson et al., 2006). But Aboriginal peoples are not the only Australians who hunt and eat kangaroos. ...
When Australian economist Ross Garnaut proposed to increase the commercial kangaroo industry in 2008, it started a national debate on the supposed edibility of kangaroos. Campaigns against the commercial kangaroo industry and hesitance amongst many consumers to eat kangaroo reflect concerns about viewing kangaroos as food. This article explores the reactions and challenges that originate from the kangaroo’s changing role in society by using Judith Butler’s concept of grievable lives . Using this framework shows that what animals we eat goes beyond nutritional value; it symbolizes deeper values regarding human–animal relations and illustrates why and how not all animals are seen and treated as the same.
... ) areas in eastern Australia, a 5614 km-long dingo-proof fence was erected in the 1880s (with ongoing maintenance costs), and widespread culling of dingoes is still common (Prowse et al., 2015). Kangaroos also have a conflicting status as one of Australia's emblematic and culturally important species, and an economically valuable provider of meat and leather, but can also be deemed a nuisance that consumes crops, competes with livestock, and damages ecosystems when overabundant (Thomsen et al., 2006;Boronyak et al., 2013;Read et al., 2021). Without a large apex predator, like the dingo, more human resources are required to manage kangaroo populations to protect agricultural and ecological assets Fischer et al. (2018) suggested that their observation of reduced crop damage inflicted by rodents in organic (compared to conventional) wheat fields was due to the characteristically lower crop densities and greater crop heights of the organic fields they measured (perhaps mediated by the rodents' harvesting behaviour). ...
Ecosystem services obtained by returning wild animals to agricultural landscapes can outweigh the disservices (e.g., livestock predation) of those same animals. We foresee three key management trends that will facilitate a balancing of economic and environmental gains in animal rewilding: (1) capturing wild provisioning services, (2) coordinating broad spatial heterogeneity in land use, and (3) employing coexistence conservation tactics. A resurgence of appreciation for wild animal products would provide opportunities for landholders to obtain new or supplementary income. Further gains could be facilitated by creating heterogeneous landscapes with various land sharing strategies that shift ecosystems away from intensive human use towards higher quality wild animal habitat. Finally, increased implementation of tactics that may drive or enable the adaptation of livestock, crops, their predators, as well as human perceptions and management strategies, could facilitate the coexistence of wild animals and agriculture that will help to produce net positive outcomes.
... This concern sits in turn within a broader critique stemming primarily from the compassionate conservation movement of emergent "utilitarian conservation" and "sustainable use of wildlife" models, that position some species as killable "resources" in ways that ultimately serve to further the vested interests of human actors and economies (Boom et al., 2012;Ramp 2013). Other critics, notably Indigenous Australian community representatives and Indigenous corporate bodies, have condemned the ways in which both emergent conservation and commodification logics perpetuate the historical exclusion of Indigenous peoples, protocols, and practices (Croft and Witte, 2021;Thomsen et al., 2006). These actors highlight the need for genuine social and economic inclusion of Indigenous Australians as equal partners, entrepreneurs, and beneficiaries in the kangaroo meat industry, in order to counter both the whiteness of the sector's monopoly and the "white people thinking" driving anti-roo activist campaigns and boycotts (Kurmelovs, 2021). ...
This article explores how human and animal agencies shape the socio-ecological lifeworlds of kangaroos as cultural icons, native wildlife, problematic pests, and commercial meat in contemporary Australia. Kangaroos’ resistance to Western, colonial ways of knowing and ordering the world fundamentally challenged the classificatory logic and foundations of early natural science. Kangaroos’ biological and behavioral resistance to domestication and farming – the traditional loci of animal exploitation – speaks to their inherent wildness, at the same time as it reveals their complicated dependence on ecosystems adapted for introduced livestock. Meanwhile, kangaroos’ resistance to government-endorsed population control programs, and the contested logic of (over)abundance that justifies kangaroo culling, both challenges and legitimates human calculations of who and what “counts” as worth conserving or killing. In tandem, the sensorial and symbolic valences of kangaroo flesh, compounded with the growing voices of animal welfare movements, generate visceral and political resistance to kangaroo meat as an unpalatable foodstuff. The article further centers the polysemic valences of kangaroos as a form of resistance to symbolic unity and coherence. Existing as many things at once, kangaroos eschew classification and treatment as any one thing. Instead, their ontology multiplies across the many epistemologies vying to determine kangaroos’ actual being and future becoming. The article concludes by assessing the opportunities and challenges of centering resistance and its diverse epistemic, vitalist, symbolic, and carnal manifestations to understand animal lifeways and deathways amidst entrenched capitalist and colonial regimes, whose reproduction depends on the production of the non-human as “killable.”
... News broadcasts show graphic footage, supported by robust monitoring data, of hundreds, even thousands, of kangaroos moving across degraded country, often starving to death (SMH 2015;BBC 2017). Even the voice of Indigenous Australians is divided between those eager to continue using macropods as a customary and highly valued source of food, and those who claim that consumption of kangaroos is culturally inappropriate (Thomsen et al. 2006). It is little wonder the public and policymakers are confused, or at best ambivalent, about the urgency for better management or unconditional protection of our macropods. ...
... For some, any involvement in the commercial harvest is unacceptable. For others, there is interest in developing enterprises based on kangaroo harvest (Thomsen et al. 2006). ...
The larger kangaroos (Macropus giganteus, M. fuliginosus and Osphranter rufus) are widely distributed and have a national population which fluctuates in response to changes in grass growth and trends to 40 million. Most are outside parks and reserves and, on pastoral properties, particularly on the rangelands of southern Australia. High numbers compromise regenerative agriculture, pasture conservation, revegetation and stewardship programmes, and can have significant financial impacts on landholders by lowering livestock production and damaging sustainability. Some smaller macropods, wallabies and pademelons, also have a similar effect, especially in Tasmania and on other smaller Australian Islands where foxes are absent. Paradoxically, kangaroos have a wide range of potentially valuable production attributes and are unique, which should be a global comparative advantage. The kangaroo industry is established with a small domestic and international market, although demand has been falling in recent years. Non-commercial culling is rising, which results in millions of carcasses being wasted and left to decompose in the field. Indigenous communities abhor such waste and its cultural implications. A stronger kangaroo industry would be a better solution to managing overabundant kangaroos than pest culling and exclusion fences. Because kangaroos move from property to property, populations need to be managed on a regional basis through ‘regional property-based kangaroo production’. A form of proprietorship over this mobile resource would encourage landholders to play a role in creating greater demand for kangaroo products. They would have an incentive to raise the value of kangaroos. Through innovative harvesting, they could deliver high-quality, environmentally branded, accurately described, gourmet, differentiated products integrated with other livestock industries. They could establish cooperatives and embark on promoting regional kangaroo products. Policy improvements are needed to achieve these production systems. Doing so would diversify their enterprises, convert a liability already on their properties into an asset, create employment, enhance rural economic resilience, and improve animal welfare and conservation outcomes while earning them carbon credits. These opportunities become even more profound as climate change progresses.
... Other Indigenous people may see introduced species as weeds (whether or not they are considered to be weeds by others) from their own cultural perspective, because of damage caused to country or sites of significance by these plants. Other authors have discussed Indigenous perspectives on conservation in more detail, specifically in relation to species introduced post-colonisation (e.g. Rose 1995; Thomsen et al. 2006;Trigger 2008;Vaarzon-Morel & Edwards 2012). 'Weeds' are also highly contested among ecologists and land managers in general. ...
Summary The involvement of Indigenous people in the national conservation effort is increasingly being acknowledged and valued in Australia. Ecological research can play an important role in reinforcing the efforts of Indigenous land managers; and interest from Indigenous and non-Indigenous ecologists and land managers to work together on ecological issues of common concern is increasing. Although there are many examples of successful collaborations there are also many instances where expectations, particularly of the Indigenous partners, are not met, and this is less frequently communicated. This paper, written from the perspective of an Arrernte researcher in partnership with his non-Indigenous colleague, outlines a range of challenges including the need for Indigenous people to have more control of what is done and why it is done on their country and to define and prioritise their own objectives for land management, which may or may not align with mainstream conservation agendas. Currently, Western conservation paradigms play the dominant role in how Natural Resource Management is practiced and how broader policy is set, and ecological research on Indigenous land is still most often led by the Western ecologists. This can leave out the ideas of Indigenous people and does little to address underlying inequitable power relationships. Indigenous Australians do not want to become spectators in the research process, giving away knowledge, or labourers to Western conservation agendas. They want to be active partners in developing better understandings of the environment and implementers of management that reflects shared agendas. Open discussion of these issues within the mainstream ecological literature is an important step towards change and will create better opportunities for both Indigenous and non-Indigenous ecological practitioners and Indigenous people dealing with land management policy.
Concerns raised, including those voiced by animal rights and vegan activists, have limited the available practices by landholders in the southern Australian rangelands to effectively control kangaroos and, over time, the actions of these groups may threaten the existence of the livestock industry. This paper draws on interviews with key stakeholders and workshops with technical experts and red meat industry participants to identify strategies to respond to this potentially existential threat. Strategies include establishing platforms and processes for effective stakeholder engagement, establishing a unified and resourced industry ‘voice’ to effectively engage with government and other stakeholders, and ensuring that the industry self-regulates in order to avoid the potential for rogue elements to undermine its credibility and trustworthiness.
Social and political changes occurring in Western democracies have required the development of approaches referred to by scholars such as Nikolas Rose as 'new technologies of governance'. These experiments in governance are paradigmatically different from previous approaches and, as a consequence, there is much to learn about how to ensure their equity and effectiveness. In this paper, we examine the contribution of the Natural Heritage Trust (NHT) to the management of Indigenous lands in Australia. We present data which show, conclusively, that the land management needs of Indigenous communities have been poorly accommodated by the NHT. We suggest that the architects of NHT III and similar programs need to remember that: (i) rescaling governance does not ensure equitable outcomes across diverse regional populations; (ii) strategies for Indigenous community engagement need rethinking; and (iii) Indigenous community and civil society capacity building remains an ongoing challenge.
A growing body of work in social and cultural geography is concerned with examining food to explore ethical, civic and social concerns. I build on the critiques by engaging with the visceral. Drawing on the theoretical work of Elspeth Probyn, I argue that eating reveals the fundamental ambiguity of embodiment, allowing us to attend to visceralities of difference as understood within the context of power geometries that shape and reshape food politics. This analysis is promoted by the Australian Commonwealth Government's endorsement of suggestions by environmental scientists that households' meals should substitute kangaroo for farmed livestock to lower greenhouse gas emissions. I investigate appetites for kangaroo as discussed while plating-up, and sometimes digested, by white bodies in kitchens and dining rooms within thirty households in Wollongong, New South Wales. To explain where kangaroo is rendered inedible, or edible, I use the recognition that the visceral realm—narrated through the aromas, tastes and touch—offers insights to place, subjectivity, embodied skills and food politics.
Kangaroos are a common pool resource harvested for commercial markets that utilise meat and skins. Harvest is regulated by legislation that establishes the formal rules of the kangaroo industry. Our recent research, conducted in South Australia, examined the formal rules of commercial harvest and has also uncovered informal institutions in operation. By analysing data from interviews with landholders (pastoral lease holders), kangaroo harvesters and kangaroo meat processors we found that the formal rules imposed by government regulators are not always congruent with efficient and effective harvest regimes. We have used Crawford and Ostrom's (2005) syntax for classifying rules in our examination of the informal institutions fashioned by industry actors. Resource users may not always follow the formal rules of use imposed by government, but when personal livelihoods are at stake they do act to conserve their resource base.
Kangaroo management is important to the sustainability of Australia’s rangeland landscapes. The commercial harvest of kangaroos assists in reduction of total grazing pressure in the rangelands and provides the potential for supplementary income to pastoralists. Indeed, the commercial kangaroo industry is considered by natural resource scientists as one of the few rural industry development options with potential to provide economic return with minimal environmental impact. While the biology and population ecology of harvested kangaroo species in Australia is the subject of past and present research, the social, institutional and economic issues pertinent to the commercial kangaroo industry are not well understood. Our research is addressing the lack of understanding of social issues around kangaroo management, which are emerging as constraints on industry development.
The non-indigenous stakeholders in kangaroo harvest are landholders, regional management authorities, government conservation and primary production agencies, meat processors, marketers and field processors (shooters) and these industry players generally have little understanding of what issues the commercial harvest of kangaroos presents to Aboriginal people. Consequently, the perspectives and aspirations of Aboriginal people regarding the commercial harvest of kangaroos are not well considered in management, industry development and planning. For Aboriginal people, kangaroos have subsistence, economic and cultural values and while these values and perspectives vary between language groups and individuals, there is potential to address indigenous issues by including Aboriginal people in various aspects of kangaroo management. This research also examines the Aboriginal interface with commercial kangaroo harvest, and by working with Aboriginal people and groups is exploring several options for greater industry involvement. The promotion of better understandings between indigenous and non-indigenous people with interests in kangaroo management could promote industry development through the marketing of kangaroo as not only clean and green, but also as a socially just product.
Aboriginal and non-aboriginal workers report on innovations in management models in Arnhem Land.
Rock-wallaby populations in central desert regions are insidiously disappearing through a continuing process of local extinctions. Their survival will depend on collaboration between Aboriginal Councils and communities, and conservation agencies. While collaborative survey work to locate rock-wallaby populations has been successful, the next step of managing remnant populations will be more challenging. Differences in concepts of extinction and the preservation of bio-diversity, funding constraints and the cultural appropriateness of management programs are important factors which need to be addressed. These issues are examined with examples of recent initiatives in Western Australia.
Recognition of native land title following the High Court of Australia's Mabo judgment of 1992¹ has generated considerable misunderstanding and even fear among some sectors of the Australian community. While the recently enacted legislative package has clarified property rights and has helped to set parameters for the future, many people remain uneasy about land use and management under a native title regime.
Present discussion has focused on the implications of native title for Aboriginal² and other property rights. However, as this article argues, the message of the Mabo judgment is much broader. Along with land tenure, it implicitly recognises Aboriginal concepts of land use and management, and therefore provides moral suasion for incorporating all Aboriginal people, landless as well as landholding, in national, regional and local land use planning and activities. Incorporating Aboriginal visions and expertise into land and marine management can greatly benefit mainstream Australia by assisting in the development of more sustainable regimes. Such an approach may lead to new combinations of land use more suitable to the long-term sustainability of Australia's marginal lands, areas in which Aboriginal people often form a highly significant proportion of the resident population. It may also help to promote national and international commitments towards conservation and biodiversity. Recognition and respect for Aboriginal ecological knowledge and land management expertise would not only help to improve Australian land management practices; it would also further the cause of national reconciliation.
Focusing on the chenopod shrublands of Australia, and emphasising research undertaken in the Menindee District, W New South Wales, particularly in Kinchega National Park and Tandou sheep station, the book examines the ecology and management of kangaroos and shows how they interact with their environment, including areas modified by sheep grazing, and with the sheep themselves. Feeding behaviour, movement, habitat use, body condition and population dynamics are described for red Macropus rufus, eastern grey M. giganteus and western grey M. fuliginosus kangaroos, and relations with weather and plant growth are discussed. Three options for management of kangaroos are debated: full protection (which cannot be justified for reasons of conservation alone), culling for mitigation of damage, and harvesting as a renewable resource (where costs are in fact likely to exceed profits). -P.J.Jarvis
On 26th January 1984, The Department of Aboriginal Affairs accepted a tender from the North Australia Research Unit (NARU) of the Australian National University to undertake a study of land use practices and related matters in the outstations in Central Australia. The terms of reference required that the Unit report to the Minister for Aboriginal Affairs on the following matters, as aids to policy making:-
1. The locations of outstations and their extent amongst the various language groups.
2. The demographic characteristics of outstations.
3. The histories of outstations and of their resources.
4. The histories and current traditional and European land management practices.
5. The availability and quality of land, water, animal and vegetable resources.
Further, the study was to comment on the economic and social dynamics of outstations and make recommendations on policy matters.
traditional knowledge of indigenous community and the value of this knowledge for managing SES. Moreover, it gives a framework of different type of knowledge: local-manager-institution-world view being the latter the most difficult to change
Australian Aborigines develop a high frequency of type-2 diabetes mellitus when they make the transition from a traditional to an urban life-style. Preliminary studies were conducted at an outstation in northeastern Arnhem Land where the Aborigines have been exposed to Western influence for approximately 20 years only and where they continue to follow a life-style that is largely traditional. At the time of the study 31 persons were resident at the outstation, 20 persons were over 15 years of age (adults) and 11 persons were under 15 years of age (children). Eighteen adults and six children were tested. By standard criteria for body mass index these persons were all underweight (less than 20 kg/m2). In spite of this, they displayed no biochemical evidence of malnutrition. Their plasma fatty-acid profiles were consistent with a low dietary fat intake and a high consumption of lean meat. Levels of linoleic acid were much lower and those of arachidonic acid were much higher than are those in persons who consume a Western diet. Fasting glucose and cholesterol concentrations were low relative to those of urbanized Aborigines and white Australians. However, their fasting insulin and triglyceride levels were inappropriately high for their very low body mass index and fasting glucose levels. The mild elevation of triglyceride and fasting insulin levels is consistent with insulin resistance and suggests that these Aborigines (in common with other Aborigines) may become susceptible to obesity and diabetes if they became urbanized further.
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