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Selling Nature to Save It? Biodiversity and Green Developmentalism
Abstract
New supranational environmental institutions, including the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the 'green' World Bank, reflect attempts to regulate international flows of 'natural capital' by means of an approach I call 'green developmentalism: These institutions are sources of eco-development dollars and of a new 'global' discourse, a postneoliberal environmental-economic paradigm. By the logic of this paradigm, nature is constructed as a world currency and ecosystems are recoded as warehouses of genetic resources for biotechnology industries. Nature would earn its own right to survive through international trade in ecosystem services and permits to pollute, access to tourism and research sites, and exports of timber, minerals, and intellectual property rights to traditional crop varieties and shamans' recipes. I contend that green developmentalism, with its promise of market solutions to environmental problems, is blunting the North-South disputes that have embroiled international environmental institutions. But by valuing local nature in relation to international markets-denominating diversity in dollars, euros, or yen-green developmentalism abstracts nature from its spatial and social contexts and reinforces the claims of global elites to the greatest share of the earth's biomass and all it contains. Meanwhile, the CBD has become a gathering ground for transnational coalitions of indigenous, peasant, and NGO opponents of 'biopiracy' and the patenting of living things, and advocates of international environmental justice. They have begun to put forward counterdiscourses and alternative practices to those of green developmentalism.
... Tourism practices within the framework of environmental justice have been explored in pioneering studies. McAfee (1999) examines the relationship between biodiversity, environmental protection, and economic development, emphasizing the need for inclusive approaches that prioritize local communities' rights and sustainability over commodifying nature. Lee and Jamal (2008) advocate for integrating sustainable tourism with environmental justice, focusing on the rights of disadvantaged communities. ...
... Global citation status, on the other hand, refers to the cumulative citations garnered from various publications in sources such as Scopus, WOS, and Google Scholar (Batsita-Caninon et al., 2023). The visual representation of the global citation status of the publications shows that the most cited study is by McAfee (1999), with a total of 478 citations. Büscher & Fletcher (2019) and Floyd & Johnson (2002) rank second and third, respectively, each having received over 100 citations (Figure 15(b)). ...
... Büscher & Fletcher (2019) and Floyd & Johnson (2002) rank second and third, respectively, each having received over 100 citations (Figure 15(b)). McAfee (1999) examines the impact of an approach known as "green developmentalism" on environmental management, biodiversity, and global environmental issues. Büscher and Fletcher (2019) and Floyd and Johnson (2002) rank second and third, respectively, each having received over 100 citations (Figure 15(b)). ...
Tourism plays a significant role in economic development and job creation; however, it also causes environmental changes and impacts local communities. Research conducted from an environmental justice perspective is crucial to promote resource conservation and protect the rights of local populations. The study aims to review the literature on environmental justice in the tourism sector, contribute to the knowledge base, and examine the social and academic implications of the findings. A bibliometric analysis of 86 studies indexed in the WoS database (1999–2024) is conducted to identify leading journals, authors, countries, keywords, and themes. The findings reveal a substantial increase in research in this field, with the United States emerging as a key contributing country. Prominent themes include social and environmental justice, equity, ecotourism, urban contexts, ethics, conservation studies, and ethnographic research. The study underscores the importance of environmental justice in tourism and offers valuable insights to guide future research and policymaking processes.
... Technocracy becomes a barrier to transformative change through this emphasis on various dimensions of the prevailing relations of domination that legitimize and enable specific kinds of control, management and extraction of biodiversity and nature to the exclusion of alternatives (Bryant, 2002;De Santo et al., 2011;German et al., 2006;Goldman, 2003). This is particularly true where technocratic framings of environmental management align with efforts to simplify the value of natural resources to forms of capital that can be circulated in markets (Dempsey & Suarez, 2016;Hansen, 2013;McAfee, 1999;Mei-Singh, 2016;Münster & Münster, 2012;Toly, 2004), a process that reinforces state constructions of territory, resources, ownership and legitimate knowledge. ...
... Third, the TIP-System allows for contextual adaptation by recognizing and embedding local cultural and ecological contexts. The TIP-System prioritizes context-sensitive solutions, ensuring that interventions are responsive to local needs and resilient across diverse settings, and avoiding over-simplistic or isolated interventions that originate from narrow institutional processes and transient cultural representations (e.g., [165][166][167][168]. For example, the Green Revolution, while successful in increasing agricultural yields, is often criticized for its overreliance on technology-driven solutions and for overlooking their broader social and ecological implications [169]. ...
This paper introduces the Transition Intervention Point System (TIP-System), a Taoist-inspired theoretical framework aimed at supporting sustainability transitions by integrating multidimensional sustainability research by leveraging point theory. The TIP-System consists of 21 Transition Intervention Points (TIPs), each defined by the intersection of five sustainability dimensions (ecological, social, economic, cultural, and inner) with distinct intervention levels (deep and shallow). The TIP-System endeavors to bridge qualitative and quantitative approaches by drawing on cross-cultural insights. It integrates deep interventions—Taoist-inspired meta-coordination, core values, and spiritual-ethical leverage points—with shallow interventions and technical transition pathways, underpinned by continuous adaptive feedback and systemic interdependencies. Preliminary empirical evidence from eight social innovation initiatives and an ongoing EU-funded rural transition project in Southern Europe suggests that the dynamic interplay among the 21 TIPs may facilitate the identification of transition states and support targeted sustainability change. However, the conceptual complexity of the TIP-System also indicates the need for further refinement to improve its practical accessibility. Future research should aim to develop more user-friendly evaluation tools and assess the framework’s performance across diverse contexts. Overall, the TIP-System provides a promising foundation for guiding transformative change across diverse contexts. Although further empirical validation is warranted, the framework’s novel perspective enriches both theoretical inquiry on and the practical application of sustainability transitions.
... For example, monetary valuation has been widely criticized because it commodifies nature. Scholars claim that this process further extends the influence of markets over nature and weakens the intrinsic value of the environment and the justice arguments for conservation (Büscher et al., 2012;Dunlap and Sullivan, 2019;McAfee, 1999). Such studies assert that monetary valuation does not solve the harmful extraction and degradation of natural ecosystems, and that through a simplification of complex values to monetary metrics, the process erroneously reduces ES to a value that is substitutable by a competing good or service (Kosoy and Corbera, 2010;Matulis, 2014). ...
... The concept of how nature contributes to people 35,39 reinforces the sustainable development narrative that predicts a positive relationship between biodiversity and general prosperity, but often specifically economic prosperity 40 . While this narrative has stimulated considerable critical debate 38,[41][42][43][44][45][46] , empirical studies that quantitatively link natural wealth to economic prosperity across the globe remain rare 19 . ...
Biodiversity is declining globally, and poverty rates are not improving, so sustainable development initiatives aim to jointly reduce biodiversity loss and alleviate poverty. These initiatives expect biodiverse ecosystems to benefit people if nature were adequately valued in financial terms: thereby countries can use their natural wealth to reduce poverty. This logic predicts an eventual negative relationship between biodiversity and poverty, to be reached through conservation-minded economic development. We show that, paradoxically, the opposite pattern prevails, countries with highest poverty reside in the world's most biodiverse regions but the most financially prosperous countries reside in low biodiversity regions. We quantitatively resolve this paradox, by modelling biodiversity influences on poverty through historical pathways of colonialism that led to export economies with weak governance and increased poverty rates. This finding supports the proposed "systemic bio-inequity" hypothesis. In attempting to solve poverty through conservation, a second paradox emerges: conservation investments align neither with the economic capacity to protect nature nor with the global distribution of biodiversity. Overall, our findings better link systemic, historical and institutional drivers of modern poverty with biodiversity and, unfortunately, undermine the narrative that biodiversity, and its conservation, can underpin future economic prosperity of countries.
Over the past three decades, the vast expansion of urban areas driven by neoliberal policies has drastically transformed the interactions between ‘urban society’ and ‘nature,’ intensifying existing environmental conflicts. Therefore, the restructured socio-urban environment as part of what Lefebvre described as 'complete urbanization,' calls for new conceptualizations and scopes within environmental movements from a radical perspective, necessitating a re-exploration of the understanding and definition of nature. Accordingly, this study introduces the concept of urban ecological movements, which is defined as the forms of resistance shaped under conditions of complete urbanization and the increasing incorporation of non-urban spaces into neoliberal urban development. In order to discuss this changing relationship between urban and non-urban spaces under the conditions of complete urbanization, the study is grounded in the literature of right to the city, urban social movements, environmental movements and the framework of urban political ecology. Using a critical urban political ecology framework, it examines the interplay between neoliberal urbanization, urban nature, and socio-ecological resistance. To conduct this research, Ayvalık, a coastal town under the governance of Balıkesir Metropolitan Municipality, is scrutinized as a case study. Ayvalık is designated both as an ‘urban conservation area’ for its historic port and traditional settlement and a ‘natural and historic conservation area’ for its olive groves. Its proximity to the metropolitan areas, especially Istanbul, makes it a striking example to discuss the actors of resistance and the network generated among them. Ayvalık exemplifies a contested environment, where local resistance engages with regional, national, and even global urban and environmental issues. The specificities explored through the case allow for a grounded discussion on the neoliberal mode of urbanization and the relentless production and exploitation of urban nature, argued to be driven by social and political policies. The scope of the research is limited to the past decade, a period that has witnessed significant impetus in ecological movements, marked by the Gezi Park Protests, opposing neoliberal urban policies pursued by power-holders. By analysing the socio-political and environmental consequences of complete urbanization in the last decade, the research highlights how conscious and organized urban ecological activism of complete urbanization actively claims the right to the city and nature as both working slogans and political ideals against neoliberal restructuring of space.
Global warming and environmental issues are current issues whose threat is coupled with actual economic problems. Environmental and social costs are often rising inside the country as its economy grows, where they strive to maintain acceptable living standards and decrease the volume of emissions. Hence, the nations have their oversized role to play in decision making or decisions of a global nature depending on the size of their economy. The analysis of climate change and its impacts entails calling for a paradigm shift and focusing on obligations recognition and compliance through civilian pressure rather than on the politically skewed international political diplomacy systems. The goal of the study is therefore to review the chronological progression of international environmental agreements from early protocols to contemporary, Outline the key factors that have facilitated change in the agreements and evaluate how effective these agreements have been in meeting their goals.
The Italian Unesco Biosphere Reserves and proximity (eco)tourism: What are the criticalities and possibilities? – During the pandemic, outdoor recreational practices received particular attention and saw an increase in the number of users, especially in areas close to everyday life, as it was considered accessible, safe and “natural”. However, tourism negatively affects the climate and environment, highlighting the complex relationship between humans and nature in the Anthropocene. Reducing travel distances or using environmentally friendly transportation is not enough. Despite greater integration of nature and culture, the idea of unspoilt nature that must be preserved persists, encouraging the commodification of nature. UNESCO Biosphere Reserves seek to overcome this dichotomy by promoting conservation alongside sustainable development and involving local communities. By analyzing three Italian reserves, we assess the proximity tourism that occurs there, how these dichotomies are addressed, and whether they can mitigate the negative impacts of tourism. The research shows that success depends on the actors involved, community participation, and more explicit management of tourism by the MAB reserves.
This article examines the development of ecotourism with a particular emphasis on social conditions and changing human–environment relationships. Ecotourism is a globalized form of tourism comprising a wide range of activities and ideologies. Although it is hardly possible to articulate a general definition, ecotourism ideally promotes the conservation of nature and species, generates benefits for the local population, recognises their cultural heritage and fosters environmental education. However, as many ethnographic studies show, the consequences of this normative form of tourism on both the local population and ecosystems are ambivalent. In this vein, this article discusses power relations and ethical, post-humanist dimensions that further complicate the relationships between (non)humans and environments.
Science has a central role in shaping what count as environmental problems. This has been evident most recently in the success of planetary science and environmental activism in stimulating awareness and discussion of global environmental problems. We advance three propositions about the special relationship between environmental science and politics: (1) in the formulation of science, not just in its application, certain courses of action are facilitated over others; (2) in global environmental discourse, moral and technocratic views of social action have been privileged; and (3) global environmental change, as science and movement ideology, is vulnerable to deconstructive pressures. These stem from different nations and differentiated social groups within nations having different interests in causing and alleviating environmental problems. We develop these propositions through a reconstruction of The Limits to Growth study of the early 1970s, make extensions to current studies of the human/social impacts of climate change, and review current sources of opposition to global and political formulations of environmental issues.
The Uruguay Round of trade negotiations took until December 1993 to be completed. Its conclusion has been heralded as a significant step on the part of countries belonging to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). However, further cooperation by these countries is still required, as is the need to go further. The globalization of the world’s economies is paralleled by the increasingly global nature of environmental problems. This is true in terms of the effects of these problems (e.g., climate change and ozone depletion), and also because dealing with these problems will require international cooperation. In view of the significant role it will play in the world economy, this global response will, in part, include reforming the rules of the international trading system.
This article analyses the controversy around the Global Environment Facility established by the World Bank, the United Nations Environment Programme and the United Nations Development Programme. The criticisms of representatives of non‐governmental organisations and diplomats from developing countries have been studied and appear to relate to three different levels: at the lowest level, they relate to the interpretation of the different issues in the GEF documents; at the next level, to the institutional context in which the GEF is based; and, at the highest level they concern the deeper problems of North‐South relations and power asymmetries. All three levels influence each other, and the basic reluctance of the developing countries to accept the role of the GEF as the operating entity for the financial mechanism to implement Agenda 21 and the different environmental conventions stems from the middle and higher levels. This article analyses the criticisms and draws some inferences about how the power asymmetries can be dealt with.
This article expounds the traditional Marxist theory of the contradiction between forces and relations of production, over production of capital and economic crisis, and the process of crisis-induced restructuring of productive forces and production relations into more transparently social, hence potentially socialist, forms. This exposition provides a point of departure for an “ecological Marxist” theory of the contradiction between capitalist production relations and forces and the conditions of production, underproduction of capital and economic crisis, and the process of crisis-induced restructuring of production conditions and the social relations thereof also into more transparently social, hence potentially socialist, forms. In short, there may be not one but two paths to socialism in late capitalist society. While the two processes of capital overproduction and underproduction are by no means mutually exclusive, they may offset or compensate for one another in ways which create the appearance of relatively stable processes of capitalist development. Study of the combination of the two processes in the contemporary world may throw light on the decline of traditional labor and socialist movements and the rise of “new social movements” as agencies of social transformation. In similar ways that traditional Marxism illuminates the practises of traditional labor movements, it may be that “ecological Marxism” throws light on the practices of new social movements. Although ecology and nature; the politics of the body, feminism, and the family; and urban movements and related topics are usually discussed in post-Marxist terms, the rhetoric deployed in this article is self-consciously Marxist and designed to appeal to Marxist theorists and fellow travelers whose work remains within a “scientific” discourse hence those who are least likely to be convinced by post-Marxist discussions of the problem of capital’s use and abuse of nature (including human nature) in the modem world. However, the emphasis in this article on a political economic “scientific” discourse is tactical, not strategic. In reality, more or less autonomous social relationships, often non-capitalist or anti-capitalist, constitute “civil society,” which needs to be addressed on its own practical and theoretical terms. In other words, social and collective action is not meant to be construed merely as derivative of systemic forces, as the last section of the article hopefully will make clear.
The Kayap Indians of Brazil's Amazon Basin are described as effective managers of tropical forest, utilizing an extensive inventory of useful native plants that are concentrated by human activity in special forest areas (resource islands, forest fields, forest openings, tuber gardens, agricultural plots, old fields, and trailsides). Long-term transplanting and selection of plants suggest semi-domestication of many species. The overall management strategies of forest also includes many manipulated animal species (birds, fish, bees, mammals) utilized as food and game. Forest patches (apt) are created by Indians from campo/cerrado using planting zones made from termite and ant nests mixed with mulch: formation and development of these is briefly discussed, including the implications for new ideas concerning reforestation and campo management. Finally an integrative cognitive model is presented showing the relationships between variants of forest and savanna recognized by the Kayap. Indigenous knowledge of subtle similarities between conceptually distinct ecological units in the model allows for the interchange of botanical material between microclimates to increase biological diversity in managed areas. It is suggested that indigenous knowledge is extremely important in developing new strategies for forest and campo/cerrado conservation, while improving productiveness of these ecological systems. Such knowledge is not only applicable for Amaznian Indians, but also has far-reaching implications for human populations throughout the humid tropics.
The economic values which nontraded and traded environmental goods and services, or negative externalities, might be given, depend (in different ways) on the distribution of income. Income-elasticity (in actual or surrogate markets) might be greater for environmental “amenities” than for environmental “necessities.” Therefore, a redistribution of income would have effects on the demand of environmental goods and services. But this is not the main line of this paper, which is more focused on the “supply side.” From the “supply side,” the distribution of income (and of property rights) will determine (in a Sraffian-like manner) the value (or rather, the “production prices”) of traded “natural capital.” However, most environmental goods and services are not in the market. In this respect, the paper introduces the concept of “ecological distribution,” i.e. the social, spatial, and temporal asymmetries in the access to natural resources or in the burdens of pollution (whether traded or not), and it considers the relations between economic distribution and ecological distribution. In other words, the paper discusses the relations between Political Economy and Political Ecology. The paper also includes a section on the appropriate discount rate which would be that determined by the “sustainable” productivity of capital; but the measure of sustainability depends on the measure of depreciation of “natural capital,” and the measure of “natural capital” depends on the allocation of property rights, and on the distribution of income. The final section explores the links between distributional issues and economic incommensurability.
Living organisms produce chemicals for repelling pests and resisting infections. Some of these chemicals have considerable commercial value. The demonstration of commercial value might motivate increased conservation of tropical biodiversity. Successful commercialization requires countries with genetic resources either to transfer these resources to foreign research organizations that can develop them or to acquire the capacity to develop them commercially. This paper discusses factors in contracting for such transfers and investing in such capacity. Copyright 1994 by Oxford University Press.
Biodiversity and the politics of local control of resources with a case study of Cameroon”, paper read at the March 1995 meeting of the Association of American Geographers
- P Blaikie