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Just Another Night in the Shooting Gallery?: The Syringe, Space, and Affect

Authors:

Abstract

In his ethnography of the shooting gallery Phillipe Bourgois interprets the comment "I started shooting heroin at 14, now I'm 64" as an indication that his respondent's "oppression is fully internalised and, almost like a neo-liberal ideologue, he takes full responsibility for his poverty, illiteracy and homelessness" (1998 Theory, Culture and Society 15). In this paper I consider whether this interpretation adequately gets to grips with a lifetime of attachment to the syringe. Could there be another interpretation for the experience of the shooting gallery? What happens when heroin addiction is addressed not in terms of the political economy of suffering but the political economy of affect? Drawing on my empirical research on the syringe, I examine the affective dimension of the shooting gallery, paying particular attention to the sensation of the syringe. My focus concerns the policy of needle exchange, practices of syringe collection and disposal, and issues of space, waste, and affect. Bringing together poststructural analyses of space, I argue that the excess value of the used syringe unsettles the boundaries between subject and object, private and public, and space and place. This has implications for how we understand not just the space of the shooting gallery but the politics of harm reduction and the city.
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... Previous scholarship has uncovered well how consumption environments shape the experience of the activity of drug use (e.g. Duff, 2007;Rhodes, 2002;Vitellone, 2010), more specifically, the importance of these environments for associated risk (e.g. Rhodes et al., 2006Rhodes et al., , 2012 and the pleasurable dimension (e.g. ...
... Our ethnographic account contributes to scholarly efforts in bringing the role of consumption environments and the experiences of PWID, to the fore (Duff, 2007;Rhodes et al., 2006;Vitellone, 2010). We provide insights into how PWID might combine different resources from different environments, particularly harm reduction programs with indigenous techniques. ...
... Where the activity of drug use takes place, matters (e.g. Duff, 2007Duff, , 2008Rhodes et al., 2006;Vitellone, 2010), and ethnographers initially studied this in public and semi-public environments, such as shooting galleries, crack houses, alleys, parks, abandoned buildings, and private housing. Their accounts paint these environments as locations where social interactions are often accompanied by violence (e.g. ...
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... 15,16 It has its roots in colonialist anthropology that sought to study 'primitive' cultures outside of Europe during the early 1800s, 17 but is now more often associated with exploring the experiences of socially marginalized communities and subcultures. [18][19][20][21] The classic ethnographic method is participant observation-often with a researcher spending months or years actively involved with the group they are studying. 22 It is also often the case that the communities and subcultures under investigation are ones that the researcher is intimately familiar with. ...
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