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Comparative Kadai: the Tai branch
... Further direct evidence from both archeology and language supported that the prosperity of rice farming led to the formation of the ancestral populations of present-day Tai-Kadai-, Hmong-Mien-, Austroasiatic-, and Austronesian-speaking populations and their used languages (Diamond and Bellwood, 2003;Zhao, 2011;Stevens and Fuller, 2017). In addition, linguistic evidence not only demonstrated that there was a common origin between Tai-Kadai and Austronesian language but also revealed that the Tai-Kadai language shared more language components (language borrowing) with surrounding Hmong-Mien and Sino-Tibetan families (Edmondson, 1988;Edmondson, 1997;Lu, 2008), which was also confirmed via the genome-wide SNP data . Importantly, a recent published genetic analysis based on the whole-genome SNP data from Southeast Asians also revealed the complex divergence processes, which showed that Austroasiatic people diverged from mainland Chinese populations approximately 15 thousand years ago (kya), Austronesian people diverged from mainland Siniticspeaking Han and Tai-Kadai-speaking Dai around 10 kya, and Cordilleran people split from indigenous Taiwanese people at eight kya (Larena et al., 2021). ...
... The linguistic survey has found that the Tai-Kadai language was widely distributed in Southeast Asia, including Zhuang-Dai, Dong-Shui, Li, and Ge-Yang language sub-branches (Edmondson, 1988;Liang and Zhang, 1996;Edmondson, 1997;Kutanan et al., 2019;Liu et al., 2020;Kutanan et al., 2021). Linguistic findings showed that Maonan is a subgroup of the Dong-Shui language, mainly distributed in Guizhou, Guangdong, and Guangxi provinces (Lu, 2008). ...
... Maonan people used the Maonan language belonging to the Dongshui branch in the Tai-Kadai language family (Edmondson, 1988(Edmondson, , 1997Lu, 2008), which was widely distributed in Guizhou and Guangxi provinces. Historians supported that the Maonan people were one of the major descendants of ancient indigeneous tribes in coastal southern China, and that they were especially associated with the hanging coffin burial custom . ...
Guizhou Province harbors extensive ethnolinguistic and cultural diversity with Sino-Tibetan-, Hmong–Mien-, and Tai–Kadai-speaking populations. However, previous genetic analyses mainly focused on the genetic admixture history of the former two linguistic groups. The admixture history of Tai–Kadai-speaking populations in Guizhou needed to be characterized further. Thus, we genotyped genome-wide SNP data from 41 Tai–Kadai-speaking Maonan people and made a comprehensive population genetic analysis to explore their genetic origin and admixture history based on the pattern of the sharing alleles and haplotypes. We found a genetic affinity among geographically different Tai–Kadai-speaking populations, especially for Guizhou Maonan people and reference Maonan from Guangxi. Furthermore, formal tests based on the f 3 /f 4 -statistics further identified an adjacent connection between Maonan and geographically adjacent Hmong–Mien and Sino-Tibetan people, which was consistent with their historically documented shared material culture (Zhang et al., iScience, 2020, 23, 101032). Fitted qpAdm-based two-way admixture models with ancestral sources from northern and southern East Asians demonstrated that Maonan people were an admixed population with primary ancestry related to Guangxi historical people and a minor proportion of ancestry from Northeast Asians, consistent with their linguistically supported southern China origin. Here, we presented the landscape of genetic structure and diversity of Maonan people and a simple demographic model for their evolutionary process. Further whole-genome-sequence–based projects can be presented with more detailed information about the population history and adaptative history of the Guizhou Maonan people.
... Toponyms can be classified into different layers based on the language or period in which they appeared (Chu et al. 2009). According to Edmondson and Solnit (1997), the Zhuang language belongs to the Tai-Kadai group of languages. In contrast, the Cantonese, Hoklo and Hakka dialects belong to the Sinitic group of languages, which is a branch of the Sino-Tibetan languages. ...
The unique geographical environment and the historical waves of immigration of the northern Han Chinese to the Lingnan region have contributed to the development of a complex and unique culture in Guangdong Province. Four ancient ethnic groups, the Zhuang, Cantonese, Hoklo and Hakka, have resided in this area for centuries. As an important part of local culture, toponyms often survive changes in history and can reveal the temporal differences between the past and present in landforms and the spatial differences in the distribution of different ethnic group populations. In this study, two goals were sought: (1) the adoption of spatial smoothing and interpolation methods to reveal the spatial patterns of the Zhuang, Cantonese, Hoklo and Hakka toponyms based on comparisons among the proportions of those who speak various languages and (2) the investigation of the differences among toponymic layers under regional environmental conditions and the influences of geographic factors using an independent samples t-test and a binary logistic regression.
... Up-to-date maps of their distribution are given in Edmondson & Solnit (1997a) who estimate the number of speakers of these languages as at least 80 million. Overviews of the phylum are given in Edmondson & Solnit (1988, 1997a).Figure 6 shows the view of the internal relationships of Daic given by Edmondson & Solnit (1997b); Daic languages are not all that diverse and almost certainly a candidate for a major agricultural expansion. Despite this, there is no obvious archaeological correlate. ...
... Zhuang is a branch of the Kam Tai language group (along with languages such as Thai, Lao, and Dai), which in turn, belongs to the larger Tai-Kadai language family (Edmondson and Solnit 1990, Somsonge and Qin 2006, etc). In 2002 the number of speakers were estimated to be about 16 million (more precisely 16 178 811(PCO 2002)). ...
This paper outlines some strategies, methods, and techniques for the documentation and revitalization of Zhuang language and culture through linguistic fieldwork. Zhuang, a Tai-Kadai language spoken mainly in the rural areas of the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region of southwestern China, is the largest minority language in mainland China, with mother-tongue speakers numbering about 20 million. While this language is not in danger of dying out in the foreseeable future, it is indeed an endangered language, given that a phenomenon of language shift, as described in Bodomo (2007), is occurring in which more and more Zhuang children, especially those born in the cities, are picking up Putonghua, rather than Zhuang, as their mother tongue or most proficient language. In addition, even though language education policy exists for encouraging Zhuang and the minority language speakers to obtain literacy in their own languages, as Bodomo and Tai (2003) have shown, fewer and fewer Zhuang people are learning how to write their own language, and indeed the official Zhuang script is hardly used in the daily writing practices of Zhuang people. Given such a situation of language shift and lack of literacy practices that is consequently leading to language endangerment, which, in turn, may lead to language death, efforts must be made to document and revitalize the language. Our approach to language documentation in this paper and elsewhere is one of documentation for revitalization as opposed to documentation for mere preservation. This approach to language documentation is an action-and a community-oriented approach (Himmelmann 1998) in which we involve members of the community such as farmers, housewives, school children, etc in data collection but also in language revitalization. In terms of methodology, we have evolved what we term laboratory-to-field experimentation for collecting and analyzing data.
From the perspective of areal linguistics, this paper examines the similarities in tonal behavior between Sinitic and Kam-Tai, the two most populous language groups in Lingnan. By relying on some frameworks for investigating tone systems, i.e., tone-box theories, which largely involve the evolution of tones, the following duplicating patterns and paths of diffusion of areal features are identified. (1) The secondary tonal split conditioned by vowel length on checked syllables, as well as the secondary tonal split of the upper-register tones conditioned by the laryngeal features of initial consonants, both originated in Kam-Tai languages and have diffused into some neighboring Sinitic languages. (2) The pattern of the secondary tonal split of the lower-register tones conditioned by laryngeal features of the initial consonants originated in northern authoritative Sinitic languages and spread widely among different subgroups of Sinitic languages; its diffusion into the Kam-Tai languages is limited to the lexical category of loanwords. (3) The upper-register tones associated with sonorant initials found in Lingnan Sinitic languages are suggested to be of a Kam-Tai origin trait. Further, their underlying areal typological rules are also summarized, concentrating on different upper limits for the possible secondary tonal split in the Sinitic and Kam-Tai languages, which were determined by the historically distinct laryngeal features of the initial consonants of the two language groups.
The Great Andamanese is a generic term used to refer to ten different tribes who spoke closely related varieties of the same language in the entire set of the Andaman Islands in the Bay of Bengal. Their language is known by the same name, i.e. Great Andamanese. It constitutes the sixth language family of India, the other five being Indo-Aryan, Dravidian, Tibeto-Burman, Austroasiatic, and Tai-Kadai, all of them spoken in mainland India.
东亚面积广阔、 环境多样， 有着占世界五分之一的人口，有阿尔泰、南亚、南岛、侗傣、苗瑶、汉藏和印欧等七个语系的 200 多种语言，是世界上研究人类进化、遗传多样性和基因与文化相互作用的最重要区域之一。近年来， 随着分子生物学技术的发展， 各类遗传标记系统被成功应用于人类群体历史的研究， 为解决东亚人群的起源、 演化、迁徙等诸多科学问题提供了新的证据和极有价值的信息。本文应用 Y 染色体、线粒体(mtDNA)和常染色体 STR 等遗传标记对东亚的汉藏、壮侗、回族人群进行遗传结构分析，与语言学、考古学和历史学相结合来理清这些复杂族群的起源、迁徙和融合历程。 本文还通过姓氏、家谱和 Y 染色体的关联研究并结合古 DNA 对曹操的 Y 染色体类型进行论证， 开创历史人类学研究的新篇章。另外，本文还应用语音多样性对全世界语言的起源地进行了探讨。
Y 染色体单倍群 O3a1c-002611, O3a2c1*-M134 和 O3a2c1a-M117 是汉族的三个主要类型，分别能占到汉族人群的 11-17%。通过 Y 染色体捕获测序，我们在上述三个O3单倍群下发现了三个在新石器时代有过剧烈人口扩张的支系Oα、Oβ和 Oγ，扩张时间分别是 5400、 6500 和 6800 年前，正好与中国北方全面转入农业阶段的时间相吻合。单倍群 O3a2c1*-M134 和 O3a2c1a-M117 在藏缅族群中也高频出现，是古氐羌族群的代表类型， 氐羌经由藏彝走廊南下，与 D-M174 混合形成了今天的藏缅族群。 单倍群 O3a1c-002611 及其下游分支在藏缅族群中的频率却很低，但在中东部地区显著高频分布，显示该父系类型并没有参与西南藏缅族群的形成，而很可能是东夷族群的代表类型。 藏缅族群的母系基因库也有大量北方族群的贡献，例如高频的单倍群 A、 C、 D 和 G 等。常染色体 STR 也支持汉藏族群的遗传近缘性，汉族的遗传组成与东亚的阿尔泰族群较相近，但藏族与阿尔泰族群有很大差异； 南西伯利亚的阿尔泰族群中有大量与欧洲人共享的遗传组分，但这在汉藏人群里是几乎观察不到的。
中国回族起源于宗教文化上的转变或是伴随着一定程度的基因流动是回族形成过程中的关键问题。 现代回族人群中确实有一定比例的欧亚西部和中东特有的 Y 染色体类型，平均约占到整个回族遗传构成的 30%。然而，由于回族长期以来与中国本土的民族特别是与汉族通婚， 其遗传构成上大部分是来自中国本土的成分， 例如， 相比于越南占城人和其他中南半岛的人群，回辉人的 Y 染色体和 mtDNA 却与海南原住民最为接近。回族与东亚族群的融合过程是有性别差异的， 我们通过常染色体 STR 位点几乎没有在回族中看到西方遗传成分，而西方成分在父系 Y 染色体上却能占到 30%， 因此回族的形成主要源于回回男性与汉族等人群的女子通婚。 本文还通过 Y 染色体和姓氏、家谱相结合的方法确定了赛典赤•赡思丁和郑和的 Y 染色体很可能是南亚西部特有支系 L1a-M76，证实了其波斯祖源。
壮侗族群的主要 Y 染色体类型是 O1a-M119 和 O2a1-M95，而 mtDNA 也主要是南方特异的 B4a, F1a, M7b1, B5a, M7b*, M*和 R9 等。 在以上研究的基础上，我们对广西仫佬族、 茶洞人(未识别人群)和海南黎族的五个分支侾黎、杞黎、润黎、美孚和加茂黎族进行遗传学调查。 Y 染色体和 mtDNA 都显示茶洞和仫佬族与南方人群特别是壮侗族群非常相近， 茶洞与仫佬族的母系遗传关系更近于毛南族。 海南黎族的 mtDNA 分析展现海南岛早期人类定居的三个阶段： 5 万年前出非洲群体的一部分到达东亚，成为到海南岛最早的定居者；在东南亚和东亚广泛分布的mtDNA 单倍群F*, B4a和 D4a记录了在末次冰川期之前亚洲大陆的人群回流进入海南岛（4 万-1.5 万年前），即海南原住民主要源于末次盛冰期前进入东亚的早期移民的回流； mtDNA 单倍群 F1b, M7b 和 R9b 则显示了在末次冰期之后及新石器时代（1.5 万年以内）海南岛的人口扩张。
姓氏与 Y 染色体有很好的平行对应关系，结合家谱，我们对曹氏家族进行了全国范围大规模遗传调查。单倍群 O2-M268 是唯一在宣称是曹操后代的家族中显著高频出现的类型，很有可能这就是曹操的 Y 染色体类型，而单倍群O3a1c-002611 却最可能是西汉丞相曹参的类型，由此得出曹操不太可能是曹参的后裔。 通过古 DNA 分析，曹操叔祖曹鼎的 Y 染色体类型也是 O2-M268，与曹操及其现代后裔一致，也说明了曹操的父亲应是从曹腾本宗室过继而非抱养自街头乞丐。
基因的进化和语言的演化有着很好的相关性，那么语言是不是也和人类一样起源于非洲而后经过一系列奠基者效应扩散至世界各地？ 奥克兰大学的Atkinson 提出语音多样性支持语言从非洲扩张的系列奠基者效应，但他所选用的数据的分类太粗糙，不能反映元音、辅音和声调的真实多样性；他在数据标准化过程中未考虑到不同音素的权重不同，而是采用简单的求均值方法来计算总的语音多样性，这使得辅音的多样性难以体现在总的语音多样性中；语言的特征有很多，但他只选择了元音、辅音和声调这三项，而漏掉了其他许多重要特征对语言起源和演化的影响，另外，元音、辅音和声调是否可以保守到能反映数万年前人类出非洲迁徙事件还难确定。本文尽可能地完善了 Atkinson 的上述疏漏之后，发现欧亚大陆的语音的多样性倾向于最高， 语音多样性不支持语言从非洲扩张的系列奠基者效应。
Historical Linguistics and Linguistic Typology have been used to demonstrate that PGA is an independent language family of India. Data from extra-linguistic sources such as anthropology, archaeology and genetics have been used as additional supportive evidence. This chapter will give a summary of the findings and will familiarise the audience with some distinct characteristics of the highly endangered language of the hunter-gatherer society of the Great Andamanese population.
It is widely recognized that Khamti Shan is unique among Tai languages in evidencing a basic (A)OV word order, quite likely due to extensive language contact with Tibeto-Burman languages. Much less recognized in Khamti Shan is that some functional objects take a postposition marker, revealing a striking, but not necessarily unexpected, resemblance to a Tibeto-Burman-like anti-ergative construction. The deictic mai² ‘here’ grammaticalizes an anti-ergative function in which it acts as a marker for certain monotransitive ‘objects’ which are analyzed as pragmatically foregrounded referents in the information structure of the sentence.
Khamti Shan, a Tai language spoken in Kachin State, Myanmar, is a northern dialect of Shan spoken in Shan State. Shan and Khamti Shan have adapted the Myanmar (Burmese) writing system for their own use. The Khamti Shan orthography was revised in 2006, fully integrated with current literacy applications and adapting a portion of the Myanmar Unicode set of characters along with an extended set of characters specific to Shan. Khamti Shan in Myanmar differs from the Northeast India variety (Tai Khamti) by distinguishing a palatal nasal and a rhotic. Described are the Khamti Shan phoneme-grapheme correspondences, engendering the segmental, suprasegmental and syllabic features of the orthography, along with a Latin-based transliteration guide for glossing of data. A transliterated and glossed text sample is found in the appendix.
This paper provides a descriptive overview of the nominal phrase in Northern Zhuang, including discussions on the following areas: (i) the properties of different nominal elements, such as classifiers, numerals, demonstratives and modifiers, (ii) the referential properties of the noun phrase with varying formal characteristics, and (iii) the ordering of nominal elements, from a comparative point of view.
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