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'Britain's Irish Question: Britain's European Question?'British-Irish Relations in the Context of European Union and the Belfast Agreement

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Abstract

If students of world politics can be reasonably accused of ignoring the Troubles in Northern Irelandthen by the same token specialists on Northern Ireland can justly be accused of a certain intellectual parochialism and of failing to situate the long war within a broader global perspective. The quite unexpected outbreak of peace however only emphasizes the need for a wider understanding of the rise and fall of the Northern Irish conflict. This article explores the relationship between the partial resolution of the Irish Questionand the changing character of the European landscape. Its central thesis is that while there were many reasons for the outbreak of peace in the 1990s, including war weariness, it is difficult to understand what happened without situating it in a larger European framework and the new definition of sovereignty to which the EU has given birth.

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... The EU's role in the peace process has been contested (Berberi 2017). Yet, the EU clearly provided a shared space to promote the reconciliation (or at least containment) of ethnic, national and religious differences, while the EU's stress on sovereignty pooling was reflected in the GFA's focus on power-sharing institutions (Meehan 2000). Moreover, EU membership facilitated the formation of diplomatic ties between politicians and civil servants across the islands. ...
... We reiterate the importance of the EU in promoting power-sharing and postnationalist politics in NI (Meehan 2000). We posit that while Brexit is not the sole cause of instability, it is a geo-political shock that exposes unresolved tensions and contradictions. ...
... NI is a striking example: invariably the EU affected the national policies of the UK and Irish governments without issuing formal directives or regulations (Radaelli 2003). The most striking examples of Europeanisation on NI range from the growing influence of the European Convention on Human Rights to the incorporation of the European Single Market (Meehan 2000). Yet, the EU's influence from the 1970s was unquestionably contested and contingent. ...
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The process of de-Europeanisation initiated by the British Government’s form of Brexit poses a major threat to the maintenance of peace in Northern Ireland (NI). This paper contends that a hard Brexit and active dismantling of ties to the European Union (EU) pursued by the Johnson Administration is fundamentally incompatible with the provisions of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement (GFA). It is acknowledged that the EU institutions were not directly responsible for achieving the relative peace that resulted. Yet, the EU provided a constructive context for societal normalisation. Shared EU membership improved engagement between the British and Irish governments, fostering ‘habits of co-operation’. It afforded a shared political space that helped transcend binary political, religious and ethnic differences. The implications of Brexit that entails active de-Europeanisation and resulting tensions concerning the NI protocol are therefore significant. Yet, this paper maintains that the long-term impact of Brexit remains uncertain. For instance, it is not clear that a ‘hard’ Brexit will inevitably result in the unification of Ireland. Deadlock marked by prolonged instability appears likely, provoking the re-emergence of sectarian violence. The paper addresses such themes by placing borders and identities at the centre of its analytical framework.
... Compared to the Danish defence opt-out, however, which assures that Denmark does not participate in the military dimensions of the European Defence and Security Policy, the Irish declaration is much less restrictive. 6 Protocol 3 attached to the 1994 Accession Treaty between Finland, Sweden and the European Union 7 For an interesting account of how Ireland has been forced to follow the UK in the area of JHA in order to save the Common Travel Area, see Meehan (2000a;Meehan 2000a). foreign bureaucrats. ...
... Compared to the Danish defence opt-out, however, which assures that Denmark does not participate in the military dimensions of the European Defence and Security Policy, the Irish declaration is much less restrictive. 6 Protocol 3 attached to the 1994 Accession Treaty between Finland, Sweden and the European Union 7 For an interesting account of how Ireland has been forced to follow the UK in the area of JHA in order to save the Common Travel Area, see Meehan (2000a;Meehan 2000a). foreign bureaucrats. ...
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This paper explores the relationship between sovereignty and European integration through the prism of national opt-outs. When the Maastricht Treaty granted substantial treaty opt-outs to the United Kingdom and Denmark in 1993, legal scholars described this development as a 'hijacking' of the acquis communautaire and political scientists predicted a destructive disintegration of the European Union. Yet the details of what happens when member state opts out have remarkably remained uncharted territory over the years. This paper poses the question of what kind of sovereignty - if any - is safeguarded through formal opt-outs. On the one side of the fence, stand the scholars who see opt-outs as a threat to the uniform application of EU law and thus to the coherence of the legal order of the Union. On the other side stand the researchers who celebrate differentiation and opt-outs as a means to strengthen democracy accommodate national differences. The two camps disagree not only in their assessments of the treaty protocols, but also in their conceptualisation of sovereignty. Yet neither approach appears to fully grasp the ways in which claims to sovereignty are interpreted and managed in the EU. This paper proposes a political sociological approach to sovereignty, which may help unravel how opt-out protocols are handled on an everyday basis. It focuses on the British and Danish opt-outs from Justice and Home Affairs and Schengen and draws on in-depth interviews and archival material. Three cases of re-interpretations are analysed: First, the extensive use of the British opt-in possibility, second the struggle to limit the scope of the British Schengen protocol and third the Danish negotiation of parallel agreements. The paper demonstrates that opt-outs are managed in ways that go against their original meanings. Thus, rather than seeing opt-outs are classical instruments of international law, accentuating the unchanged sovereign status of the member states, or saluting the protocols as late sovereign instruments, which strengthen the respect for national differences, the paper argues that management of the British and Danish opt-outs, quite ironically, express the strength of the doxa of European integration, i.e. the notion of 'an ever closer union'.
... In constitutional terms, political agreements have also been reinforced by specifically targeted institutional developments (e.g. the cross-border 'institutions' and 'bodies' created by the Good Friday or Belfast Agreement) aimed to encourage cross-border co-operation and integration (e.g. Meehan, 2000). ...
... INTEREG) alongside more specific and unique policy experiments (e.g. the Special Support Programme for Peace and Reconciliation). In constitutional terms, political agreements have also been reinforced by specifically targeted institutional developments (e.g. the cross-border 'institutions' and 'bodies' created by the Good Friday or Belfast Agreement) aimed to encourage cross-border co-operation and integration (e.g. Meehan, 2000). This paper has two main aims. ...
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There is now general agreement that inter-firm cooperation through networks, partnerships and supply-chains can, by facilitating knowledge exchange and reducing transaction costs, contribute both to innovation and company competitiveness. Dense patterns of ‘association’, reinforced by links between firms and other support institutions, have also been linked to cluster and regional growth. Case-studies of areas with high levels of co-operation have been characterised by social and economic uniformity, geographical contiguity, high levels of social capital (i.e. trust) and stable and supportive governance and support institutions. Border regions are often characterised by exactly the opposite conditions: poor infrastructure, low population and business densities, low levels of social capital and governance which is at best divided, and at worst, antagonistic. In this context, cross-border cooperation can play an important role, countering the structural discontinuity of border regions and generating a potentially positive growth dynamic In terms of the Northern Ireland-Ireland border the general socio-economic difficulties of border areas have been exacerbated by violent social and political unrest. Although the security situation has been more stable in recent years, the economic and social legacy of the past persists. In this context, cross-border co-operation has been seen as one way in which past divisions can be healed and an integrated all-island economy developed. The aims of this paper are two-fold. First, to augment the relatively limited empirical literature on the economic determinants of the probability that firms will engage in cross-border cooperation. In particular, we adopt a transactions cost perspective and seek to identify those factors which are either specific to, or disproportionately important, in shaping the probability of cross-border interaction. The second objective is to contribute some positive evidence to the, all too often, opinion-driven debate on North-South cooperation on the island of Ireland. Specifically, we focus on identifying any differences in the determinants of cross-border co-operation in Ireland and Northern Ireland This provides some insight into current levels of co-operative activity as well as highlighting potential areas for policy intervention. The paper adopts a simultaneous probit approach to examining the determinants of cross-border and local cooperation between firms in Ireland and Northern Ireland. The conceptual approach draws on the transactions cost literature, arguing that firms will engage in cooperation where the costs involved are less than those of market interaction. Cross-border cooperation is modelled as an alternative – and possible complement or substitute – for local co-operative activity. The study is based on a large-scale interview survey conducted in 2002. The results identify a number of factors which help to predict the probability that a firm will engage in cross-border cooperation. Perhaps unsurprisingly it proves easier to predict cross-border cooperation by firms in Northern Ireland than in the larger and more buoyant, Ireland. The results also suggest some complementarity between local and cross-border co-operation, and a declining probability of cross-border cooperation the further a firm is located from the border. Somewhat surprisingly, however, no clear size or sectoral bias is found in the probability of engaging in cross-border cooperation.
... Arguably, this is particularly important in Ireland and Northern Ireland, which during much of the period covered by the IIP enjoyed EU Objective 1 status which provided resources for substantial investments in developing innovation and R&D capability (Meehan 2000;O'Malley, Roper, and Hewitt-Dundas 2008). Indeed, over the sample period we find nearly a third of Irish firms receiving support for innovation or investment, around four times as large a proportion as that in Switzerland (Table 2). ...
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The innovation value chain (IVC) divides the innovation process into three separate links or activities: knowledge gathering, knowledge transformation and knowledge exploitation. Here, we report a comparative panel data analysis of the IVC in Ireland and Switzerland. Both economies are small, very open and depend significantly on innovation to maintain competitive advantage. In recent years, however, R&D and innovation growth in Ireland has been markedly stronger than that in Switzerland. We investigate these differences through the ‘lens’ of the IVC. We identify significant similarities between the determinants of firms’ knowledge gathering behaviours in each country although firms are responding differently to financial and legal constraints. Strong complementarities emerge between external knowledge sources and between firms’ internal and external knowledge. In terms of knowledge transformation – the development of new products or processes – we again find strong similarities between the two countries in terms of the determinants of the probability of innovation. The determinants of innovation intensity vary more, however, with external ownership significantly more important in Ireland. Finally, we consider the link between innovation and productivity which involves significant endogeneity issues. Two-stage estimation procedures do not suggest any significant links between innovation and productivity as we might expect from the macro-economic evidence.
... Finally, studies of the impact of publicly funded R&D have, since Griliches (1995), repeatedly suggested that government support for R&D and innovation can have positive effects on innovation activity both by boosting levels of investment (Hewitt-Dundas and Roper 2009) and through its positive effect on organisational capabilities (Buiseret, Cameron, and Georgiou 1995). Here, we therefore include dummy varibles to indicate a range of public investments in business units' technological and human resources, largely due to the EU Objective 1 status of Ireland through much of the sample period (Meehan 2000;O'Malley, Roper, and Hewitt-Dundas 2008). From the patent history for each business unit we then construct a depreciated patent stock measure defined to reflect the business unit's cumulated knowledge base, or at least that element of prior knowledge investments embodied in patents (Ramani, El-Aroui, and Carrere 2008) 7 . ...
... In policy terms, the Irish border has been the focus of EU measures (such as INTEREG) alongside more specific and unique policy experiments (such as the Special Support Programme for Peace and Reconciliation). In constitutional terms, political agreements have also been reinforced by specifically targeted institutional developments (such as the cross-border " institutions " and " bodies " created by the Good Friday or Belfast Agreement) aimed to encourage cross-border cooperation and integration (Meehan, 2000). The novel method of packaging trade and peace has also been experimented in ...
Article
The initiation of Cross-Line of Control (LoC) trade across Jammu and Kashmir in October 2008 signaled the beginning of a new era. It was 61 years ago in 1947 that trade across line of control had stopped. The initiative has received support from business community since its start despite numerous impediments including barter exchange of goods, lack of communication, no banking channels, deficient legal contract enforcement, limit on tradable goods, structural difficulties in free movement and other barriers. This study examines how business entities and individuals in Jammu and Kashmir view trade transactions with the other side and perceptions about the economic viability of Cross-LoC trade. More specifically the paper presents primary data obtained from various stakeholders mainly the businessmen who trade on Uri-Muzaffarabad and Poonch-Rawalakote routes (The two transitory points from where the present Cross-Loc trade takes place). The study reveals that trade has increased significantly and trade in agriculture commodities has shown a robust growth, while handicrafts sector that constitutes backbone of the region's economy has not performed up to expectations.
... In this article, we develop a theoretical model involving four pathways through which the EU can have an impact on border conflicts, not only through integration within its 4 See, for example, Tannam (1995) and Meehan (2000). ...
... Th e all-Ireland institutions have been explained by some writers as importantly facilitated by the sovereignty-sharing norms associated with Eu ro pe an integration (Kearney 2003;Meehan 2000). Th e suggestion is, however, not persuasive. ...
... 105 Some years later, Meehan argued that the broader European background and new perceptions of sovereignty that EU membership has facilitated, influenced the designing of Good Friday Agreement. 106 To be sure, the EU has had no impact on sectarian factionalism within Northern Ireland. However it has provided a framework for improved practical relations between the UK and Irish governments. ...
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It has been argued that the European Union can have a positive impact on intrastate conflicts by linking the final outcome of the conflict to a certain degree of integration of the parties involved into European structures. According to this argument, it is the impact of conditionality and socialisation that might have a ‘catalytic’ effect on conflict transformation. The paper does not dispute that the closer the form of association with the EU, the stronger the potential to achieve the respective conflict resolution goal. It highlights, however, that after the accession of any candidate State, the Union tends to accommodate the conflict within its political and legal order rather than mobilise its resources to resolve it. This is largely due to its very limited legal toolbox that does not allow the EU to undertake a more active role in conflict resolution within its borders.
... As presented inTable 3, TQM adoption positively correlates with product innovation performance, although neither Quality Certification nor QC has a positive association with product innovation performance. In terms of TQM our results reflect those of previous studies which have also reported the benefits of adopting TQM, a QIM comprising hard and soft dimensions, for firm innovation (Moura ESá and Abrunhosa, 2007;Martínez-Costa and MartínezLorente, 2008;Abrunhosa and Moura E Sá, 2008); andZeng et al.'s (2015)study which reported innovation benefits when firms introduce 10 Elsewhere we profile the range of public support initiatives for innovation in Ireland and Northern Ireland over the period covered by the IIP (Meehan, 2000;O'Malley et al., 2008). both hard and soft quality management processes (Zeng et al., 2015). ...
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Quality-orientated management change and innovation are central strategies for firms. Implementing both quality improvement and innovation poses significant managerial, organisational and technical challenges, and may also involve significant lags before benefits are realised. Here, using data on a large group of Irish manufacturing plants and econometric analysis, we establish the short- and longer-term influence of plants’ adoption of quality improvement methods (QIMs) on product innovation performance. Our study highlights the short-term disruptive and longer-term beneficial effects of QIM adoption on product innovation performance. In addition, we find evidence of complementarities and learning-by-using effects from QIM adoption. Our results suggest that maximising the returns to innovation and quality improvement requires consideration of the soft and/or hard nature of individual QIMs and the timing and sequencing of their adoption.
... In policy terms, the Irish border has been the focus of EU measures (such as INTEREG) alongside more specific and unique policy experiments (such as the Special Support Programme for Peace and Reconciliation). In constitutional terms, political agreements have also been reinforced by specifically targeted institutional developments (such as the cross-border " institutions " and " bodies " created by the Good Friday or Belfast Agreement) aimed to encourage cross-border cooperation and integration (Meehan, 2000). This paper has two main aims. ...
Article
Cross-border and local co-operation can foster local learning and contribute positively to business performance and social cohesion. This paper considers firms' economic motivation for both types of co-operation around the Ireland–Northern Ireland border. This area, while inevitably impacted by civil unrest in Northern Ireland, shares many of the economic and developmental characteristics of border areas throughout Europe. Simultaneous probit models are used to examine the determinants of co-operation. Overall, around a third of firms in Ireland and Northern Ireland engage in local co-operation of some form; around one in six in Northern Ireland and one in twelve in Ireland also engage in cross-border co-operation. Proximity to the border, perceived barriers to cross-border co-operation and country uncertainty reduce the incidence of cross-border co-operation rates below that of local co-operation. Cross-border co-operation in Northern Ireland is more common because of small region size and fewer perceived barriers to cross-border co-operation.
... Buisseret et al., 1995) 10 . Arguably, this is particularly important in Ireland and Northern Ireland, which during much of the period covered by the IIP enjoyed EU Objective 1 status which provided resources for substantial investments in developing innovation and R&D capability (Meehan, 2000; O'Malley et al., 2006). Indeed, over the sample period we find around a quarter of businesses receiving assistance for innovation, capital investment and/or training during each three year period (Table 1). ...
Article
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Innovation events - the introduction of new products or processes - represent the end of a process of knowledge sourcing and transformation. They also represent the beginning of a process of exploitation which may result in an improvement in the performance of the innovating business. This recursive process of knowledge sourcing, transformation and exploitation we call the innovation value chain. Modelling the innovation value chain for a large group of manufacturing firms in Ireland and Northern Ireland highlights the drivers of innovation, productivity and firm growth. In terms of knowledge sourcing, we find strong complementarity between horizontal, forwards, backwards, public and internal knowledge sourcing activities. Each of these forms of knowledge sourcing also makes a positive contribution to innovation in both products and processes although public knowledge sources have only an indirect effect on innovation outputs. In the exploitation phase, innovation in both products and processes contribute positively to company growth, with product innovation having a short-term 'disruption' effect on labour productivity. Modelling the complete innovation value chain highlights the structure and complexity of the process of translating knowledge into business value and emphasises the role of skills, capital investment and firms' other resources in the value creation process.
... the European Union conception of the conflict in Northern Ireland is the context of European Union membership played a key part in enabling the positive British-Irish relationship that forms the foundation of the peace process (Arthur, 2000;Guelke, 2001;Meehan, 2000 16 relationship between European integration and its constituent parts. The context of the EU enabled unionist to agree to the cross-border bodies as economically rational rather than politically significant, now these bodies facilitate a greater influence for the EU north and south. ...
Article
This article assesses the conditions, context and consequences of the European Union's role in conflict transformation through cross-border activity on the island of Ireland via analysis of interviews with individuals directly involved in EU-facilitated cross-border programmes, as 'mediators' of the European ideal of cross-border co-operation as a means to peace-building. Copyright (c) 2007 The Author(s); Journal compilation (c) 2007 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
... At the same time, regular meetings of Irish and UK government representatives in the monthly meetings of the Council of Ministers offered ample opportunities for diplomatic rapprochement, facilitating negotiations resulting in improving the governance of Northern Ireland. 21 Incrementally, specific negotiations between the UK and Ireland succeeded, for example, enabling common transport and energy sectors in the island of Ireland. They relied on the legal framework provided by the EEC and later the EU. ...
Article
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This article offers an original analysis of Ireland’s and the UK’s common EU membership in the light of Brexit, identifies socio-economic decline and threats to the functionality of the Good Friday Agreement as decisive threats emanating from Brexit, and suggests that these can be counteracted by providing a sustainable legal framework for hybridity of Northern Ireland in the categories of citizenship and territory, as well as for deepening socio-economic and civic integration on the island of Ireland, alongside securing antidiscrimination law in Northern Ireland. Instead of protecting these elements, the Draft Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland to the EU–UK Draft Withdrawal Agreement sacrifices the indivisibility of the Internal Market by limiting Northern Ireland’s access to markets in goods. Concise changes to the draft are proposed to address these shortcomings and to secure participation of Northern Ireland’s representatives in its implementation.
... 47 Some years later, Meehan argued that the broader European background and new perceptions of sovereignty that EU membership has facilitated, influenced the designing of Good Friday Agreement. 48 To be sure, the EU has had no impact on sectarian factionalism within Northern Ireland. However, it has provided a framework for improved practical relations between the UK and Irish governments. ...
Article
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The paper problematises the role of the European Union in territorial sovereignty conflicts. It points to the inherent characteristics of the Union constitutional structure that constrain the EU from becoming more active in the resolution of Territorial Sovereignty Conflicts within its borders. At the same time, it suggests that there is space for the EU to assume a much more constructive role
... Our empirical analysis is based on data from the Irish Innovation Panel (IIP) which provides information on the innovation, technology adoption, networking and performance of manufacturing plants throughout Ireland and Northern Ireland over the 1 Literature on publicly funded R&D has repeatedly suggested, since Griliches (1995) that government support for R&D and innovation can have positive benefits for firms' innovation activity both by boosting levels of investment and through its positive effect on organizational capabilities (Buiseret, Cameron, and Georgiou 1995). Arguably, this is particularly important in Ireland and Northern Ireland, which during much of the period covered by the IIP enjoyed EU Objective 1 status which provided resources for substantial investments in developing innovation and R&D capability (Meehan 2000;O'Malley, Roper, and Hewitt-Dundas 2008). ...
Article
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Notions of open innovation, and increasing empirical evidence, suggest the importance of boundary spanning links to firms' innovation; while discussion of absorptive capacity has stressed the complementary importance of firms' internal capabilities. Something of a gap exists, however, in our understanding of the specific pathways through which knowledge from different sources, enabled by aspects of absorptive capacity, impacts on firms' innovation outputs. Here, using panel data for Ireland we highlight these knowledge pathways for both product and process innovation. Our results confirm the importance of external knowledge sourcing - from customers, suppliers and links to competitors and joint ventures - for innovation. As in other Irish studies, however, we find no positive effect from links to public knowledge sources. Aspects of firms' capabilities also have positive direct effects on innovation, particularly formal and informal R&D and graduate skills. More surprising is that we find little evidence of complementarities between these two groups of variables in their impact on innovation. For Ireland at least, therefore, the knowledge pathways through which external knowledge sources influence innovation seem largely separate from those of firms' internal capabilities and vice-versa. Our discussion centres on whether the knowledge economy of Ireland has unique characteristics which are shaping this result.
... At the same time, regular meetings of Irish and UK government representatives in the monthly meetings of the Council of Ministers offered ample opportunities for diplomatic rapprochement, facilitating negotiations resulting in improving the governance of Northern Ireland. 21 Incrementally, specific negotiations between the UK and Ireland succeeded, for example, enabling common transport and energy sectors in the island of Ireland. They relied on the legal framework provided by the EEC and later the EU. ...
Article
Full-text available
This article offers an original analysis of Ireland's and the UK's common EU membership in the light of Brexit, identifies socioeconomic decline and threats to the functionality of the Good Friday Agreement as decisive threats emanating from Brexit, and suggests that these can be counteracted by providing a sustainable legal framework for hybridity of Northern Ireland in the categories of citizenship and territory, as well as for deepening socioeconomic and civic integration on the island of Ireland, alongside securing antidiscrimination law in Northern Ireland. Instead of protecting these elements, the Draft Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland to the EU-UK Draft Withdrawal Agreement sacrifices the indivisibility of the Internal Market by limiting Northern Ireland's access to markets in goods. Concise changes to the draft are proposed to address these shortcomings and to secure participation of Northern Ireland's representatives in its implementation.
... Buisseret et al., 1995). 10 Arguably, this is particularly important in Ireland and Northern Ireland, which during much of the period covered by the IIP enjoyed EU Objective 1 status which provided resources for substantial investments in developing innovation and R&D capability (Meehan, 2000;O'Malley et al., 2008). Indeed, over the sample period we find around a quarter of businesses receiving assistance for innovation, capital investment and/or training during each 3-year period (Table 1). ...
Article
Full-text available
Innovation events - the introduction of new products or processes - represent the end of a process of knowledge sourcing and transformation. They also represent the beginning of a process of exploitation which may result in an improvement in the performance of the innovating business. This recursive process of knowledge sourcing, transformation and exploitation comprises the innovation value chain. Modelling the innovation value chain for a large group of manufacturing firms in Ireland and Northern Ireland highlights the drivers of innovation, productivity and firm growth. In terms of knowledge sourcing, we find strong complementarity between horizontal, forwards, backwards, public and internal knowledge sourcing activities. Each of these forms of knowledge sourcing also makes a positive contribution to innovation in both products and processes although public knowledge sources have only an indirect effect on innovation outputs. In the exploitation phase, innovation in both products and processes contribute positively to company growth, with product innovation having a short-term 'disruption' effect on labour productivity. Modelling the complete innovation value chain highlights the structure and complexity of the process of translating knowledge into business value and emphasises the role of skills, capital investment and firms' other resources in the value creation process.
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This essay highlights but then refuses a dominant urge within extant applications of political philosophy to the Troubles: the urge to prescribe ‘solutions’ to ‘the Northern Irish problem’. The argument presented here is that this urge can be seen as constitutive of the very problem presumably most analysts seek to overcome. The aim, therefore, is to explore alternative approaches to representations of conflict drawing on aspects of the work of William Connolly, Jacques Derrida, and Michel Foucault. Ultimately, I hope to demonstrate how a deconstructive approach might open up new possibilities for critical intervention into ‘the Troubles’ in a way that avoids merely reproducing the main fissures of conflict.
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The ability to innovate successfully is a key corporate capability, depending strongly on firms' access to knowledge capital: proprietary, tacit and embodied. Here, we focus on one specific source of knowledge – advanced manufacturing technologies or AMTs – and consider its impact on firms' innovation success. AMTs relate to a series of process innovations which enable firms to take advantage of numerical and digital technologies to optimise elements of a manufacturing process. Using panel data for Irish manufacturing plants we identify lengthy learning-by-using effects in terms of firms' ability to derive innovation benefits from AMT adoption. Disruption effects are evident in the short-term while positive innovation benefits occur six-plus years after adoption. Strong complementarities between simultaneously adopted AMTs suggest the value of disruptive rather than incremental AMT implementation strategies.
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This article analyses a neglected aspect in the debate on the Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland in that it focuses on the extent to which that protocol enables socio-economic and civic cooperation on the island of Ireland. Suggesting that a) the existing legal frame for continuing socio-economic and civic cooperation is insufficient, while b) it is possible to improve the conditions for providing services across the island, as well as protecting citizens' rights for equal treatment in a more sustainable manner without Northern Ireland rejoining the EU, it offers a potential road to deflate the heated arguments around the "protocol".
Article
The simplistic understanding of territorial sovereignty behind the Brexitian quest has come to expose the fundamental incompatibility of conflicting identities and sovereign claims over Northern Ireland. The inability to accommodate the complexity, the sharing of sovereignty, the multilevel nature of governance and the complementary nature of identities in Northern Ireland has become increasingly obvious in the debate over Brexit over the subject of the Irish border. The multilevel complexity enabled by the Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement of 1998 is flattened by framing Northern Ireland’s ‘choice’ as being between an Irish land border or a sea border, or between being closer to Britain or closer to Ireland. By freshly incentivizing each of two conflicting and mutually defeating quests to match sovereignty and territory in this British–Irish region, the Brexitian vision of returning to a UK of the past could well propel Northern Ireland back several steps into a much-regretted history.
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This article investigates the concept of regionalism in the EU and its relationship to changing conceptions of the nation‐statehood in Ireland and Britain. More specifically, it examines how the notion of regionalism has developed in official discourse during states’ adaptation to both internal challenges and the process of European integration. I explore this question through an analysis of the British and Irish state elites approaches to the Northern Ireland conflict and their perceptions of European regionalism in this context. In identifying the differences and, indeed, similarities between these states’ approaches to European and regional dynamics, I develop new perspective on post‐Agreement Northern Ireland and the concept of multilevel governance.
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This paper shows why the Northern Ireland/Ireland border moved from a marginal to a core concern in the UK’s withdrawal from the EU (‘Brexit’). Drawing on longitudinal research on the impact of the EU on the Irish border, and contemporaneous research on the Phase 1 of negotiations of the UK’s withdrawal from the EU, it explains this case study through three broad themes. First, the impact of EU membership on the transformation of the border and, secondly, the challenges posed by Brexit to the border in practical and symbolic terms. Finally, it analyses how these have been addressed in the call for ‘specific solutions’ to meet the UK’s ambition of ‘avoiding a hard border’ after withdrawal. In so doing, it explores the ways in which the multi-layered complexities of a small, peripheral geographical region came to influence the course of the UK’s most important set of international negotiations for half a century.
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This chapter notes that the overall UK constitutional system is not generally classified as consociational in nature. However, the diversity of the UK state creates challenges with similarities to those difficulties which consociationalism is intended to manage. It is also demonstrated that some administrative and constitutional mechanisms developed partly in response to those problems could be said to display characteristics of a consociational nature. However, the devolved institutions do not have a firm legal role in the conduct of policy at the UK level. The chapter argues that membership of the European Union (EU) had served to diffuse some of the tensions that might otherwise consequently have existed, through transferring responsibility to a supranational sphere. Blick concludes that exit from the EU might remove this means of release and necessitate further steps in a consociational direction.
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When, during the summer of 2007, the Catholic Primate of All Ireland and Archbishop of Armagh, Sean Brady, attended a celebration of Irish culture in Milwaukee, he had more to speak on than the usual subjects of social breakdown and sexual abuse; his other main concern was to promote inward investment to support the Northern Ireland peace process. Echoing pleas by political, economic and cultural leaders across the Northern Irish political spectrum, he called on the British government to bring down corporation tax in the North to the same 12.5 per cent level as in the Irish Republic, and urged American companies to increase their investment in Northern Ireland (Cooney, 2007). His call was made at a time of growing concern within the Republic about the potential economic repercussions of the resumption of power-sharing in Belfast — a concern that economic growth may become increasingly concentrated in the Dublin-Belfast corridor, crystallised above all by an Aer Lingus decision to open a new Belfast flight hub at the expense of established routes from Shannon (Connolly, 2007). And his call was also made against a backdrop of ongoing discussions in the North, and with London, over a plethora of economic issues — about water bills, house prices, public sector investment, cross-border cooperation and much more besides.
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A highly topical examination of the effect of European integration on relations between states and minority nations. This new collection brings together the leading specialists in the field, and covers a wide range of cases, from Northern Ireland in the West, to Estonia and Latvia in the East, and Cyprus in the South-East. The contributors assess how European integration has affected the preparedness of states to accommodate minorities across a range of fundamental criteria, including: enhanced rights protection; autonomy; the provision of a voice for minorities in the European and international arena; and the promotion of cross-border cooperation among communities dissected by state frontiers. The comprehensive chapters stress the importance of the nationality question, and the fact that, contrary to the hopes and beliefs of many on the left and right, it is not going to go away. Beginning with an introductory essay that summarizes the impact of European integration on the nationalities question, this accessible book will be of strong interest to scholars and researchers of politics, nationalism, ethnic conflict and European studies. © 2006 John McGarry and Michael Keating for selection and editorial matter; individual contributors, their contributions. All rights reserved.
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Goddard, Stacie E. (2012) Brokering Peace: Networks, Legitimacy, and the Northern Ireland Peace Process. International Studies Quarterly, doi: 10.1111/j.1468-2478.2012.00737.x © 2012 International Studies Association After over 20 years of fighting in Northern Ireland, the Belfast Agreement of 1998 has successfully implemented a power-sharing agreement. Belfast was not the first attempt at a peaceful settlement; indeed, some scholars count as many as seven prior peace attempts in Northern Ireland, the most significant being the Sunningdale Agreement of 1973. Why was it that politicians successfully negotiated the peace in 1998, while these prior attempts failed? Drawing from social network theory, I argue that the Belfast Agreement succeeded, not because of a change of interests or disappearance of spoilers, but because of the presence of brokers at the bargaining table. Brokers, in particular, have the capacity to legitimate settlements—to frame settlements in such a way that they appear consistent with principles held by multiple coalitions. As a result, brokers are both more likely to build a winning coalition for a settlement, as well as marginalize spoilers who seek to undermine the peace.
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How can conflicts between various nationalist/ethnic groups be reduced? Combining theory with case studies of Spain and Ireland, Neal G. Jesse and Kristen P. Williams develop an argument favoring a solution that links resolving issues of identity and perceptions of inequality to the establishment of cross-national, democratic institutions. These institutions can affect deeply held attitudes by promoting overlapping identities and pooling sovereignty. Overlapping identities reduce tension by creating an atmosphere where different ethnic groups lose their strict definitions of Self and Other. Pooling sovereignty across a number of international (and national) representative bodies leads to increased access to governmental policymaking for all parties involved, with each nationalist/ethnic group having a stake in government. Increased access, moreover, reduces threat perceptions and ethnic security dilemmas, and increases trust-all of which play an important role in overcoming such conflicts.
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Provides an analysis of the 'Cyprus question' during the latter half of the twentieth century through the application of critical normative debates on secession. Ends with a discussion of the possible status of Cyprus within the European Union's regional framework.
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It is generally assumed that regional integration leads to stability and peace. This book is a systematic study of the impact of European integration on the transformation of border conflicts. It provides a theoretical framework centred on four 'pathways' of impact and applies them to five cases of border conflicts: Cyprus, Ireland, Greece/Turkey, Israel/Palestine and various conflicts on Russia's border with the EU. The contributors suggest that integration and association provide the EU with potentially powerful means to influence border conflicts, but that the EU must constantly re-adjust its policies depending on the dynamics of each conflict. Their findings reveal the conditions upon which the impact of integration rests and challenge the widespread notion that integration is necessarily good for peace. This book will appeal to scholars and students of international relations, European politics, and security studies studying European integration and conflict analysis.
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Trade resumed across the Line of Control in divided Jammu and Kashmir in October 2008 after 61 years. Despite its implications for the wider region, there has been surprisingly little research to determine the nature and impact of this trade. A recent study attempted to gauge progress over the last few years and the response of traders to the new trade dispensation.
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In Jerusalem and Northern Ireland, territorial disputes have often seemed indivisible, unable to be solved through negotiation, and prone to violence and war. This book challenges the conventional wisdom that these conflicts were the inevitable result of clashing identities, religions, and attachments to the land. On the contrary, it was radical political rhetoric, and not ancient hatreds, that rendered these territories indivisible. Stacie Goddard traces the roots of territorial indivisibility to politicians’ strategies for legitimating their claims to territory. When bargaining over territory, politicians utilize rhetoric to appeal to their domestic audiences and undercut the claims of their opponents. However, this strategy has unintended consequences; by resonating with some coalitions and appearing unacceptable to others, politicians’ rhetoric can lock them into positions in which they are unable to recognize the legitimacy of their opponent's demands. As a result, politicians come to negotiations with incompatible claims, constructing territory as indivisible.
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This article adopts the Copenhagen School’s concept of desecuritization to analyse the gestures of reconciliation undertaken during the 2011 state visit of Queen Elizabeth II to the Republic of Ireland, including her willingness to speak in Gaeilge at Dublin Castle. In the process, it opens new pathways to explore if, when and how desecuritizing moves can become possible. To respond to these questions, this article advances the concept of bilingual speech acts as a nuanced, yet fruitful, way to tease out the complexities of security speech and (de)securitization processes. It is also suggested that the concept of bilingual speech acts provides a way to respond to calls to include translation in critical security and securitization studies. However, while acknowledging the importance of these calls, it is shown that paying attention to bilingual speech acts demonstrates what can also be lost in translation. Empirically, this article provides an in-depth analysis of the 2011 state visit to unpack the different kinds of desecuritizing moves that were undertaken in this context, as well as the different modalities of security speech that were in play. To conclude, the merit of bilingual speech acts for understanding how to speak security in different ways and vocabularies is discussed.
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Successful innovation depends on knowledge – technological, strategic and market related. In this paper we explore the role and interaction of firms’ existing knowledge stocks and current knowledge flows in shaping innovation success. The paper contributes to our understanding of the determinants of firms’ innovation outputs and provides new information on the relationship between knowledge stocks, as measured by patents, and innovation output indicators. Our analysis uses innovation panel data relating to plants’ internal knowledge creation, external knowledge search and innovation outputs. Firm-level patent data is matched with this plant-level innovation panel data to provide a measure of firms’ knowledge stock. Two substantive conclusions follow. First, existing knowledge stocks have weak negative rather than positive impacts on firms’ innovation outputs, reflecting potential core-rigidities or negative path dependencies rather than the accumulation of competitive advantages. Second, knowledge flows derived from internal investment and external search dominate the effect of existing knowledge stocks on innovation performance. Both results emphasize the importance of firms’ knowledge search strategies. Our results also re-emphasize the potential issues which arise when using patents as a measure of innovation.
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The EU's political conditionality during the 2004 enlargement process recorded significant progress but imperfect implementation. But what has happened since post-Communist countries joined the EU three years ago now that the leverage of Brussels has ceased? This article develops an analytical approach to answer this question and applies it to the two cases of Slovakia and Latvia during the first three years of membership, showing some further progress with conditionality matters but also a rather mixed picture. Altogether, there is no common pattern whereby conditionalty loses momention and becomes unscrambled even though the drive behind enlargement has been the crucial force driving conditionality policy. Copyright (c) 2008 The Author(s).
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This article argues that the IRA ceasefire of 31 August 1994 represented a major turning-point in Irish history. However, it insists that the discussion about the ceasefire has thus far been too narrowly conceived. In particular, it suggests that the IRA decision was not just the result of factors internal to Ireland, but was also a reflection of changes in the wider international order: especially those brought about by the end of the Cold War. The article then discusses these changes in some detail and concludes from this that a political space now exists which did not exist before. However, we should be wary of false optimism. The conclusion of the Cold War may have made things possible which many once thought impossible: and that is critically important. Nonetheless, the outbreak of peace should not be mistakenly identified as a solution to the 'Irish question'. The future, though brighter, remains uncertain and fluid.
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This discussion piece focusses on the 'war' in Northern Ireland, which it claims has been ignored by International Relations. It illuminates the relevance of international relations to the 'Troubles' in Northern Ireland. The article emphasises the role of the United States as a Third Party, the end of the Cold War, and the Irish entry into the European Union. It finally reiterates the need to reconsider the validity of realism in International Studies.
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With intensified globalization, and more specifically European integration, the ground is shifting under established political institutions, practices, and concepts. The European Union (EU), however, is usually conceived in traditional 'realist' or 'functionalist' terms which obscure the possibility that distinctly new political forms are emerging; or, alternatively, some self-styled 'postmodernists' speculate implausably about a 'Europe of the regions' replacing the 'Europe of states'. In contrast, I argue for 'new medieval' and 'postmodern' conceptualizations of territoriality and sovereignty, which recognize that geographic space is becoming more complex and 'relative': conventional political concepts based on 'absolute' space are increasingly problematic for understanding the political complexities of contemporary globalization. Here 'postmodernity' may mean something different from what some postmodernists think it means: trot, for instance, a federalized 'United States of Europe' where regions and regionalism replace nations and nationalism, nor simply an intergovernmental arrangement of sovereign states, but something quite distinct-'arrested federalization' and an 'intermediate' arrangement distinct in its own right rather than 'transitional'. In this paper I sketch transformations of sovereignty from 'medieval to modern', and from the 'modern' to the allegedly 'postmodern'. I focus on the 'unbundling' of territorial sovereignty, which has reputedly gone furthest in the EU. However, even here the process is partial and selective, with globalization affecting different state activities unevenly. Contemporary configurations of political space are a complex mixture of new and old forms, the latter continuing to exist rather than being tidily removed to clear the ground for new polities. The EU itself is still territorial, and in many respects traditional conceptions of sovereignty remain dominant, whether exercised by the member states or by the EU as a whole. Moreover there are problems both with the elusive notion of postmodern, and with the historical analogies of new medievalism. Nevertheless, despite problems and qualifications, these concepts are useful for exploring the possibility of radical transformations, not just with respect to the 'actors' of global and local politics, but to the space-time of the 'stage' on which they operate.
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This article is about the simultaneous effects on Northern Ireland of European integration; both ameliorating constitutional controversies and becoming part of the fundamental conflict. There is common ground about NI's material interests and their political representation in Brussels through Westminster. But policy which requires cross‐border co‐operation can be seen by unionists as ‘creeping’ Irish unification. NI is not unique in containing both regional advocates of better policy‐making within existing states and those who see the EU as an opportunity for a different political status. Concessions to some cross‐border co‐operation have been made in recent initiatives from various political quarters. Thus, the conclusion is that there is scope for participants of different persuasions to concentrate upon improving defects internal to the UK and upon the appropriate composition and functions of ad hoc cross‐border authorities.
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This article examines the problems socialism has experienced in its relationships with nationalism and national identities. These problems are grouped under the headings of universalism and particularism. It uses historical material, much of it drawn from Ireland, to illustrate these problems. It examines, for example, the emergence of socialism in the Ireland of the 1830s and 1840s, and the socialist republicanism of James Connolly. It argues, not for a socialist nationalism, but for a radical post‐nationalist citizenship in which national identity is detached from nationalism.