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We Are All Americans!: The Latin Americanization of Racial Stratification in the USA
... Yancey (2003) draws especially on racial attitudes toward and among Asian Americans and Latinos to evince his thesis of blacks' alienation from non-black groups. Gans (1999) and Bonilla-Silva (2002) point to an emerging tri-racial hierarchy based on relational "race," 1 color and class phenomena. ...
... Some of the scholarly predictions stress that Asian Americans' (and Latinos') anti-black attitudes parallel South-East Europeans' and the Irish's prejudicial dissociation from blacks in the early 20 th century (e.g., Bonilla-Silva 2002;Ignatiev 1995;Warren and Twine 1997;Yancey 2003). Although no group, including those of color, can escape the pull of racial prejudice, I believe that knowledge of the global and cultural context of Asian Americans' racial attitudes is necessary. ...
... Taken together, these arguments yield to a larger and more pressing point: the need to consider how white-American dominance has been secured for about 400 years by exercising racial power over all non-whites. Of the racial assimilation studies on Asian Americans, Bonilla-Silva (2002) and Gans (1999) acknowledge this larger project of racial hegemony. Both contend that lighter-skinned and higher class Asian Americans could, respectively, join an honorary white and residual category (while darker-skinned, lower income Asian ethnics would "blacken"). ...
In recent years the idea that Asian Americans, as well as Latinos, are becoming white or are aligning with whites in a new black/non-black divide has become almost a priori among sociologists. This study problematizes such a “racial assimilation” thesis by assessing extant empirical data on socioeconomic status, intermarriage patterns, and racial/ethnic attitudes. Based on these data, the author argues that Asian groups have been racially subordinated along lines of citizenship even if many of them have not been subjugated in the same manner as blacks along color and socioeconomic lines. By way of a historical and global framework, the author notes that U.S. dominance over Asian countries and ongoing U.S. conflicts with some has reproduced the citizenship-based subordination of Asian Americans. The author concludes by underscoring the need to consider such subordination, manifest in the historical exclusion laws to today’s anti-Asian violence, in future social scientific studies.
... These debates on "deservingness" also have followed racialized lines. In our definition of racialization, we refer to Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, who outlined this concept as the stratification of people based on physical features and proximity to those who appear "white" [8]. We also look toward the work of scholars of Critical Race Theory [9,10], such as Kimberlé Crenshaw and Richard Delgado, who emphasize that law and policy are not race-neutral. ...
... In the U.S. context, most of the immigration streams today come from Asia and Central America [132], where the U.S. has played a key role in military interventions and colonization. The predominance of immigrants of color originating in formerly colonized or invaded countries therefore has significant implications for how U.S. society sees and receives them, as these immigrants arrive to a context that has historically been stratified along racial lines [8]. Thus, as with domestic minorities whose health is poorer than the general population [66,133], when legal status is racialized immigrant health becomes intertwined with experiences of race and racism [15,42,71]. ...
... Racialization of legal status has resulted in the internalization of borders, with greater bureaucratic barriers (e.g. Green Cards) which creates obstacles for the racialized immigrants to obtain the same rights as citizens [19,163]. When incorporating a racialized legal status lens, future research should attend to changes in racial classification over time, as who is "white" versus "non-white" has shifted with immigration regimes [8,71,161]. Racialization processes are never static; laws, racial classifications, and the immigrant groups have differed at various historical moments. ...
Immigrant health research has often noted an “immigrant health paradox”, the observation that immigrants are “healthier” compared to their native-born peers of similar demographic and socioeconomic profile. This paradox disappears as immigrants stay longer in the host country. Multiple arguments, including migrant selectivity and cultural and behavioral factors have been proposed as reasons for the apparent paradox. Recently, the field has focused on immigrant legal status, especially its racialization. We review the literature on the immigrant health paradox, legal status, and racialized legal status to examine how this debate has taken a more structural approach. We find that immigrant health research has taken a needed intersectional approach, a productive development that examines how different markers of disadvantage work concurrently to shape immigrants’ health. This approach, which factors in immigration enforcement practices, aligns with explanations for poor health outcomes among other racialized groups, and promises a fruitful avenue for future research.
... Theorists of race and racism have broadly posited three possible futures of inequality. First, the tri-racial order, or Latin Americanization thesis, argues that post-1965 immigration modified a white-Black binary with a middle group of "honorary whites" (Bonilla-Silva, 2002). This theorization places groups, including various Latinx subgroups, within three "loosely organized racial strata," equally shaped by social race (Bonilla-Silva, 2006, 2002. ...
... First, the tri-racial order, or Latin Americanization thesis, argues that post-1965 immigration modified a white-Black binary with a middle group of "honorary whites" (Bonilla-Silva, 2002). This theorization places groups, including various Latinx subgroups, within three "loosely organized racial strata," equally shaped by social race (Bonilla-Silva, 2006, 2002. For instance, Afro-Latinxs may be racialized in a larger "collective Black" category alongside African Americans, Afro-Caribbean, and racialized South Asian groups like Filipinos and Vietnamese. ...
... For instance, Afro-Latinxs may be racialized in a larger "collective Black" category alongside African Americans, Afro-Caribbean, and racialized South Asian groups like Filipinos and Vietnamese. While white assimilated Latinxs are categorized as white, their light-skinned co-ethnics, including "most Cubans and segments of the Mexican and Puerto Rican communities," are considered "honorary whites" (Bonilla-Silva, 2002: 5, 2006. These distinctions also reflect differences in the racial and colonial contexts in which groups were incorporated into the U.S. racial strcuture, and how U.S. intervention in the Global South shaped the migration paths of many Black, Latinx, and Asian groups. ...
In recent decades, the racial wealth gap has widened with extant literature reporting that Black and Latinx families hold fewer assets than white families. One such asset that receives substantial attention because of its wealth-generating principles is homeownership. Whereas intergroup homeownership inequalities are found throughout the literature, less is known about racialized inequality within groups. Latinxs provide a novel case for exploring how racialized homeownership inequality is structured within an ethnic group. Using data from the American Community Survey, we examine the odds of homeownership and predicted logged home values among Latinxs. We find that the association between race and housing outcomes varies substantially across Latinx groups. Drawing from theories of Latinx racial identity and the future of racial structures, we discuss the implications of our findings for understanding racial inequality among Latinx groups.
... Third, we explore whether the context of discrimination and the effects of different types of discrimination in terms of perceptions of collective efficacy potentially operate differently for Black and Latinx individuals. Separating Black and Latinx individuals in our analysis is important because, contrary to what occurs with Black individuals, research shows marked cleavages in the racialization experiences of Latinx individuals in the U.S., who occupy different places in the U.S. racial stratification (Barrera, 2008;Bonilla-Silva, 2002;Golash-Boza, 2006;Golash-Boza & Darity, 2008). Our third hypothesis thus expects that racial discrimination to be more consequential for Black than for Latinx individuals. ...
... In this sense, because not all Latinxs are equally positioned in such order, it follows that the consequences of such racialized experiences would be different. Following Bonilla-Silva (2002) discrimination experiences may be not so consequential for "White" or "honorary White" Latinxs because they will not be communicating a subjugated position in the racialized social order. Accent or ethnic discrimination may be seen by many Latinx individuals as rooted on circumstantial factors and likely to fade across generations. ...
The current project examines whether perceptions of collective efficacy are racialized. Using a sample of Black and Latinx young adults in Chicago, we first investigate whether perceptions of discrimination vary across Chicago's neighborhoods and whether neighborhood-level structural characteristics (concentrated disadvantage, immigrant concentration, residential stability) or neighborhood social processes (neighborhood-level collective efficacy) are related to their perceptions of discrimination. Our estimations show that perceptions of discrimination are endemic to Chicago's neighborhoods and are not related with neighborhood-level structural characteristics. Second, we examine whether perceptions of discrimination predict perceiving less collective efficacy while controlling for neighborhood characteristics. Overall, individuals perceive less collective efficacy when they perceive being discriminated against. Third, we analyze the sources of perceptions of collective efficacy separately for Black and Latinx individuals. These results suggest that discrimination shapes Black indi-viduals' perceptions of their neighbors but do not hold for Latinx individuals. Supplemental analyses reveal that for Latinx individuals, discrimination undermines perceptions of collective efficacy only when is framed as related to their race. Taken together, our results suggest that racism is embedded in the way racialized individuals perceive their neighbors' agreement regarding norms of intervention. In short, the results suggest that the formation of collective efficacy is racialized.
Full text:
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... Alternative perspectives claim that the binary hierarchy of the past has been replaced by more complex "tri-partite" or "triracial" divisions. The most prominent such prediction has been articulated by Bonilla-Silva (2002. In his proposed three-category scheme, White Americans and others who have assimilated into whiteness comprise the top stratum of "Whites." ...
... Add Health is a survey of both health and socioeconomic outcomes that began in 1994 when the respondents were in grades 7-12. Our analysis draws on data from Wave I (1994Wave I ( -1995, Wave III (2001-2002, and Wave IV (2008). The key feature of Add Health that makes it especially useful for this study is the multiple measurements of race-both self-identified and interviewer classified-across multiple waves of data. ...
Scholars have offered a range of perspectives on the twenty-first century racial landscape with little consensus about either the current state of the U.S. racial hierarchy or its future trajectory. We offer a more comprehensive assessment, using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (Add Health) to study racial stratification across a number of socioeconomic outcomes. We pay particular attention to the robustness of results across different categorization schemes that account for self-identification and interviewer classification, as well as racial fluidity. Although we observe that White and Asian Americans generally have the best socioeconomic outcomes, on average, while Black Americans and American Indians have the worst, we also find meaningful differences in patterns of stratification both across outcomes and depending on how race is operationalized. These differences in stratification are reflected in the estimated number of strata as well as the rank order of racial categories. Our results suggest that ongoing debates about the nature of the U.S. racial hierarchy can be partly explained by methodological decisions about which outcomes to study and how best to measure race.
Supplementary information:
The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s12552-021-09351-2.
... As the United States moves into a tri-racialized society, immigrants and Americans are forced to abandon their identities in exchange for the adaptation of a pigmented identity that includes light, medium, and dark skin (Bonilla-Silva 2002). The idea of the shaded identities includes the white, honorary white, and collective black. ...
... Lighter Hispanic groups in these scenarios are thought of as Chileans, Argentinians, and Costa Rica as compared to darker skinned Hispanic groups that include Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, and Dominicans. (Bonilla-Silva 2002). Scholars found that lighter immigrants are often able to acquire better jobs and have greater social mobility compared to others. ...
Colorism is the intra- and interracial discrimination an individual experiences based on one’s phenotype. Current research focused on colorism among black Americans has found that “dark-skinned blacks have lower levels of education, income, and job status” in the United States. As bias against Middle Easterners rises in the United States, current research regarding this population is scarce. In the context of today’s political climate, the term Muslim has become a misnomer to refer to the Middle Eastern population, with the term Islamophobia specifically referring to Middle Easterners regardless of their religion rather than individuals from regions of the world who practice Islam. Participants ordered job applicants in terms of who they would hire, followed by interviews. Through 16 semi-structured interviews, this project identifies what participants believe are phenotypically Middle Eastern and Muslim facial features. Throughout the study, participants preferred to hire lighter Middle Eastern women.
... I argue, as Indigenous scholars persistently have, for the need to seriously consider Indigenous dreams and testimonies, or Indigenous epistemology, in both Abya Yala and Turtle Island (Chirix 2014;Tuhiwai Smith 2012;Viezzer 2014). Understanding Kichwa's night dreams and testimonies as an epistemology in its own right allows us to further our understanding of internal colonialism by inviting us to feel and embody the spatial, material connections and networks between human bodies, natural resources, and territories (Bihault 2011;Grefa 2020;Muratorio 1998). Kichwa women resisting and adapting to oil and mining extraction in the northern Amazon of Ecuador use storytelling of their lived experiences to generate an intersubjective understanding of oppressiveoppressed forces as fleshed and embodied (Noroña 2024). ...
We bring the concept of internal colonialism—developed by Indigenous and racialised activist‐scholars in Abya Yala—into conversation with settler colonialism, white supremacy, white privilege, and Indigenous fleshed or embodied politics. Our goal is to incite fraught hemispheric conversations about the internalisation of coloniality by subaltern peoples, anticolonial struggles, and the relevance of internal colonial structures of dispossession in the making of Latin American nation‐states. We believe in the power of establishing dialogue/cooperation between grassroots Black, Indigenous, and racialised thought against colonialism in Abya Yala and Turtle Island. A reading of these contributions suggests that binary classifications—oppressor/victim, dominator/dominated—trap our imagination, destabilising commitments to decolonisation. We focus on the construction of the environmental state in Chile, conservation discourse in the Riviera Maya, the rise of corporatist rule in southern Mexico City, and cuerpo‐territorio mapping in the Ecuadorian Amazonia. We propose that a relational reading of colonial power dynamics enables opportunities for liberation.
... Hence, we are positioning our research within the border identity literature and in order to combat possible stereotypes, early criminalization, and adultification biases that occur in relation to the social space(s) in which these girls occupy, we purposefully chose to acknowledge our participants as multilingual girls from Black and Brown communities. More specifically, within this study, we refer to our participants as the invisible Collective Black, multilingual Black and Brown girls, or multilingual youth who represent aspects associated with the Collective Black (Bonilla- Silva, 2002Silva, , 2004 in addition to experiencing language-based racializations as they learned English, or other language variations in concert with their home, family, and communal languages. ...
Black and Brown girls are underrepresented in science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) fields. Although studies have examined the reasons for this by exploring Black and Brown girls' experiences based on culture, gender, and race, there is a need for specifically understanding how language contributes to racialized experiences in science education. This study fills this critical gap by presenting narratives of three academically talented multilingual girls from Black and Brown communities. Utilizing semi‐structured interviews, self‐identifying questionnaires, and identity‐as‐narrative analysis, this study demonstrates how the racialized experiences of these multilingual Black and Brown girls influenced their relations to science, ideas about the attributes of a science person, and developing science identities. The findings suggest that although the girls had a strong affiliation with science and academic achievement in science, the girls' experiences were racialized through raciolinguistic ideologies and dominant cultural practices of science, which left them invisibilized and unsure about pursuing a future career in STEM. The implications of this study underline the importance of looking at the problem of underrepresentation as an issue of identification, belonging, and representation rather than an of academic skill or interest.
... However, it can also be a powerful tool to understand race/ethnicity in the US (Roth, 2016;Sen & Wasow, 2016). Due to the high levels of immigration (mainly from Central America and Mexico in particular) during the last decades, interracial marriage, and the formal possibility of multiracial adscription (DaCosta, 2020), the racial/ethnic composition of the US is moving away from the traditional black-white dichotomy-to the point where some argue that it is starting to exhibit properties similar to race relations in Latin America (Bonilla-Silva, 2002). The growing complexity of the racial composition in the US will require a multidimensional framework that considers aspects such as skin tone, language, and ethnoracial classification to appropriately understand how ethnoracial boundaries are stablished in the marriage market. ...
A key phenomenon to gauge the degree of ethnoracial integration is the pattern of assortative mating based on ethnoracial characteristics. However, possibly because of the assumption that class and not race is the relevant factor in the Mexican stratification regime, assortative mating based on ethnoracial characteristics has been an understudied phenomenon in the country. Based on a multidimensional perspective and using a novel national representative survey, we analyze ethnoracial homogamy patterns in Mexico using four dimensions: skin tone, ethnoracial identification, indigenous language, and Mayan surname. For comparative purposes, we also calculate and control for educational homogamy in our analysis. Results indicate that ethnoracial homogamy is significantly different to educational homogamy and that it differs among dimensions: the highest likelihood of ethnoracial homogamy is found in the linguistic dimension and the lowest in the skin tone dimension. Comparatively, ethnoracial identification and Mayan surname have intermediate levels of homogamy.
... In Larton, the majority of immigrants were from Latin America; in Canada the immigrant population was more diverse with immigrants coming predominantly from Eastern Europe and Southeast Asia. In both cases, these groups have been historically subject to racist and xenophobic immigration laws whose effects continue to reverberate in both societies (Bonilla-Silva, 2002;Gans, 2012;Madut, 2018;Sorrell et al., 2019). Importantly, and as will be shown in the Manitoban case, both the province and division worked to create more inclusive policies for their immigrant students. ...
This comparative case study examines the policies of two new immigrant destinations in the United States and Canada that in the past 20 years experienced a rapid influx of immigrants. Using an integrated framework of policy design theory and the context of reception, this paper analyzes the framing of immigrant students in the state, district, and school-level policies. Interviews with immigrant students in these communities show how these policies shaped their schooling experiences and communicated important messages to them about their role in their new communities, thus shaping their political identities. The findings highlight the important interplay of these different policymakers in shaping the contexts of receptions students encountered. The paper concludes by discussing educators’ role in working to craft more equitable policies.
... These results underscore a need to develop and test theories that can better describe processes that create mental health inequities throughout the immigration experience. While our study did not directly examine the effects of race and ethnicity independently of immigrants' region of origin, racial discrimination and its associated stresses (Finch & Vega, 2003) may have contributed to mental health inequities that were not mediated by demographic, citizenship pathway, and socioeconomic differences (Bonilla-Silva, 2002;Gee & Ford, 2011). Past studies have documented immigrants' physical health converging to their same-race native counterparts (Andrasfay & Goldman, 2020), and parallel studies in immigrants' mental health trajectories may reveal similar processes. ...
Objectives
We integrated major theories in immigrant health and assimilation into a single analytical framework to quantify the degrees to which demographic composition, pathways to citizenship, and socioeconomic assimilation account for physical and mental health disparities between naturalized immigrants by region of origin.
Methods
Using the restricted data from the 2015–2016 California Health Interview Survey, we decomposed differences in physical and mental health into demographic factors, path to citizenship, and socioeconomic characteristics by region of origin using the Karlson, Holm, and Breen (KHB) method.
Results
Differences in socioeconomic status mediated most of the disparity in physical health between naturalized immigrants from different regions. Factors associated with major immigrant health theories—demographic composition, pathways to citizenship, and socioeconomic assimilation—did not mediate disparities in mental health.
Conclusion
This article argues that the study of health disparities among immigrants must simultaneously account for differences in demographic composition, immigration experience, and socioeconomic disadvantage. The findings also underscore the need for theory development that can better explain mental health disparities among immigrants.
... Sabemos que el racismo y la diferenciación étnica desde siempre han formado parte de la estructura social y cultural de los Estados Unidos. Diversos autores han estudiado su conformación histórica, así como sus mecanismos de reproducción y transformación en el tiempo (Bonilla-Silva, 2002;Omi & Winant, 2015). Hace unos años se abrió un interesante debate en torno a las nuevas formas que adopta la discriminación étnica en la sociedad estadounidense contemporánea, y se llegó a hablar incluso que se estaría viviendo una época post-racial, tomando como dato precisamente el ascenso de un representante de la comunidad afroamericana al gobierno del país Cohen, 2011;Haney, Lopez, 2010;Ono, 2010). ...
... Racism and ethnic differentiation have always been part of the social and cultural structure of the United States. Several authors have studied its historical formation, as well as the mechanisms used by it over time for its reproduction and transformation (Bonilla-Silva, 2002;Omi and Winant, 2015). Further, a an interesting discussion began a few years back about the new forms that ethnic discrimination in contemporary US society might be taking. ...
... Although they are an inherently Multiracial, diverse ethnic group that includes individuals of multiple racial backgrounds and phenotypes, we chose to conceptualize Latinx as its own distinct racial group in this study. We made this choice because Latinx populations (especially those that are darker skinned) have been incorporated into the broader U.S. racial structure (Bonilla-Silva, 2002). However, we acknowledge the complexity of this choice and understand that Black Latinx and darker-skinned Latinx may experience racial stratification differently in the U.S. ...
Objectives: Little is understood about how Multiracial individuals are socialized around race and ethnicity, and how these socialization messages are related to ethnic–racial identity development. Method: This study utilizes a person-centered framework with a diverse sample of 286 Multiracial college students to examine the patterns of ethnic–racial socialization messages individuals received from their primary caregiver. Results: A latent profile analysis of caregivers’ socialization messages produced a four-profile solution: Typical Messages (socialization messages with average frequency), Minority Messages (frequent cultural socialization and preparation for bias geared toward minority group membership), High Mistrust (frequent promotion of mistrust messages), and Low Frequency (all socialization messages at low frequency). Overall, profile differences were evident with respect to ethnic–racial identity endorsement, where participants in the Minority Messages profile endorsed the greatest levels of ethnic/racial exploration. In addition, individuals in the Minority Messages profile also endorsed higher levels of ethnic/racial identity resolution and affirmation than the High Mistrust and Low Frequency Messages profile. Individuals in the High Mistrust profile endorsed greater levels of identity conflict than the Minority Messages profile. Conclusions: The current study provides evidence that the pattern of socialization messages Multiracial participants received growing up impact their ethnic–racial identity endorsement. Results highlight the need for continued quantitative and person-centered work when studying socialization and identity in Multiracials.
... Desde siempre, el racismo y la diferenciación étnica han formado parte de la estructura social y cultural en el país. Diversos autores han estudiado su conformación histórica y sus mecanismos de reproducción y transformación en el tiempo (Myrdal, 1944;Bonilla-Silva, 2002;Omi y Winant, 2015). A lo largo de la historia de Estados Unidos, una parte importante de la desigualdad observada en el empleo, la educación, la salud, el acceso a la vivienda, entre otros, tiene su base en la inequitativa distribución de oportunidades reproducidas con el tiempo, que establecen las funciones y los supuestos lugares que cada individuo debe ocupar en la sociedad estadounidense, generalmente definidos por la raza, el color de piel, la condición migratoria, el origen étnico-nacional, o la clase social. ...
En Estados Unidos, la pandemia por covid-19 tiene un claro componente de clase y étnico-racial. Sabemos que el virus puede contagiar a cualquier individuo. Sin embargo, también sabemos que la probabilidad de ser contagiado, y los efectos que ese contagio pueden tener en la salud y muerte de la persona varían sustancialmente según condiciones sociales, políticas, demográficas y económicas. Considerando el contexto de racialización de las desigualdades sociales en Estados Unidos, en este artículo analizamos la vulnerabilidad de los migrantes y minorías étnicoraciales frente a la pandemia, desde dos de sus manifestaciones. Por un lado, a partir de la desigualdad social y étnico-demográfica frente a los impactos de la pandemia en las condiciones de salud, enfermedad y muerte de las poblaciones; y, por otro lado, los impactos que la crisis económica ha provocado en la situación laboral y ocupacional de los colectivos migrantes en Estados Unidos.
... Self-identities and ascribed identities often diverge, and the residue of hypodescent persists (Ho et al. 2011;Krosch et al. 2013). Moreover, "honorary whites" may be selectively ascribed whiteness while still being excluded from its full range of privileges (Bonilla-Silva 2002). ...
Threatened reactions to news about the approach of a racial majority-minority society have profoundly influenced Americans’ political attitudes and electoral choices. Existing research casts these reactions as responses to changing demographic context. We argue instead that they are driven in large part by the dominant majority-minority narrative framing of most public discussion about rising racial diversity. This narrative assumes the long-run persistence of a white-nonwhite binary in which the growing number of Americans with both white and non-white parents are classified exclusively as non-white, irrespective of how they identify themselves. Alternative narratives that take stock of trends toward mixed-race marriage and multiracial identification also reflect demographic fundamentals projected by the Census Bureau and more realistically depict the country’s twenty-first century racial landscape. Using three survey experiments, we examine public reactions to alternative narratives about rising diversity. The standard majority-minority narrative evokes far more threat among whites than any other narrative. Alternative accounts that highlight multiracialism elicit decidedly positive reactions regardless of whether they foretell the persistence of a more diverse white majority. Non-white groups respond favorably to all narratives about rising diversity, irrespective of whether they include the conventional majority-minority framing.
... Though immigration and interracial marriage are gradually altering the American racial hierarchy, Anglos remains at the top of the social hierarchy, while African Americans stay at the bottom (Gans 2012). Asian Americans and Latinos are located between White and African Americans, with Asian American positioned closer to White respondents and Latinos positioned closer to African American respondents (Bonilla-Silva 2002). Class and gender distinctions are also important in social position construction. ...
Given the continued revelation of police abuses of racial-ethnic minorities in America, it is of the utmost importance for scholars to focus on questions of how police conduct is related to minority political behavior, in particular their trust in local government. In this paper, we find evidence that both egotropic and sociotropic insecurity and experiences with police have a significant correlation with confidence in local government. The effects of both victimization and negative interactions with police have a substantive association with the ways that communities of color perceive their local government. Combining data from the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey (CMPS) and contextual data from the U.S. Census Bureau, FBI crime statistics, and "Mapping Police Violence" project, we use maximum likelihood to examine how police conduct, personal experiences with the police, and neighborhood conditions correlate with individuals' trust in local government. ARTICLE HISTORY
... Although immigrants of the 1960s and 1970s benefitted from federal, state, and local policy funding-some of which provided relocation, income, and employment support-growing class bifurcation (Portes and Puhrmann 2015) and persistent racial inequality (Aja 2016;Hay 2009) among Cubans point to a more complicated story. Addressing such intragroup inequalities is useful for understanding the centrality of race/racism in shaping housing outcomes and the future of racial structures in the United States (Bonilla-Silva 2002, 2004Seamster and Ray 2018;Valdez and Golash-Boza 2017). ...
Prior research finds that human capital may explain racial housing inequality, whereas others note the historical role that race played in creating unequal housing conditions. This study uses the case of Cubans in the United States to examine whether human capital explains Black–White housing inequalities, or if they are a result of nativity/cohort differences—a proxy for the federal policies that supported Cubans’ economic and social incorporation. Using pooled data from the American Community Survey, I examine how human capital characteristics and nativity/migration cohorts shape odds of homeownership and predicted home values among Cubans. Extended analyses using decomposition methods find that although human capital characteristics are important, they play a smaller role in explaining Black–White differences in homeownership and home values. Indicative of the changing structure of racial stratification in the United States, results reveal substantial inequality among the oldest of Cuban immigrants and U.S.‐born Cubans, despite a trend toward declining inequality among recent arrivals. Supported by the literature of systemic racism, the case of Cubans shows how human capital explanations do not sufficiently explain racial housing inequalities and how the future of racial stratification is one of inter‐ and intra‐ethnic group inequality.
... Other ideological values that are common in Latino culture also contribute to the hegemony of what it means to be American, particularly as it is seen through the lens of race. Pigmentocracy, a stratification system based on the color of one's skin, is a common practice in Latin American societies and continues into the American context (Bonilla-Silva, 2002). Power dynamics in the United States reflect a similar and often unstated Black-White binary paradigm, where power relations are constructed based on skin color (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017;Rockquemore & Arend, 2002). ...
Focusing on a digital native publication, this study uses the example of mitú to understand how culturally-specific content may be transforming the ways in which news and culture are articulated to online news audiences. In order to analyze the diverse messages constructed by mitú and their intended purposes, this study used a critical discourse approach to deconstruct mitú’s content across multiple platforms and symbol systems. Aside from directly confronting notions of patriarchy, machismo, and other hegemonic ideologies within Latino American culture, mitú’s discourse illustrates the formation of a broader Latino American identity—acknowledging the diverse intersectional characteristics of this group.
... Sabemos que el racismo y la diferenciación étnica desde siempre han formado parte de la estructura social y cultural en el país. Diversos autores han estudiado su conformación histórica, así como sus mecanismos de reproducción y transformación en el tiempo (Bonilla-Silva, 2002;Omi y Winant, 2015). Asimismo, hace unos años se abrió un interesante debate en torno a las nuevas formas que adopta la discriminación étnica en la sociedad norteamericana 12 Covid-19 en Estados Unidos La racialización de la desigualdad frente a la salud y la muerte ALEJANDRO I. CANALES Y DÍDIMO CASTILLO FERNÁNDEZ contemporánea, y se llegó a hablar incluso de que se estaría viviendo una época post-racial, tomando como dato precisamente el ascenso de un representante de la comunidad afroamericana al gobierno de Estados Unidos (Love y Tosolt, 2010;Ono, 2010). ...
Estados Unidos, en un tiempo relativamente más corto y con consecuen- cias sociales apreciablemente mayores que en sus homólogos europeos y asiáticos y el resto del mundo, se convirtió en el país más afectado por la pandemia a nivel mundial. Independientemente de que las estrategias de contención, primero, y mitigación, después –si es que las hubo– ha- yan fracasado, los resultados son los altos niveles de contagio y muertes experimentadas en todos los sectores de la población, pero particular- mente entre los más vulnerables: las comunidades afroamericanas y lati- nas, laboralmente más expuestas a los contagios, con menores recursos para mantener las medidas de cuidado y confinamiento, así como sus limitadas posibilidades de acceso a los sistemas de seguridad social y de atención a la salud.
... These discriminatory policies have been lifted, but many Asians are seen as "perpetual foreigners" [40,41]. U.S.-born and naturalized Asians hold official citizenship, but they may not be socially recognized as citizens [9,[42][43][44][45][46]. Thus, Asians may face racial discrimination irrespective of citizenship, thereby affecting their health [47,48]. ...
Citizenship is considered an egalitarian legal identity but may function differently among minorities because of racial/ethnic stratification and historical context. Using Asians, I examine whether the association between citizenship and self-rated health differs by ethnicity. I examine the moderating effect of Asian ethnic group (Chinese, Filipino, Korean, Vietnamese, and Other Asian) on citizenship and self-rated health using the 2012–2016 California Health Interview Survey (n = 11,084). Models account for demographics, socioeconomic status, healthcare, and English proficiency. Adjusting for demographics, naturalized citizens and non-citizens were statistically significantly more likely to report fair/poor health compared to U.S.-born citizens. Naturalized and non-citizen Vietnamese reported statistically significantly poorer health to all U.S.-born groups. These trends largely disappear when controlling for all covariates. Citizenship status can be useful in considering structural barriers for immigrants. Future work should interrogate the non-citizen category and why trends are seen among Vietnamese, but not others.
Under what conditions do politicians express their views on social media? How do politicians express their opinions around a given issue on social media? This paper contends that issue ownership and electoral accountability are critical factors that drive politicians’ attitudes toward a politically salient issue. It conducts a case study on the 2020 George Floyd protests in the United States, using an original, computationally-gathered dataset of posts on Twitter. The multi-level analysis results suggest that politicians’ race and party affiliation, in conjunction with their constituencies’ partisan orientation and racial composition, played significant roles in determining the frequency of Floyd-related Twitter posts they shared. Additionally, topic modeling results demonstrate a disparity in how the political movement is phrased between Democrats and Republicans. These findings shed light on the motivations behind social media posting behavior by public officials and carry significant implications for party polarization in contemporary democracies.
Cultural capital theory has long proposed that class location determines teachers’ responses to students, with less, although increasing, attention to race. Drawing on Calarco’s definition of cultural capital, this ethnographic study examines whether and how first-grade teachers in two schools unequally reward socioeconomically and racially diverse students’ attempts to secure academic advantages. Whether students behave in ways teachers say they expect or attempt to negotiate extra academic advantages, I find that teachers more frequently and effusively reward White and Asian students and more frequently and reproachfully punish Black and Latinx students for similar behaviors. I introduce the term “conditionally rewarding” to describe how cultural capital is unequally rewarded by a salient hierarchical status characteristic other than social class (race). Results support the need to adopt more color-conscious approaches to cultural capital theory and have implications for processes by which educational (dis)advantage is reproduced across student status intersections.
In this chapter, we lay out the theoretical and methodological foundations of telling AAVEd stories, which includes AsianCrit, decolonial global perspectives, educational justice movement, and principles of narrative inquiry.
We live in a world that desperately wishes to ignore centuries of racial divisions and hierarchies by positioning multiracial people as a declaration of a post-racial society. The latest U.S. 2020 Census results show that the U.S. population has grown in racial and ethnic diversity in the last ten years, with the white population decreasing. Our U.S. systems of policies, economy, and well-being are based upon “scientific” constructions of racial difference, hierarchy, Blackness, and fearmongering around miscegenation (racial mixing) that condemn proximity to Blackness. Driven by our respective multiracial Latinx and Asian experiences and entry points to anti-Blackness, this project explores the history of Latinx and Asian racialization and engagement with anti-Blackness. Racial hierarchy positions our communities as honorary whites and employs tactics to complicate solidarity and coalition. This project invites engagement in consciousness-raising in borderlands as sites of transformation as possible methods of addressing structural anti-Blackness.
There is a growing body of research applying the insights of race theory to the experiences of Muslims in the West, including Muslim converts. Within the U.S. context, much of this research has focused on the experiences of whites, despite the fact that black Americans convert at a much higher rate and make up a considerably larger proportion of the Muslim American population. This study draws attention to the incorporation experiences of black American converts as they work to establish authentic religious identities as legitimate members of a faith community that is comprised mostly of first‐ and second‐generation immigrants. Rather than immigrant incorporation, this study is concerned with the incorporation of an indigenous population into a primarily immigrant one. Findings suggest that many black converts face difficulty being recognized as valued members of their adopted religious communities, and many report experiences of racial prejudice and discrimination.
Since melanin levels cannot cause anything, this study hypothesized that Latines’ skin color would initially predict perceptions of anti-Black police and CJ system bias. Once Latines’ personal experiences with discrimination were considered, however, discrimination was hypothesized to fully mediate the relationship between skin color and perceptions of anti-Black police and CJ system bias. Data consisted of 1,338 Latines from the American Trends Panel. Logistic regression results showed skin color was unrelated to perceptions of anti-Black police or CJ system bias. Pathway analyses including Latines’ personal experiences with discrimination demonstrated skin color was directly negatively associated with perceptions of anti-Black police bias, although not directly related to perceptions of anti-Black CJ system bias. Darker-skinned Latines expressed greater belief they had been unfairly stopped by police due to race. In turn, Latines who felt they had been unfairly stopped by police due to race were more likely to report having been treated as suspicious by someone due to race, which increased perceptions of anti-Black police and CJ system bias. Moreover, darker-skinned Latines were more likely to feel they had been treated as suspicious by someone due to race in the anti-Black police bias model, but not the anti-Black CJ system bias model.
Our essay provides a provocation supporting the special issue of the International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education’s titled “Why antiracism and critical whiteness now?” As editors, we circulated its call knowing that the conditions of our work in race and whiteness studies had changed. In our essay, we work through the special issue’s central question via the critical psychoanalytic notion of identification ruptures. Autobiographically and then historically-socially un-suturing ourselves and work, we subjunctively sketch a conceptual geography of the empire of whiteness on-the-rise.
Scholars debate elites’ capacity to shape the parameters of national belonging. Hard constructivists believe elites have tremendous leverage, while soft constructivists caution that elites face severe constraints in this process. We address this debate in our study of Muslim Americans. Recently political elites tried to integrate Muslim Americans by expanding an ascriptive interpretation of American identity: from WASP, to white Christian, to pan-Abrahamic. This attempted incorporation was met by a potent wave of Islamophobia after 11 September 2001. One consequence of this rejection was an increasing number of Muslim Americans identifying themselves as, and being perceived by others as, people of colour. Elites underestimated deeply-entrenched beliefs that resist expanding American-ness beyond white Christians. They face fewer constraints integrating new groups into the non-white category. We contend the debate over hard and soft construction must be circumscribed by the particular aspects or features elites are attempting to objectify.
Racial disparities in Latin America exist in poverty levels, income, education, infant mortality, political representation, access to social services, and other key indicators. However, researchers in comparative politics face an uphill challenge to prioritize racial politics in studies of democratization, democratic consolidation, representation, and even social movements and inequality, despite racial hierarchies being quite harmful to democracy in Latin America. This article argues for the centering of Black politics and racial hierarchies in Latin American politics and highlights recent literature to map just how that can be done. More than adding race as a variable or a control, we must understand racial identification and anti-Black racism in Latin America: how they operate, and how they influence, complicate, motivate, affirm, and inspire politics. In this article, I address ( a) why we should center racial politics in Latin American politics, ( b) how comparative racial scholars have centered Black politics, ( c) the methodologies necessary to accurately measure racial identification, and ( d) recent research that examines the interplay between racial self-identification, Black group consciousness, and voting behavior.
This paper argues for an Asian American racialization that takes seriously the political economy of racial capitalism. To do so, it first discusses the racial category of Asian American, and then take up the myth of the Model Minority as the defining form of Asian American racialization in education. This paper then connects the Model Minority to the tropes of Yellow Peril and Orientalism, arguing that our shortcomings of understanding Asian American racialization generally, and in education specifically, require us to develop a different theory of Asian American racialization that is not wholly confined within the boundaries of the United States. Following the racial political economy of Day (2016 Day, I. (2016). Alien capital: Asian racialization and the logic of settler colonial capitalism. Duke University Press.[Crossref] , [Google Scholar]), this paper then discusses a conceptualization of Asian American racialization as that of abstract and efficient alien labor, and points to the ways this explains how Asian Americans have been used within racial dynamics in the U.S. This paper concludes with a discussion of the implications this reconceptualization of Asian American racialization for the construction of the Model Minority in education.
Published in January 2020, Jeanine Cummins’ novel American Dirt provoked a stir in the literary and public spheres. A narrative about the ordeal of a Mexican immigrant across the Southern border, the novel was endorsed by celebrities and became a bestseller. At the same time, protests sparked against the invisibilization of Latinx creators in the publishing industry and critics condemned its exploitative and clichéd nature. Furthermore, the Latinx community on Twitter reacted by mocking the novel by means of witticism and parody, sharing mock synopses of their imaginary ‘Latino novel.’ Reading Jeanine Cummins’s novel from the standpoint of critical discourse analysis, several connections can be drawn between both its diegetic and extradiegetic discourses and Trump’s discursive constructions of topics related to immigration and the Latinx subject. The superficiality of Cummins’s choices stands out especially when read in parallel to the “writing my Latino novel” corpus of tweets. This chapter will analyze how these unconventional bits of literary creation dissect and reproduce tropes, themes, and stereotypical representations of Latinx heritage, behaviors, and values, and how they serve as a corrosive and cathartic response against the harmful representations of this ethnic minority community, both in the literary world and in US public discourse.
This article describes the history of race relations and the rapidly changing racial topography of the United States. The authors address the history of racism and discrimination experienced by minority populations and immigrants of color and the psychological effects on these populations and describe the risk factors and protective factors that come into play when individuals are faced with experiences of discrimination and racism. They describe the process of ethnic-racial identity development and the different styles of ethnic-racial socialization and cultural orientation. Ultimately, it explains the importance of ethnicity and race in the psychotherapeutic encounter.
Between one-fifth and a third of people who are transgender have been refused treatment by a medical provider due to their gender identity. Yet, we know little about the factors that shape public opinion on this issue. We present results from a nationally representative survey experiment ( N = 4,876) that examines how common justifications issued by providers for the denial of healthcare, and the race and gender identity of the person being denied care, intersect to shape public opinion concerning the acceptability of treatment refusal. We find that religious objections are viewed as less acceptable compared to a medical justification, in this case, inadequate training. However, the difference between religious objections and inadequate training is larger when the person being denied healthcare is White or Asian than when the person is Black or Latinx. Analysis of open-ended responses indicates the modest effect of doctor’s rationale on attitudes toward treatment refusal with respect to Black and Latinx patients is partially attributable to a racialized, free-market logic. Respondents were more likely to advocate for a doctor’s fundamental right to refuse service when evaluating Black and Latinx patients compared to White patients. We discuss the implications of these findings for intersectional approaches to trans studies and future public opinion research.
Informed by Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model of development, this mixed-methods study’s aims are to: (1) describe rural Latino/a adolescents’ ( N = 62) narratives and lived social experiences in the context of rurality, and (2) examine their personal networks to better understand their social interactions (subset of 30 adolescents). Rural Latino/a adolescents move in limited social circles and experience geographic, cultural, and social isolation due to immigration status problems, socioeconomic issues, racial discrimination, and family dynamics. This limitation is reflected by personal networks that tend to be homogenous in terms of ethnicity, age, and sociodemographic characteristics. School, although characterized by weak social ties often disconnected from community and family contacts, emerged as the dominant context of sociability where adolescents build their social identity outside the circle of dense family ties. Findings suggest a critical need for interventions to reduce isolation and enhance social connectedness between family, school, and rural community in this population.
Multiracial self-classifiers are the fastest-growing racial population in the United States. While their rise signals a departure from norms of hypodescent, little is known about the sociopolitical meanings attached to multiracial labels. Here, we develop a theoretical framework for understanding multiracials’ sense of racial group identity, linked fate, and racial attitudes. Examining a national opinion survey that samples more than 1200 multiracial adults, we compare the identity and attitudinal profiles of the two largest multiracial groups in the United States—White-Asians and White-Blacks—with those of their component monoracial groups. We find that while White-Asians and White-Blacks often distinguish themselves from their component races, on balance, the assertion of dual racial membership signals greater solidarity and/or affect toward the minority race. These findings suggest that members of these multiracial populations are likely to align themselves relatively more with their minority background than with Whites on political issues that are racial in nature.
En El Malestar con las Migraciones, el autor ofrece un modelo de entendimiento teórico que confronta el actual malestar que se genera en las sociedades desarrolladas respecto a las migraciones internacionales. El dilema político al que se enfrentan las sociedades avanzadas es que para asegurar su reproducción social, económica y demográfica, deben necesariamente estar abierta a la inmigración, pero esto conlleva la posibilidad de convertirse en sociedades multiculturales donde la hegemonía política de las actuales mayorías étnicas y demográficas se subviertan radicalmente. Esta es una de las bases más importantes de un conflicto político cuyos signos ya se advierten en el actual contexto político, caracterizado por el resurgimiento del racismo y la xenofobia en Europa y Estados Unidos.
As the fastest growing racial group in the United States, understanding the health patterns of Asians is important to addressing health gaps in American society. Most studies have not considered the unique experiences of the ethnic groups contained in the Asian racial group, implying that Asians have a shared story. However, we should expect differences between the ethnic groups given the differences in their timing and place of migration, socioeconomic status, and racialized experiences in the United States. We estimate the life expectancy of the six largest Asian ethnic groups-Chinese, Asian Indians, Filipinos, Vietnamese, Koreans, and Japanese-analyzing data from the Multiple Cause of Death File (2012-2016) and the American Community Survey (2012-2016) in the United States at the national and regional levels. Nationally, Chinese had the highest life expectancy (males e0 = 86.8; females e0 = 91.3), followed by Asian Indians, Koreans, Japanese, Filipinos, and Vietnamese, generally reflecting the pattern expected given their educational attainment, our primary indicator of socioeconomic status. We also found regional differences in life expectancy, where life expectancy for Asians in the West was significantly lower than all other regions. These findings suggest the presence of underlying selection effects associated with settlement patterns among new and traditional destinations. Our results underline the necessity of studying the experiences of the different Asian ethnic groups in the United States, permitting a better assessment of the varying health needs within this diverse racial group.
Family socialization into the centuries-old culture of Whiteness—involving colorblindness, passivity, and fragility—perpetrates and perpetuates U.S. racism, reflecting an insidious Whiteness pandemic. As a poignant case study, this mixed methods study examined Whiteness socialization among White mothers (N = 392, M = 37.99 years, SD = 4.34) in Minneapolis, Minnesota in the month following the May 2020 police killing of unarmed Black resident, George Floyd. Using Helms’ (1984, 2017) White racial identity development theory (WRID), content analyses of qualitative responses classified participants into lower versus higher levels of WRID, after which thematic analyses compared their Whiteness socialization beliefs/values, attitudes, practices, and emotions, and analyses of variance compared their demographics, multiculturalism, and psychological distress. There was strong convergence across qualitative and quantitative findings and results aligned with the WRID model. Racially silent participants (i.e., no mention of Floyd’s murder or subsequent events on open-ended questions: 53%) had lower multiculturalism scores and lower psychological distress. Among mothers who were racially responsive (i.e., mentioned Floyd’s murder or subsequent events: 47%), those with more advanced WRID (17%) had higher multiculturalism scores; lower ethnic group protectiveness scores; a more effective coping style featuring empathy, moral outrage, and hope; more color- and power-conscious socialization beliefs/values; and more purposeful racial socialization practices than their less advanced peers (30%). Collectively, color-evasion and power-evasion—pathogens of the Whiteness pandemic—are inexorably transmitted within families, with White parents serving as carriers to their children unless they take active preventive measures rooted in antiracism and equity-promotion.
Objective
We examine factors that explain differences in assessment of police performance among whites, African Americans, Asians, and Latinos, and utilize a subjective social position framework to better understand variation in poor police evaluations. The framework combines previously disparate explanations in the literature.
Method
Logit models assess 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post‐Election Survey data augmented by Census, FBI crime statistics, and Mapping Police Violence Project data to assess respondents’ police performance evaluations.
Results
Feelings of marginalization, negative perceptions of local context, and involuntary contact with police are more important for predicting poor evaluations of police than objective contextual conditions, including police‐initiated violence.
Conclusion
Despite variation across racial and ethnic groups, the subjective social position of individuals goes a long way in explaining individuals’ evaluation of police performance. However, African Americans are clearly more critical of law enforcement than other minorities, with at least some of this disparity explained by differences in subjective social position.
This essay succinctly combines the historical trajectories of whiteness in Europe and the United States regarding Spanishness underscoring the situationality of whiteness at large as an ideological means that goes beyond the mere physiology of white bodies. Firstly, the essay probes into the trajectory of Spain’s racial rhetoric in relation to whiteness, and its European counterparts’ historical processes of racialization of Spanishness. It is, then, followed by an exploration of racism against, and racialization of, Hispanic whiteness in the United States. Lastly, this essay offers reflections on the current emergence of Hispanic Whiteness in the United States. Theorizing the case of White Spaniards who transition between ‘whitenesses’ from Europe to the United States –while revealing some specificities on the conceptualization of parallel rhetorics of whiteness– informs readers about the historical, ideological fantasies of race discourse as a whole.
Colorblind ideology provides individuals with numerous ways to minimize racism. This poses a challenge for instructors who teach about race and racism as students deploy this ideology to derail classroom discussions. Student resistance may be amplified when discussing microaggressions because students often characterize focusing on microaggressions as being “too sensitive” or trying to see racism where it does not exist. This article details a demonstration that attempts to move students past the too-sensitive argument so they can understand the complexity of microaggressions. An analysis of anonymous student reflections shows that the activity successfully conveys the cumulative impact of microaggressions, demonstrates how racism is embedded in everyday interactions, and encourages students to reflect on their own role in perpetuating and ending racism. In short, the demonstration helped students understand the structural and cumulative nature of microaggressions by combating the too-sensitive argument and encouraging a critical examination of racism.
Mestizaje, the process of interracial and/or intercultural mixing, is a foundational theme in the Americas, particularly in those areas colonized by the Spanish and the Portuguese. In this article, I present a critical overview of the discourse of mestizaje, primarily, although not exclusively, of African European mestizaje, and its relationship to the intellectual formation and transformations of the nation and of national cultural identify from 1845 to 1959. I examine the role that social scientific writings and cultural criticism have played in creating and extending race-defined exclusions and inclusions. My purpose in studying mestizaje as a discursive practice is not to unravel its allegedly labyrinthine nature per se or to invent yet another (Latin) American identity. Rather, I am driven by a scholarly and personal/political commitment to tracing the salient moments in the history of racialist discourse in Spanish and Portuguese America after the 1820s and, in doing so, mapping the poetics of racism in the region to come to terms with this rather complex historical phenomenon.
This chapter explores the complex, multidimensional process of acculturation, as understood and experienced by Vietnamese refugee children and as captured by the San Diego portion of CILS. It provides a historical account of why the Vietnamese fled their country, how they resettled in the United States, and how resettlement affected the adjustment of the second generation.
This chapter begins by presenting a broader historical context of Filipino immigration to the United States; to California; and to the research site, San Diego. It then delineates the socioeconomic status of the Filipino CILS sample and the academic achievements and ambitions of young Filipinos. Next, the chapter analyzes what it means to grow up as children of Filipino immigrants in San Diego by focusing on shifts in ethnic identity and perceptions of discrimination, the quality of family relationships, and emotional well-being. It notes that race and gender mark most aspects of young Filipino lives and constitute crucial axes along which children of Filipino immigrants must be understood.
This chapter explains that, more than for any other immigrant group in greater Miami, the future life chances of the children of Anglophone Caribbean immigrants will probably be shaped by race rather than ethnicity. It explains that although about half the group strongly asserts a nation-of-origin identity, the fact that racial identity is stronger among the second generation than the 1.5 generation and the group's keen perception of itself as the victim of discrimination, combined with the lack of a distinctly West Indian residential or economic enclave, points to a growing, if predictably ambivalent, identification with the broader African American community. The chapter notes that for many second-generation West Indians, residential racial segregation remains an important obstacle not just to better housing, but also to access to public services, quality education, and perhaps even equal treatment from the police. It is possible that second-generation West Indian youth will be reluctant to take the jobs which the less well off of their parents now hold.
In this classic book on the meaning of multiculturalism in larger American society, Gary Okihiro explores the significance of Asian American experiences from the perspectives of historical consciousness, race, gender, class, and culture.
Part 1: The Concept of Racism 1. Apropos the Idea of "Race"...Again 2. Nationalism and Racism - Antithesis and Articulation 3. The Civilization and Racialization of the Interior. Part 2: Migration Theory and History 4. Theorisizing Migration - Possibilities and Problems 5. Migration History and British Racisms 6. Racializing Subjects and Aliens. Part 3: European Perspectives 7. Intergrating Immigrants in Europe? 8. Migration and the Nation State - Contradictions and Transformation.
We investigate the residential assimilation of Asian-origin groups in the U.S., paying particular attention to socioeconomic
characteristics, immigrant status, and ethnicity. Our primary goal is to disentangle the competing influence of the last two
variables. Data from a special tabulation of the 1980 U.S. census (PUMS-F) allow us to express residential outcomes measured
in the aggregate as a function of individual characteristics. We restrict our sample to Asian-origin householders and use
OLS for our analysis of both pooled and separate group estimates of residential assimilation. Our results support the link
between social mobility and spatial mobility in that Asian-origin groups translate their socioeconomic achievements into residential
assimilation. Contrary to some interpretations of standard assimilation models, we find that duration of residence in the
United States does not have a particularly strong influence on residential assimilation. The effect of immigrant status is
overshadowed by that of ethnic group membership, a factor that points to the diversity of experiences and contexts of arrival
for Asian Americans.
Introduction: Why Are Racial Minorities Behind Today? * What is Racism? The Racialized Social System. * Racial Attitudes or Racial Ideology? An Alternative Paradigm for Examining Actors' Racial Views. * The "New Racism": The Post-Civil Rights Racial Structure in the U.S * Color-Blind Racism and Blacks. * Conclusion: New Racism, New Theory, and New Struggle.
This paper examines trends in residential segregation for blacks, Hispanics, and Asians in 60 SMSAs between 1970 and 1980 using data taken from the 1970 Fourth Count Summary tapes and the 1980 Summary Tape File 4. Segregation was measured using dissimilarity and exposure indices. Black segregation from Anglos declined in some smaller SMSAs in the south and west, but in large urban areas in the northeastern and north central states there was little change; in these areas blacks remained spatially isolated and highly segregated. The level of black-Anglo segregation was not strongly related to socioeconomic status or level of suburbanization. Hispanic segregation was markedly below that of blacks, but increased substantially in some urban areas that experienced Hispanic immigration and population growth over the decade. The level of Hispanic segregation was highly related to indicators of socioeconomic status, acculturation, and suburbanization. Asian segregation was everywhere quite low. During the 1970s the spatial isolation of Asians increased slightly, while dissimilarity from Anglos decreased. Results were interpreted to suggest that Asian enclaves were beginning to form in many U.S. metropolitan areas around 1980.
This article describes micro-macro processes through which simple structural conditions cause a nominal characteristic such
as gender or race to acquire independent status value. These conditions are sufficient but not necessary and may or may not
be involved in the actual historical origin of a given characteristic's status value. The argument assumes that a nominal
characteristic becomes correlated with a difference in exchangeable resources. Blau's (1977) structural theory specifies the
effects of the distribution of resources and the nominal characteristic on the likely characteristics of interactants in encounters.
Expectation-states theory describes the situational beliefs about worthiness that develop among the resulting types of interactants.
I combine the two theories to show where the nominal characteristic is likely to be connected with such situational beliefs,
how this connection is affected by transfer and diffusion among types of interactants, and how this process can produce consensual
beliefs in the characteristic's status value.
Latinos are the fastest growing population group in the United States.Through their language and popular music Latinos are making their mark on American culture as never before. As the United States becomes Latinized, how will Latinos fit into America's divided racial landscape and how will they define their own racial and ethnic identity? Through strikingly original historical analysis, extensive personal interviews and a careful examination of census data, Clara E. Rodriguez shows that Latino identity is surprisingly fluid, situation-dependent, and constantly changing. She illustrates how the way Latinos are defining themselves, and refusing to define themselves, represents a powerful challenge to America's system of racial classification and American racism.
We Hispanics are, finally, like other immigrant groups… Yes, the Hispanics are going to become more like the majority. Their families will be smaller, better educated, more traveled. Roots will be lost. Language will be lost. Food will be the last to go. We will be eating tacos and tortillas for a long time to come. (Cesar Chavez, cited in Morgan, 1985, pp. 79–80)
The American Dream is at the expense of the American Negro. (James Baldwin, cited in Leeming, 1994)
For all of the nuance and complexity embedded in the social meaning of skin color in Brazil, there is a growing body of empirical evidence that offers important insights into its relationship to identify, inequality, and discrimination. These findings draw heavily on census and survey data, which are hardly ideal sources of information on topics of such extraordinary intricacy. In the face of some obvious limitations, however, with appropriate caveats it is possible to derive meaningful conclusions form the large samples afforded by national censuses and surveys. In assembling the available data into a meaningful story, we found it useful to think of inequality and discrimination as subtle interrelated processes that impinge on Brazilians of African descent throughout the life course. The image of the life course imemdiately draws the eye to those critical junctures when socioeconomic, cultural, and political institutions and processes express themselves, systematically converting to the detriment of the Afro-Brazilian population. By focusing on four critical transitions - surviving childhood, acquiring an education, entering the labor market, and getting paid - we make explicit one of the central theses of this study: that the sharp disparities readily observed in the cross section are the cumulative product of a sequence of insults that are independently associated with skin color and not reducible to differences in social class. When we compare the disparities that manifest themselves in each chapter in the life course over time and across regions, our findings provide a textured account of the way in which economic development and social change affect the life chances of people of different skin color. Because the empirical findings presented hear are based on national censuses and surveys, it is appropriate to begin this study with a review of the debates regarding the use of these data. This discussion serves to highlight many of the nuances of racial identity in Brazil and makes explicit the caveats associated with the use of data produced by the census bureau.
Data from the National Survey of Black Americans (NSBA) (197980) are used to examine the effects of skin-tone variations of blacks on educational attainment, occupation, and income, net of such antecedent factors as parental socioeconomic status and such contemporaneous factors as sex, region of residence, urbanicity, age, and marital status. The findings are that not only does complexion have significant net effects on stratification outcomes, but it is also a more consequential predictor of occupation and income than such background characteristics as parents' socioeconomic status. Results are consistent with an interpretation that suggests that the continuing disadvantage that darker blacks experience is due to persisting discrimination against them in the contemporary United States.
The study of race and ethnic conflict historically has been hampered by in- adequate and simplistic theories. I contend that the central problem of the various approaches to the study of racial phenomena is their lack of a struc- tural theory of racism. I review traditional approaches and alternative ap- proaches to the study of racism, and discuss their limitations. Following the leads suggested by some of the alternative frameworks, I advance a struc- tural theory of racism based on the notion of racialized social systems. "The habit of considering racism as a men- tal quirk, as a psychological flaw, must be abandoned." -Frantz Fanon (1967:77) he area of race and ethnic studies lacks a _ sound theoretical apparatus. To compli- cate matters, many analysts of racial matters have abandoned the serious theorization and reconceptualization of their central topic: rac- ism. Too many social analysts researching racism assume that the phenomenon is self- evident, and therefore either do not provide a definition or provide an elementary definition (Schuman, Steeh, and Bobo 1985; Sniderman and Piazza 1993). Nevertheless, whether im- plicitly or explicitly, most analysts regard rac- ism as a purely ideological phenomenon.