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Women Don't Ask: Negotiation and the Gender Divide
Abstract
When Linda Babcock asked why so many male graduate students were teaching their own courses and most female students were assigned as assistants, her dean said: "More men ask. The women just don't ask." It turns out that whether they want higher salaries or more help at home, women often find it hard to ask. Sometimes they don't know that change is possible--they don't know that they can ask. Sometimes they fear that asking may damage a relationship. And sometimes they don't ask because they've learned that society can react badly to women asserting their own needs and desires. By looking at the barriers holding women back and the social forces constraining them, Women Don't Ask shows women how to reframe their interactions and more accurately evaluate their opportunities. It teaches them how to ask for what they want in ways that feel comfortable and possible, taking into account the impact of asking on their relationships. And it teaches all of us how to recognize the ways in which our institutions, child-rearing practices, and unspoken assumptions perpetuate inequalities--inequalities that are not only fundamentally unfair but also inefficient and economically unsound. © 2003 by Linda Babcock and Sara Laschever. All Rights Reserved.
... In fact, research has shown that women are less likely to initiate negotiations than men (for a meta-analysis, see Kugler et al., 2018). Thus, women may earn less than men, in part, as they "do not ask" (Babcock & Laschever, 2003;Babcock et al., 2006;Bowles et al., 2007). ...
... The key question is: Do women ask (Artz et al., 2018) or don't they (Babcock & Laschever, 2003;Kugler et al., 2018)? In this commentary, we aim to reconcile the seemingly diverging conclusions drawn from the study by Artz et al. (2018) and past negotiation research by thoroughly embedding the findings by Artz et al. (2018) in extant theory (e.g., Bowles & McGinn, 2008; and research (e.g., Luekemann & Abendroth, 2018). ...
... If the number of weekly hours worked were a mediator, the findings by Artz et al. (2018) should no longer be interpreted as contradicting past negotiation research (e.g., Babcock & Laschever, 2003;Kugler et al., 2018). Interpreting their results such that women did not ask, among other reasons, because they work fewer hours would suggest the existence of a gender difference, just as past research did. ...
A long debate in negotiation research concerns the question of whether gender differences in the propensity to initiate negotiations, in behaviors shown during negotiations, and in negotiation performance actually exist. Whereas past negotiation research suggested that women are less likely to initiate negotiations than men, a recent study by Artz et al. (2018) seems to suggest that women are as likely as men to "ask" for higher pay. However, this finding by Artz et al. (2018) was obtained once the number of weekly hours worked was added as a covariate in the statistical analysis. Following extant work, we suggest that the number of weekly hours worked could be-and, from a theoretical standpoint , perhaps should be-considered a mediator of gender differences. Conducting a Monte Carlo analysis based on the results and statistics provided by Artz et al. (2018) also yielded empirical evidence suggesting that weekly hours could be a mediator. Thus, women may be less likely than men to ask for higher pay, among other potential reasons, because they work fewer weekly hours. Based on this alternative conceptualization of the role of weekly hours, our commentary has theoretical implications for the understanding of gender differences in the propensity to initiate negotiations and practical implications for the effective reduction of gender inequalities.
... Adotamos a semântica de frames para o estudo da colocação single mother visando um levantamento e tratamento da frequência desta colocação nas obras Women Don't Ask -Women and the Gender Divide, A Woman's Guide to Sucessful Negotiation e Lean In -Women, Work and the Will to Lead (Babcock & Laschever 2003;Miller & Miller 2011;Sandberg & Scovell 2013, respetivamente), tendo por objetivo final o enquadramento das suas equivalências em PE e PB. Por outras palavras, buscamos esmiuçar pela via cognitiva os planos de fundo que motivam a realização linguística de single mother como uma forma de definir as bases da correspondência entre língua de partida e de chegada, nas duas variedades do português em apreço. ...
... As duas obras Women Don't Ask e Lean In (Babcock & Laschever 2003;Sandberg & Scovell 2013), que integram o corpus deste trabalho, abordam a situação da mulher na sociedade, em casa e no trabalho. Logo, a partir destes enquadramentos sociais, observa-se alguns papéis que a mulher assume ou que se espera que assuma no contexto social. ...
... single mother: um corpus sobre a liderança no feminino O acervo de colocações no qual single mother se insere, cuja equivalência em tradução inglês-português será o foco deste estudo, integra o frame Female_leadership. Este foi compilado mediante extração de colocações de um corpus que versa a liderança no feminino, composto pelas publicações Women Don't Ask -Women and the Gender Divide, A Woman's Guide to Sucessful Negotiation e Lean In -Women, Work and the Will to Lead(Babcock & Laschever 2003;Miller & Miller 2011; Sandberg & Scovell 2013, respetivamente). De modo geral, os textos do corpus procuram descrever o estado das coisas no que concerne à posição da mulher na sociedade, às relações de trabalho e, em menor medida, ao poder político. ...
... This difference in willingness to ask accounts for almost all of the gender gap that remains unexplained by differences in observable characteristics across gender. Generally, the evidence from previous literature suggests that women are less predisposed to engaging in negotiations than men (see, for example Babcock and Laschever 2003;Mazei et al. 2015;Card et al. 2016;Biasi and Sarsons 2020). 4 However, this gender gap in negotiation is less pronounced when the negotiation opportunity is salient (Babcock and Laschever 2003;Bowles et al. 2005;Leibbrandt and List 2015), does not violate cultural norms (Andersen et al. 2018) and when communication Reuben et al. 2014;Babcock et al. 2017). ...
... Generally, the evidence from previous literature suggests that women are less predisposed to engaging in negotiations than men (see, for example Babcock and Laschever 2003;Mazei et al. 2015;Card et al. 2016;Biasi and Sarsons 2020). 4 However, this gender gap in negotiation is less pronounced when the negotiation opportunity is salient (Babcock and Laschever 2003;Bowles et al. 2005;Leibbrandt and List 2015), does not violate cultural norms (Andersen et al. 2018) and when communication Reuben et al. 2014;Babcock et al. 2017). ...
... Gender and Negotiation: The average likelihood of choosing to negotiate is 62.8% for males and 54.8% for women and the difference is statistically significant (p − value = 0.02). This is consistent with the growing survey and experimental literature that argues that women exhibit greater reluctance to initiate negotiations and report greater anxiety than men about negotiating (Babcock and Laschever 2003;Bowles et al. 2005Bowles et al. , 2007. ...
This paper examines how gender differences in behavioural preferences affect the gender wage gap in Vietnam. We conduct a lab-in-the-field experiment to measure preferences for risk and negotiation and administer a complementary survey to collect data on wages and observable factors that affect wages. In our sample, women earn less than men but differences in observable characteristics across gender cannot explain the gender wage gap, i.e. most of the gender gap is unexplained. Our experimental results show that women are more risk-averse and have a lower propensity to negotiate. The two variables together account for 15.5% of the unexplained component of the wage gap and are jointly associated with a 29% reduction in the gender wage gap.
... Do models for your ideal work schedule currently exist at the organization? 21 How can you negotiate changes that will benefit your work-life integration? Critically, reframing the work-life narrative requires negotiation skills, mentorship, and support to prevent burnout or a breakdown in relationships. ...
... In preparation, women can apply interview strategies that root their values and must expect to negotiate. 21,23 To combat discouraging self-talk, reframe the story as such: "the institution gains greatly when the environment allows me to perform my best, and this negotiation is required for me, my family, and others in the organization to thrive." 21,24 Women negotiate more effectively when fighting for something greater than themselves (eg, family or community). ...
... 21,23 To combat discouraging self-talk, reframe the story as such: "the institution gains greatly when the environment allows me to perform my best, and this negotiation is required for me, my family, and others in the organization to thrive." 21,24 Women negotiate more effectively when fighting for something greater than themselves (eg, family or community). 25 Of note, those historically marginalized and excluded in medicine benefit from at least 35% workplace representation to promote alliances and impactful counterculture. ...
In this case-based guide, we offer strategies and solutions for advancing women leaders, including tackling career transitions; we highlight individual actions and achievable institutional reforms.
Women in medicine experience disparities in the workplace and in achieving leadership roles. They face challenges related to climate and culture, equitable compensation, work-life integration, opportunities for professional development and advancement, and occupational and systemic factors that can lead to burnout. Without specific resources to support women’s development and advancement and promote conducive workplace climates, efforts to recruit, retain, and promote women physicians into leadership roles may be futile. This article is designed for 2 audiences: women physicians of all career stages, who are exploring factors that may adversely impact their advancement opportunities, and leaders in academic medicine and health care, who seek to achieve inclusive excellence by fully engaging talent. The need for greater representation of women leaders in medicine is both a moral and a business imperative that requires systemic changes. Individuals and institutional leaders can apply the practical strategies and solutions presented to catalyze successful recruitment, retention, and promotion of women leaders and widespread institutional reform.
... These gender differences in individual behavior are related to collective bargaining with employer through the gender composition of the workforce and of representatives at the bargaining table. A well-known finding in this literature is that women are less likely to initiate negotiations ("women don't ask" in the words of Babcock and Laschever 2003), that is, in the professional context to ask for promotions and pay raises. This finding is especially defended by laboratory experiments (e.g., Bowles et al. 2005Bowles et al. , 2007Dittrich et al. 2014) and field experiments (Leibbrandt and List 2015). 2 Some authors explain this finding by gender differences in the perception of bargaining. ...
... This finding is especially defended by laboratory experiments (e.g., Bowles et al. 2005Bowles et al. , 2007Dittrich et al. 2014) and field experiments (Leibbrandt and List 2015). 2 Some authors explain this finding by gender differences in the perception of bargaining. According to Babcock and Laschever (2003), the female gender role is incongruent with negotiating. In the same way, Leibbrandt and List (2015) show that women are less likely to negotiate because they perceive negotiating as a less acceptable behavior (than men). ...
... See alsoAzmat and Petrongolo (2014),Babcock and Laschever (2003), and surveys of Bertrand(2011), Croson and Gneezy (2009); Exley et al. (2020). 4 / BRUNO, GREENAN, AND TANGUY ...
Gender equality at work has become in recent years a priority for governments. In France, collective bargaining is the main lever to achieve progress on gender equality issues. In a two‐tier bargaining framework, industries and firms are required by law to negotiate on the reduction of gender inequalities. Using firm‐level survey data on labor relations issues combined with administrative data, this paper seeks to better understand the dynamics of collective bargaining on gender equality at the firm level by questioning the role played by the gender mix. We find that gender diversity favors gender equality bargaining at the firm level. Underrepresentation and overrepresentation of women reduce the probability of firms negotiating an agreement on gender equality. The introduction of sanctions in the recent period has prompted low‐feminized firms to negotiate more on gender equality but had little impact on highly feminized firms.
... We suggest that the experience of leader impostorism is a potent barrier for women and other minorities in the workplace. There has been a great deal of work trying to understand why women and minorities "hold back" in leadership roles (Brescoll, 2011), limit their risk-taking, and tend to ask and negotiate less for salary increases and promotions (Babcock & Laschever, 2009). We suggest that leader impostorism may account for some of these gendered behaviors in leadership roles. ...
... Specifically, when leader impostorism is low, we can expect people to feel more comfortable with showing their direct power and authority and with claiming their role up front, without feeling the need to temper it with behaviors that may seem less powerful and intimidating. Furthermore, leader impostor dynamics can account for why women and minorities ask for less when negotiating for salary increases and resources in leadership roles (Babcock & Laschever, 2009). If they experience leadership impostorism, they are likely to feel undeserving of higher salaries and refrain from asking for a raise (Babcock & Laschever, 2009). ...
... Furthermore, leader impostor dynamics can account for why women and minorities ask for less when negotiating for salary increases and resources in leadership roles (Babcock & Laschever, 2009). If they experience leadership impostorism, they are likely to feel undeserving of higher salaries and refrain from asking for a raise (Babcock & Laschever, 2009). In sum, earlier findings in the leadership field on the complex experiences and restricted possibilities of minority-status individuals in leadership can be explained by the IP. ...
Impostorism, a phenomenon whereby a person perceives that the role they occupy is beyond their capabilities and puts them at risk of exposure as a “fake,” has attracted plentiful attention in the empirical literature and popular media. However, despite evidence that impostorism is frequently experienced by people in leadership positions, there has been little consideration of why this happens. In this theoretical article, we explain why formal leadership roles—roles that are characterized by elevated expectations, high visibility, and high levels of responsibility—are fertile ground for impostorism experiences. We also discuss how the associated self-conscious emotions of shame and fear, can increase leaders’ risk-aversion and enhance leader role performance, yet at the same time drive emotional exhaustion, and reduce their motivation to lead. This can ultimately inhibit leaders from seeking, claiming, and thriving in leadership roles. We offer individual-, dyadic-, and organization-level contextual characteristics that can either enhance or reduce this phenomenon. We also discuss how supportive organizations can mitigate leadership impostorism. Furthermore, we highlight how women and minority-status leaders may be more vulnerable to this experience and conclude by suggesting the practical implications of the leader impostorism phenomenon for individuals and organizations.
... The results indicated that gender significantly affects negotiation styles (H1 is supported). The results are consistent with the previous studies (Stamato, 1992;Whitaker & Austin, 2001;Miller & Miller, 2002;Babcock & Laschever, 2003), and males prefer analytical and factual negotiation styles, and females prefer intuitive negotiation style which focuses on seeking cooperation for a mutual benefited agreement that is critical to achieving negotiation. Gender is a significant factor affecting ethical behaviors (H2 is supported). ...
... There are differences between males and females in responding to conflict and negotiations, and men and women differences in negotiation situations have seen a re-emergence (Kolb & Coolidge, 1991;Kolb & Williams, 2000;Kray et al., 2002;Babcock, 2003;Kumar et al., 2004). Males and females communicate differently because they have different motivations, perspectives, and types of interactive behavior (Westbrook et al., 2011). ...
Purpose: This study explores three dimensions of how gender and ethics may affect negotiation styles and measures the relationship between gender and ethics.
Design/methodology/approach: This study applied Structural Equations Modelling that focused on the GreTai Security Market to test the effects and differences of gender on negotiation styles.
Findings: The results revealed that gender and ethics significantly affect negotiation styles, and gender significantly affects ethical behaviors.
Originality/value: Current transactions are more complex than they were ever before. Information is asymmetric, and expectations differ between the sides. Therefore, an effective negotiation becomes quite crucial to reaching a win-win result. Different countries have different cultural environments; hence numerous different negotiations styles which merit further studies. However, most prior studies in the field are focused on a single factor used to measure another variable that may not consistently capture how gender and ethics affect negotiation styles and the relationships between gender and ethics
Implications: This study helps multicultural negotiators and companies find the most competent design for improving the efficiency of negotiations in business and other endeavors. Educators and curriculum designers should consider cultural issues as an integral part of their curriculum in their future designs.
... Women are also more likely to be diagnosed with disabilities that are difficult to get NDIS funding for, such as autoimmune disorders [15] myalgic encephalomyelitis/chronic fatigue syndrome (ME/CFS) [16], and fibromyalgia [17]. Secondly, women and girls are socialized to undervalue and underpromote their own needs and requirements in situations where negotiation is required [18]. This may lead to women being less effective self-advocates than men in schemes such as the NDIS that put an unprecedented emphasis on individuals to navigate care systems and advocate for their own needs and rights [19]. ...
... While gender inequalities may still be present in other systems of disability support such as block funding of providers, there are specific attributes of individualized funding approaches that may act to increase these inequalities. Individualized funding schemes require unprecedented emphasis on individual advocacy and administration skills; skills which are not equally distributed across the population [18,25]. We found that women may be disadvantaged through systems such as the NDIS that are complex to navigate, rely on self-advocacy, and require considerable work from the individual (or their family members). ...
Background
Care services in industrialized nations are increasingly moving towards individualized funding models, which aim to increase individuals’ flexibility, choice and control over their services and supports. Recent research suggests that such schemes have the potential to exacerbate inequalities, however none has explored gendered dimensions of inequality. The Australian National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS) is a major individualized funding reform, and has a female participation rate of only 37%, despite women and girls making up half of the disability population.
Methods
The objective of the study is to explore possible gendered barriers to applying for and receiving adequate support through the NDIS, and to suggest directions for future research. We report on semi-structured interviews with 30 women with disability and explore their experiences with the NDIS and their perspectives on challenges associated with being a woman seeking disability support in Australia. We analyse the results using thematic analysis.
Results
Most women in our sample reported differences between the experiences of men and women seeking disability support in Australia. Commonly reported gendered barriers to women being able to access the right supports for their disability involve a) confidence, negotiation and self-advocacy, b) gendered discrimination in diagnosis and the medical system, which has implications for disability support access, and c) support for and recognition of caring roles.
Conclusions
These results suggest that women are not receiving equitable treatment with regard to the NDIS, and that further research and policy reform are needed to ensure that women with disability are not further disadvantaged as a result of the move toward individualized funding models.
... Nevertheless, behavioral differences between genders along other dimensions might still manifest in a pay disparity among NPO executives. In particular, prior studies argue that gender differences in willingness to negotiate or success in negotiation contribute to the pay gap (Gerhart and Rynes 1991;Babcock and Laschever 2003). Archival field evidence supporting this proposition, however, is limited. ...
... While prior research documents how labor force participation, self-selection, and risk preferences influence the gender pay gap (see Blau and Kahn 2017 for a review), a developing stream of literature considers how gender differences in negotiating might also contribute. In a laboratory experiment, Babcock and Laschever (2003) document that women are less likely to initiate compensation negotiations than men, although Gerhart and Rynes (1991) do not find any difference on this dimension in a small survey of MBA graduates. However, Gerhart and Rynes (1991) observe that returns from negotiation are lower for women. ...
This study examines gender pay gaps among nonprofit executives and how compensation negotiability influences these disparities. Using tax return data from IRS Form 990 filings, we find that females earn 8.9% lower total compensation than men in our sample. Further, we observe that settings more conducive to negotiation manifest in larger pay disparities, whereas settings that limit executives’ opportunities to negotiate or that encourage females in particular to negotiate produce smaller gender pay gaps. Our nonprofit setting constrains mechanisms, such as labor force participation rates and risk preferences, that are thought to explain the pay gap, and our results are robust to using a Heckman correction model and matched samples. These findings provide evidence from a large-scale archival dataset of a plausible mechanism for the gender pay gap and point to a potential cost of work environments where negotiations play a larger role in setting compensation.
... Unfortunately there is a bulk of evidence that women in private relationships are confronted with unequal treatment; subordinate position; imbalanced power sharing. As a consequence, there is a lack of space for women to discuss and negotiate with their husbands (Babcock & Laschever, 2003). A similar situation has been found with regard to sexual relationships. ...
... In patriarchal societies similar to other aspects men are in control of sexuality as supported by Babcock & Laschever (2003). Women are provided with minimal space for discussion and negotiation with men regarding sexual matters. ...
This article is based on gendered dimension of HIV and AIDS
... While some behaviors and characteristics are widely associated with women, different behaviors and characteristics are widely associated with men, and those different associations influence expectations and behavior (Eagly & Karau, 2002;Heilman, 2001). Behaviors and characteristics generally associated with men include competence, agency, dominance, and influence; behaviors and characteristics generally associated with women include being nice, communal, and service-oriented (Babcock & Laschever, 2003;Biernat & Fuegen, 2001;Carli, 2001;Heilman, 2001). Moreover, people can incur negative repercussions when they do not adhere to expected gender roles (Eagly & Karau, 2002;Heilman, 2001). ...
... One common difference is that women must show more evidence of competence and meet higher standards in order to prove their competency (Biernat & Fuegen, 2001;Biernat & Kobrynowicz, 1997;Foschi, 1996Foschi, , 2000. Yet, even with that extra effort, women's performance and work products often receive less favorable evaluations than men's (Babcock & Laschever, 2003;Bagilhole & Goode, 2001;Biernat & Manis, 1994;Heilman, 2001;Ridgeway, 2001;Shields, et al., 2011;Swim, et al., 1989). ...
While the importance of school-to-work transitions is increasingly recognised, little research has examined the roles that gender plays in those transitions. This is a problem because of the higher rates of attrition of newcomer women engineers than newcomer men engineers. To address that gap in research, this article addresses the questions: What gendered experiences and observations do practicing civil engineers have within their first three years in the workplace? And How can those experiences be accounted for in a model of organisational socialisation? Three sets of interviews were conducted with men and women early career civil engineers in the United States. A model was then created to account for the findings. Men and women had different experiences that point to ways in which gender structures organisational socialisation, and those must be accounted for in studies of organisational socialisation.
... Unfortunately there is a bulk of evidence that women in private relationships are confronted with unequal treatment; subordinate position; imbalanced power sharing. As a consequence, there is a lack of space for women to discuss and negotiate with their husbands (Babcock & Laschever, 2003). A similar situation has been found with regard to sexual relationships. ...
... In patriarchal societies similar to other aspects men are in control of sexuality as supported by Babcock & Laschever (2003). Women are provided with minimal space for discussion and negotiation with men regarding sexual matters. ...
... Furthermore, Babcock et al (2004) claimed that sex differences when negotiating salary may perpetuate this discrepancy (Babcock and Laschever, 2004). Babcock demonstrated a tendency for women to not ask for higher pay or believe they deserve it, which could further drive pay gaps between female and male employees. ...
... Furthermore, Babcock et al (2004) claimed that sex differences when negotiating salary may perpetuate this discrepancy (Babcock and Laschever, 2004). Babcock demonstrated a tendency for women to not ask for higher pay or believe they deserve it, which could further drive pay gaps between female and male employees. ...
International Women's Day will be celebrated on 8 March 2021. Much has changed in the modern world, but it is still a fact that women are underrepresented in many sectors; this is especially true in science and research. Colleagues from the Oxford Brain Health Clinical Trials Unit reflect on the historical contribution of women in STEM and what future challenges and successes may lay ahead.
... differences in starting salaries as small as $5,000 can lead to a half a million dollar gap in wealth by retirement (Babcock and Laschever 2009). ...
Gender gaps in economic outcomes persist, despite women's gains in education. Various explanations have been proposed for these persistent gaps, including gender differences in competitiveness. In both lab and field studies, women tend to compete less than men, despite performing just as well. Across three studies in Chapter 1 involving over 3000 participants recruited from Amazon Mechanical Turk, we experimentally test whether variations of preparation (i.e., knowledge of an opportunity to prepare, limited opportunity to prepare, and unlimited opportunity to prepare) before performance reduce gender differences in willingness to compete. We also measure participants' choice to prepare and elicit their beliefs about whether men or women will prepare more. First, we show that the preparation intervention does not increase women's competitiveness across studies. Instead, we discover a novel gender difference in the choice to prepare before performance regardless of one's competitiveness, risk aversion, and confidence. This finding aligns with participants' incentivized beliefs—the majority of participants correctly predicted that women would practice more than men. Given this novel finding, Chapter 2 experimentally tests whether the gender difference in preparation may be exacerbated in competitive environments relative to non-competitive environments (N = 3980). Although we replicate the gender difference in preparation, we find no evidence that competitions increase preparation in men or women. This means that women prepare more than men regardless of whether they were assigned to compete. Again, this aligns with participants' incentivized beliefs about gender differences in preparation. This dissertation discusses the downstream and potentially negative consequences of interventions designed to get women to compete, such as the one introduced here. It also discusses both the causes and implications of this newly discovered gender difference in preparation. Future research should explore the boundary conditions, moderators, and mediators of the newly discovered gender difference in preparation. Finally, rather than designing interventions that encourage women to compete more, we implore future research to focus on exploring interventions that change the system to be more gender-inclusive.
... On the other hand, there are "internal" or subjective factors related to the partners themselves which may have an impact on the strategy employed by the parties. Such as the gender of the negotiators (Kray, Galinsky and Thompson, 2002;Babcock and Laschever, 2009;Bowles and Flynn, 2010), their culture (Adair et al., 2004;Brett, 2000;Bülow & Kumar, 2011), their religious culture (Richardson and Rammal, 2018), their personality, education, training and intelligence at commercial, technical and/or emotional levels (Fulmer and Barry, 2004;De Pauw, Venter and Neethling, 2011). ...
The adoption of international climate agreements requires thorough negotiation between parties. This study aims to analyse the inequities between developed and developing countries in climate negotiations. This was done through a scrutiny of the main stages of these negotiations from the Rio Conference to the advent of the Paris Agreement. Our analysis has shown pervasive inequities along the climate negotiations over time. The UNFCCC made a qualitative separation between developed and developing countries in the principle of common but differentiated responsibility. Furthermore, the Kyoto Protocol emphasized this with the commitment of developed countries to reducing their greenhouse gas emissions by at least 5%. The Kyoto Protocol by introducing flexibility mechanisms such as the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) contributed to increase inequalities. The Paris Agreement has increased inequity by requesting each country to submit nationally determined contributions (NDCs) even though the global emission of developing countries remains very low. The negotiation style of developing countries is mostly limited to compromise and accommodation to the desires of the powerful states, as is the case in most international cooperation. The reality of the climate change negotiations mirrors the inequalities between developed and developing nations.
... Here, we focus on literature specifically surrounding gender. Some popular explanations of the glass ceiling revolve around innate or learned differences between men and women, such as psychological differences in risk-taking or taste for competition/negotiation [Schubert et al., 2000, Reuben et al., 2015, Babcock and Laschever, 2004, or differences on personality traits [Filer, 1983, Semykina and Linz, 2007, Collischon, 2021. Others have focused beyond the individual, to the places where gender norms-roughly, culturally-prescribed guidelines for behavior, based on one's own perceived gender and the perceived gender of those around us-and stereotypes-generalized and often unfounded assumptions about someone based on their (perceived) gender-are learned and enforced. ...
The term glass ceiling is applied to the well-established phenomenon in which women and people of color are consistently blocked from reaching the upper-most levels of the corporate hierarchy. Focusing on gender, we present an agent-based model that explores how empirically established mechanisms of interpersonal discrimination coevolve with social norms at both the organizational (meso) and societal (macro) levels to produce this glass ceiling effect for women. Our model extends our understanding of how the glass ceiling arises, and why it can be resistant to change. We do so by synthesizing existing psychological and structural theories of discrimination into a mathematical model that quantifies explicitly how complex organizational systems can produce and maintain inequality. We discuss implications of our findings for both intervention and future empirical analyses, and provide open-source code for those wishing to adapt or extend our work.
... One-on-one interviews (fourth round) are not technical or case-based interviews: they are usually a combination of small talk, employers advertising their job, assessing "culture fit", and asking potential employees about competing firms. 7 Moreover, recent survey responses of elite H.R. managers and students regarding hiring practises suggest that questions on "family background" during one-on-one interviews, such as educational status of family members, schooling, neighborhood of residence etc., are considered par for the course (Jodhka and Newman, 2007;Deshpande and Newman, 2007). ...
Despite widespread caste disparities, compensatory hiring policies remain absent from the Indian private sector. This paper employs novel administrative data on the job search from an elite college and evaluates policies to promote hiring diversity. Application reading, written aptitude tests, large group debates, and job choices do not explain caste disparities. Disparities arise primarily between the final round, comprising non-technical personal interviews, and job offers; the emergence closely parallels caste revelation. For promoting diversity, hiring subsidies — similar in spirit to the government-proposed Diversity Index — are twice as cost-effective as improving pre-college achievement. Conversely, quotas mirror a hiring tax and reduce university recruitment by 7%.
... Yet women such as Kelly and others who had experienced a painful process of losing their jobs also noted that these losses occurred in the face of larger restructuring and downsizing efforts. These differences may also have been vested in gendered communications styles (Babcock and Laschever 2003), particularly where men may also feel more of a need than women to underscore that their unemployment does not cast aspersions on their moral self. These, too, provide information on how men and women understand and experience their job loss. ...
While we know that career interruptions shape men’s and women’s professional trajectories, we know less about how job loss may matter for this process. Drawing on interviews with unemployed, college-educated men and women in professional occupations, I show that while both men and women interpret their job loss as due to impersonal “business” decisions, women additionally attribute their job loss as arising from employers’ “personal” decisions. Men’s job loss shapes their subsequent preferred professional pathways, but never in a way that diminishes the importance of their participation in the labor force. For some women in this study, job loss becomes a moment to reflect on their professional pathways, often pulling them back from paid work. This study identifies job loss as an event that, on top of gendered workplace experiences and caregiving obligations, may curtail some women’s participation in paid work.
... human capital explanations locate the problem of segregation in the workplace with individuals by citing lack of self-confidence (Babcock and Laschever 2003), self-limiting behaviors (Sartore and Cunningham 2007), or an unwillingness to opt into certain careers (Born, Ranehill, and Sandberg 2018) as reasons for women's relative absence in the most senior and highest paid roles. These explanations ignore the structural processes that hinder most women's progression, and thrust (white) men, and some white women, into positions of power (Acker 2006;Eagly and Carli 2007). ...
In this article, we frame men’s club football as an “extremely gendered” organization to explain the underrepresentation of women leaders within the industry. By analyzing women’s leadership work over a 30-year period, we find that women’s inclusion has been confined to a limited number of occupational areas. These areas are removed, in terms of influence and proximity, from the male players and the playing of football. These findings reveal a gendered substructure within club football that maintains masculine dominance in core football leadership roles and relegates women to a position of peripheral inclusion in leadership roles. Through a discourse analysis of gender pay gap reports, we show that men’s football clubs legitimize women’s peripheral inclusion by naturalizing male dominance at the organizational core. These findings are significant because they demonstrate that men’s football clubs, as masculinity-conferring organizations, have excluded women from core roles to maintain their masculine character while superficially accepting women into roles that do not challenge the association of football with hegemonic masculinity. Therefore, organizational change may be possible only if women are granted greater access to core organizational roles. Here, we offer a new theoretical framework for “extremely gendered” organizations that can be applied to other sporting and male-dominated contexts to analyze women’s access to core leadership roles.
... This alternative mechanism seems particularly plausible given women's higher relative costs of legal defense reported earlier. Additionally, to the degree that women are less likely to negotiate the terms of a non-compete, they may also be subject to more stringent non-compete terms regarding duration or the field of service (see also Babcock and Laschever 2009 for evidence that women are generally less likely to negotiate employment agreements). Stricter terms might lead ex-employers to believe that they will prevail in court. ...
I contribute to the literature on institutions, gender, and entrepreneurship by showing that macrolevel institutional policies that do not explicitly target women nonetheless discourage them from leveraging prior professional experience—their own and that of others—in founding new ventures. Most ventures fail, but chances of success are greater if founders can bring to bear their professional expertise. However, employee non-compete agreements enjoin workers from leaving their employer to found a rival business in the same industry. Thus, non-competes add legal risk to business risk. To the extent that women exhibit greater risk aversion, the threat of litigation from their ex-employer may act as a sharper brake on startup activity than for men. Examining all workers who were employed exclusively within 25 states and the District of Columbia from 1990 to 2014, I find that women subject to tighter non-compete policies were less likely to leave their employers and start rival businesses. Non-competes increase the risk of entrepreneurship by making it harder to hire talent with relevant experience, shifting women away from higher potential ventures. A review of thousands of filed lawsuits suggests that firms do not target women in non-compete cases. Rather, it appears that non-competes disproportionately discourage women from leveraging their professional networks in hiring the sort of talent necessary for high-growth startups to succeed.
... Internalization of negative stereotypes can influence women's career decisions and ambitions, leading women to question their suitability for leadership positions (Bian et al., 2018). Women are socialized to refrain from self-promotion (Babcock & Laschever, 2003), and may avoid self-promotion to guard against the social penalties that arise from engaging in counterstereotypical behavior (Miller et al., 1992;Moss-Racusin & Rudman, 2010;Rudman, 1998;Rudman & Phelan, 2008). As discussed by Carnes et al. (2005), awards such as the National Institutes of Health Pioneer Award Initiative disadvantage women scientists due to an emphasis on self-promotion. ...
Within academia, professional societies play an important role in career advancement. Problematically, women are often underrepresented in awards given by professional societies. The present study advances feminist science by examining the representation of women in recognition awards presented by the American Psychological Association (APA). Researchers analyzed lists of award recipients across 10 awards during a 63-year history of the APA (1956–2019). Across the 10 APA recognition categories, only
27.4% of awards were granted to women from 1956 to 2019. From 1999 to 2019, the percent of awards given to women marginally increased to 35.1%. Women made up more than half of recipients for only one award of the 10 awards examined (i.e., Distinguished Contributions to Research in Public Policy). The disparity in award recognition is particularly stark given that there are more women than men in the field of psychology at large, including within psychology graduate programs, as well as in full- and part-time faculty positions. Findings highlight the importance of taking steps to promote equitable recognition within the APA and support the professional advancement of women in psychology.
... See Bowles, Babcock, and Lai (2007);Bowles, Babcock, and McGinn (2005); Rigdon (2012);Small, Gelfand, Babcock, and Gettman (2007) for laboratory studies andBabcock, Gelfand, Small, and Stayn (2006);Babcock and Laschever (2003);Greig (2008);Manning and Saidi (2010) for some mitigated field results. ...
This paper explores how two main channels explaining the gender wagegap, namely the heterogeneity of firm pay policies and sex-specific wage con-sequences of parenthood, interact. We explore the firm heterogeneity channelby applying the model proposed byCard, Cardoso, and Kline 2016. Aftercontrolling for individual and firm heterogeneity, we show that the sorting ofwomen into lower-paying firms accounts for 11 % of the average gender wagegap in the French private sector, whereas within-firm gender inequality doesnot contribute to the gap. Performing these decompositions all along workers’life cycle, we find evidence that this sorting mechanism activates shortly afterbirth. These gender-specific and dynamic firm choices generate wage lossesall along mothers’ careers, in addition to direct child wage penalties. Afterbirth, mothers tend to favor firms with more flexible work hours and homeproximity, which may be detrimental to their labor market opportunities, as,within these contexts, firms may gain relative monopsonic power.
... This situation can occur because of discrimination (Blau and Kahn, 2016, reckon this cannot be completely dismissed) or, more subtly, because women do not bargain their wages as well as men do. As a matter of fact, different contributions have shown that women tend to initiate less negotiation, or to perform poorer when bargaining their own wages (Bertrand, 2011 and the references therein, especially Bowles, Babcock, and Lai, 2007;Bowles, Babcock, and McGinn, 2005;Small, Gelfand, Babcock, and Gettman, 2007 for laboratory studies and Babcock, Gelfand, Small, and Stayn, 2006;Babcock and Laschever, 2003;Greig, 2008;Manning and Saidi, 698 for some (mitigated) field results, see also Rigdon 2012). ...
Family, Firms and the Gender Wage Gap in France∗Elise Coudin†Sophie Maillard‡Maxime Tô§December 28, 2017AbstractIn France, in 2014, women’s hourly wages were on average 14.4 % lowerthan men’s. Beyond differentials in observed characteristics, is this gap ex-plained by segregation of women in low-wage firms, or by gender inequalitywithin a given firm? To answer that question, we apply the approach of Card,Cardoso, and Kline (2016) on French data to disentangle the role of between-firm (sorting) and within-firm heterogeneity (bargaining) on the gender wagegap. We use a two-way fixed effect wage model, in which firm fixed effectsdiffer between male and female employees to account for within-firm genderdifferences in bargaining power and wage policy. We estimate this model withlinked employer-employee data covering French private sector from 1995 to2014. Thesortingeffect accounts for almost 11 % of the gender wage gap,whereas thebargainingeffect is close to zero. This last result could be relatedto the protective role of the high French minimum wage level. We have accessto very rich administrative data that allow us to recover information on familyevents. Hence, we can analyze sorting and bargaining effects all along the fam-ily life cycle. Our analysis shows that firm effect gap appears clearly aroundthe first childbirth and deepens over the life cycle: in addition to the directeffects of childbirth on wages, mothers also experience wage losses associatedto sorting into low-paying firms.
... What links these three notions is the management of dominant norms. Studies on women in leadership positions reveal that the most common approach to managing dominant norms is negotiation (Babcock and Laschever 2003;Ely et al. 2011). The results of such studies demonstrate that there are two other types of approach that, in terms of subjective steering, are clearly transgressive and, in terms of mixed steering, lead to the production of alternative normative frameworks. ...
The growth of a firm depends on its adaptability (Barringer et al. 2005), or, in other words, on the evolution of its business model and its capacity to generate a flow, if not of innovations, then at least of innovative suggestions shared throughout the employee corpus (Foss and Saebi, 2017). Amongst the factors at the origin of this flux we should mention, in particular, the entrepreneurs’ regulatory role, and interactions between the head of the firm and employees based on the way in which they steer the company (Redien-Collot and Radu 2014; Fust et al., 2018 ). The entrepreneurs’ growing cognitive skills in applying performance monitoring systems is rarely questioned. Our study concludes that, for a significant sample of women founders and heads of high-growth firms, there are three steering options generating three types of fairly remarkable swathes of innovative propositions on the part of employees. Two of these steering models present fairly radical socio-cognitive breaks with traditional models. In view of these results, it is impossible to see female leadership as a single (repressed) alternative to masculine models of entrepreneurial success. Women entrepreneurial emancipation has several implications in the understanding of the strategic deployment of their firms. This research explores how the spirit of emancipation drives women's entrepreneurship, including their strategic choices and the freedom to innovate experienced by their employees (Rindova et al. 2009).
... The representation of women in science in Latin America is higher (~40%), with differences within the region, but we believe that this also reveals a gender difference. Salaries in science are usually low and are even lower for women in the field (5), and they end up accepting them, while men do not (6). In science, technology, engineering, and mathematics areas, both horizontal and vertical barriers still persist for women, which is reflected in a reduced female presence in decision-making positions and the women struggling to reach senior leadership positions in various spheres of national scientific systems (7) or companies. ...
... There is substantial evidence that women are more reluctant to enter into negotiations than men (Babcock and Laschever, 2009;Eriksson and Sandberg, 2012) and this has been studied extensively in the context of wage negotiations (Dittrich et al., 2014). Gender stereotypes can be especially harmful to women during the negotiation process. ...
... Some female doctors and non-European doctors also felt they had less cultural capital within Irish medicine, and were peripheral to those who set the norms and have legitimacy within the profession to be able to use voice safely. Many female doctors were particularly concerned about acquiring reputations that played into gender stereotypes, echoing similar findings from studies of women's workplace voice (Babcock & Laschever, 2003;Meares et al, 2004;Pinder & Harlos, 2001;Ryan and Oestreich, 1991). Although the medical profession in Ireland has become increasingly "feminized" in recent decades, McAleese (2013, p. xii) argues that there remains "a gender bias against female doctors" which may make some feel vulnerable and less confident in voicing concerns. ...
Purpose:
Workplace silence impedes productivity, job satisfaction and retention, key issues for the hospital workforce worldwide. It can have a negative effect on patient outcomes and safety and human resources in healthcare organisations. This study aims to examine factors that influence workplace silence among hospital doctors in Ireland.
Design/methodology/approach:
A national, cross-sectional, online survey of hospital doctors in Ireland was conducted in October-November 2019; 1,070 hospital doctors responded. This paper focuses on responses to the question "If you had concerns about your working conditions, would you raise them?". In total, 227 hospital doctor respondents (25%) stated that they would not raise concerns about their working conditions. Qualitative thematic analysis was carried out on free-text responses to explore why these doctors choose to opt for silence regarding their working conditions.
Findings:
Reputational risk, lack of energy and time, a perceived inability to effect change and cultural norms all discourage doctors from raising concerns about working conditions. Apathy arose as change to working conditions was perceived as highly unlikely. In turn, this had scope to lead to neglect and exit. Voice was seen as risky for some respondents, who feared that complaining could damage their career prospects and workplace relationships.
Originality/value:
This study highlights the systemic, cultural and practical issues that pressure hospital doctors in Ireland to opt for silence around working conditions. It adds to the literature on workplace silence and voice within the medical profession and provides a framework for comparative analysis of doctors' silence and voice in other settings.
... Conventionally feminine qualities, such as caretaking and selflessness, are undervalued. A classic example is Babcock and Laschever's Women Don't Ask, which suggests that women in the business sector are much less likely than their male peers to ask for promotions (Babcock and Laschever, 2009). More recently, Sheryl Sandberg, Chief Operating Officer of Facebook, urged women to 'have the confidence to reach for opportunities' (Sandberg, 2011). ...
Female representation in medicine is increasing, however women make up only a small percentage of senior roles in the NHS. Only 36% of consultants are female with wide variation between specialties ranging from 12% of surgeons to over half of paediatricians, gynaecologists, and directors of public health. Women comprise 77% of the NHS workforce and account for 44% of chief executives of all NHS Trusts and 47% of executive directors. This chapter analyses the role of women as leaders within the medical world and compares the representation of women in senior leadership roles within medicine and other parallel, male-dominated working environments. Alternative forms of leadership such as mentoring, coaching, and sponsorship are also considered.
... Annual evaluations as well as external tenure letters should be free of gender bias. Departments should consider appropriate salary points that are less reliant on negotiation, given that women are less likely to do so (Babcock and Laschever 2003). Men also may affirmatively work to notice and nominate worthy junior women for awards because women are less likely to self-promote (Exley and Kessler 2019). ...
... Annual evaluations as well as external tenure letters should be free of gender bias. Departments should consider appropriate salary points that are less reliant on negotiation, given that women are less likely to do so (Babcock and Laschever 2003). Men also may affirmatively work to notice and nominate worthy junior women for awards because women are less likely to self-promote (Exley and Kessler 2019). ...
... If, as some of the literature on the GWG suggests, women are less adept at bargaining over wages or are less inclined to ask for a better wage than that which is offered (Babcock and Laschever, 2003), we might anticipate a GWG in starter wages. Alternatively, employers may discriminate against women in terms of the starter wages they offer. ...
... In particular, she highlights the risk of women being pushed into and confined in administrative and assistance functions. The few women who succeed in obtaining a position of responsibility only do so after a long selection process in a macho, male-dominated environment (McDowell, 1997;Blair-Loy, 2001;Roth, 2006;Babcock and Laschever, 2009;Chung Sgarlata, 2010). Often, women need to acquire male attributes to facilitate their integration. ...
... Other ex post i-deals may take a transactional form in an ongoing employment relationship in which new resources are offered and exchanged through i-deal negotiation. However, a third type of negotiation process, problem-solving, can also arise in the latter case, whereby i-deals are a means to resolve a problem of concern to both parties (Babcock & Laschever, 2009;Rousseau, 2005). How the parties approach the i-deal negotiation bears on both its emotional tenor as well as how the parties conceptualize the discussion in which they are engaged. ...
Individualized work arrangements (“i-deals”) negotiated by employees are increasingly common in contemporary employment. Existing research largely focuses on phenomena emerging after the creation of i-deals, particularly their consequences for employees and organizations. This focus overlooks the fundamental processes associated with negotiating i-deals in the first place. I-deals research originating in the last two decades can benefit from the more advanced body of research on negotiations, particularly in its attention to negotiation preparation and the bargaining process. We examine how negotiation research and theory inform our understanding of the dynamics operating in the creation of i-deals. In doing so, we identify key features of negotiation research that apply to i-deal formulation and use these to develop an agenda for future research on i-deals.
... Previous researchers have suggested many reasons: Compared with men, women leaders are more visible and thus more vulnerable to entrenched and unconscious gender schemas about how a leader should act; women may not negotiate as hard for sufficient resources to be successful; more women may be offered "glass cliff " jobs (i.e., jobs that have a high chance of leading to failure); women are more isolated and thus not as able to garner sufficient feedback or support; and women have less robust networks to facilitate smooth transitions when they traverse a leadership change. [25][26][27][28][29][30][31][32][33][34][35] Of course, the shorter tenures for women may also reflect the fact that women accomplished what they wished in the position and then moved on. Additional explanations will require researchers to conduct qualitative studies, including interviews of women and men deans, in order to capture their reasons for, especially regarding the timing of, their departure. ...
Despite the increased representation of women in academic medicine, the percentage of women who ascend to the medical school deanship is still very low. In the 2009-2010 academic year, 47.8% (37,129/77,722) of the enrolled students, 48.3% (8,127/16,818) of the graduates, 34.8% (44,741/128,650) of the full-time faculty, 35.8% (378/1,055) of the associate deans, and 27.9% (117/420) of the senior associate/vice deans in U.S. Liaison Committee on Medical Education (LCME)-accredited medical schools were women; in contrast, only 13.0% (17/131) of medical school deans were women. 1,2 This percentage is far lower than the proportion of women presidents of colleges and universities (23%) 3 or law school deans (20%), 4 although it is comparable to the representation of women CEOs in the health care industry (12%). 5 A typical medical school dean still tends to be a white male who assumes the deanship in his early 50s and whose primary specialty is internal medicine. 6,7 The corporate world is increasingly recognizing the association between the growing number of women leaders and both improved financial performance and the presence of women in more key decision-making positions. 8-11 In academia, the presence of women leaders is positively associated with the advancement of women faculty, 12 and in academic medicine in particular, the long-term survival of academic health centers depends on capitalizing on the leadership abilities of all faculty, including women. 13-15 As medical schools have recently expanded, the need for developing and deploying such leadership capabilities is even greater. 14,16
... The findings from our experiments inform ongoing discussions and debates regarding sex differences in negotiation (Babcock & Laschever, 2009;Bear & Babcock, 2012;Bowles, 2012) and ethics (Franke et al., 1997;Kish-Gephart et al., 2010;McCabe et al., 2006), as well as in general (Croson & Gneezy, 2009;Hyde, 2005). Specifically, they provide the first explicit, validated explanation as to why researchers often find that women express similar willingness to lie or stretch other ethical boundaries as men. ...
Men typically express more willingness than women to perpetrate fraudulent acts like lying in negotiations. However, women express just as much willingness in some cases. We develop and test a theory to explain these mixed findings. Specifically, we hypothesize that situational cues that bring about competitive or empathic feelings mitigate sex differences in lying to negotiation counterparts. Results from four experiments confirm our hypotheses. Experiment 1 showed that men and women express equal willingness to lie when negotiating with counterparts toward whom they felt either great competitiveness or empathy. Experiment 2 extended these results by confirming that men only express more willingness to lie absent competitive or empathic feelings towards a counterpart. Experiments 3 and 4 demonstrated that inducing competitive or empathic feelings toward a counterpart eliminated sex differences in lying by leading women to lie more and men to lie less, respectively. Overall, our results suggest that the extent to which negotiators experience competitive or empathic feelings play important roles in whether sex differences in lying in negotiations emerge.
... If, as some of the literature on the GWG suggests, women are less adept at bargaining over wages or are less inclined to ask for a better wage than that which is offered (Babcock and Laschever, 2003), we might anticipate a GWG in starter wages. Alternatively, employers may discriminate against women in terms of the starter wages they offer. ...
... Numerous researchers have written about social workers lack of self-advocacy when it comes to their own salary negotiations (Schweitzer, Chianello, & Kothari, 2013;Wermeling & Smith, 2009). A large disparity ($11,000 difference between median salaries) exists between salaries of men and women social workers (NASW, 2010), though studies have also uncovered that men are four times more likely to ask for salary increases than women (Babcock & Laschever, 2009). Role training for salary negotiations and increased financial compensation offers an avenue for empowering social workers to advocate for themselves. ...
This chapter will highlight the use of role-playing, especially sociodramaand role trainingin community empowerment and social activist movements. Historical context will be provided for the traditions of using drama, theater, and role-play in social work and social activismincluding Jacob Moreno’s vision of the theater as a modality for societal change. The sociodramatic approach will be outlined with focus on its utility in community settings as an experiential and communal experience of social action. Multiple examples of sociodrama or role training in communities are depicted with an emphasis on its adaptability for different settings and its effectiveness at empowering people. Examples include its application with youth, law enforcement, intergenerational dialogues, domestic violence response teams, undocumented immigrant communities, social work students, and to empower advocacy with employers, insurance providers, funders, or policy makers.
A poem by Blake Griffin Edwards, as featured by the American Academy of Psychotherapists in Voices Journal: The Art & Science of Psychotherapy.
U knjizi Je li (obrazovni) menadžment muški posao? iznose se rezultati
teorijske analize i empirijskog istraživanja položaja žena u (obrazovnom)
menadžmentu. U teorijskom dijelu, autorica polazi od numeričke argumentacije
koja govori o podzastupljenosti žena u svim poslovima koji su povezani s moći
i vlašću. Pojedine žene koje uspiju u takvim hijerarhiziranim poslovima, nakon
što su uspjele probiti “stakleni strop”, pomaknuti “stakleni zid” i odlijepiti se
od “ljepljivog poda”, bile su izložene opasnosti “strme litice”, odnosno, svim
poteškoćama koje su povezane sa zadržavanjem te pozicije. Ženama koje se nađu
na najvišim položajima, osporavaju se sposobnosti, i njihov se položaj pripisuje
čimbenicima kao što su poznanstva s moćnim muškarcima, zakonske kvote i
drugi politički instrumenti koje su stvorili muškarci jer su oni tijekom povijesti
posjedovali moć i stvarali društvene institucije zbog čega su snaga i upravljanje
maskulinizirane tvorenice.
Velik broj istraživanja o menadžmentu rezultirao je zaključkom koji se
opisuje stajalištem kada pomisliš na menadžera, pomisli na muškarca. Takav
stav postao je globalni fenomen koji je dugo vremena zatvarao vrata ženama
i vjerojatno predstavlja najsnažniju prepreku za žene u upravljanju u svim
zemljama, bez obzira na njihov stupanj razvoja. U obrazovnom menadžmentu
vrijedi stajalište žene poučavaju, muškarci upravljaju, što se opravdava lakšim
uspostavljanjem ravnoteže između obiteljskih i poslovnih obveza učiteljskog
poziva, koji je također važan spoj duhovnog i biološkog materinstva.
U poglavlju Postoji li muški i ženski stil vođenja? istaknuto je da su i kod
fenomena vođenja prisutne društvene binarne tvorenice muško-žensko te da se
one određuju u suprotnosti jedne u odnosu na drugu. “Organizacijska binarna
logika” postavlja mehanizme koji omogućuju identificiranje različitih politika i
praksi unutar organizacije. Jedna je od tih razlika i to da su žene vođe u prosjeku
demokratičnije i participativnije od svojih muških kolega. Muškarci, u većoj
mjeri od žena, usvajaju top-down i zapovjedništvo i kontrola stil. S obzirom na
različite promjene okruženja koje demantira podjele utemeljene na spolu, smatra
se da je potrebno stvoriti dobar menadžerski stila u kojem kromosom Y neće biti
model i perspektiva dobrog stila vođenja.
Analiza podrške ženama u (obrazovnom) menadžmentu, pokazala je da
se obrazovanju (mentorstvo, ženski studiji, trening programi) daje velika važnost
jer ono treba promicati emancipacijske prakse i kultivirati um za razumijevanje
načina kako djeluje društvena moć u obrazovnim ustanovama.
Rezultati empirijskog istraživanja dobiveni na uzorku od 25 menadžerica,
od kojih je 12 iz obrazovnog menadžmenta, pokazuju da je dominantna muška
kultura, kao prepreka s kojom su se menadžerice u svojem poslu susretale, bilaizražena na početku karijere, ali da se tijekom vremena smanjila ili nestala jer su
one ostvarile uspjeh na poslu. Poteškoće koje proizvodi muška (menadžerska)
kultura sve su rjeđe jer postaju važne sposobnosti i uspjeh osobe, dok spol u
mnogim radnim sredinama postaje nevažna kategorija. Radi sve izraženije
“komercijalizacije” zaposlenika zbog ekonomske učinkovitosti prisutne u
mnogim organizacijama, izražen je natjecateljski individualizam i ekonomska
učinkovitost nauštrb svih ostalih kriterija.
U konačnici se može zaključiti da (obrazovne) menadžerice nisu imale
posebno izražene prepreke u napredovanju. Određeni je labirint postojao,
a sastojao se od spolnih stereotipa, organizacijskih prepreka, kao i potrebe
uspostavljanja ravnoteže između obitelji i posla. Odgovori ispitanica dovode do
zaključka da pored soft varijante spolnih stereotipa kao izraza postojanja čvrsto
ukorijenjenih, tradicionalnih vrijednosti i uloga muškaraca i žena u obitelji i široj
zajednici, postoji i neoliberalna ekonomija kao platforma djelovanja menadžerica.
To podrazumijeva određenu eroziju društvenih praksi koje su organizirane po
kriteriju spola, a afirmiraju kriterij sposobnosti i uspješnog rada. Radi mijenjanja
(budućeg) položaja (obrazovnih) menadžerica, ispitanice ističu nedostatak uzora
na svim razinama obrazovanja, ali i u obitelji. Istaknuta je potreba mijenjanja
obrazovnih sadržaja i stvaranja institucionalne socijalne stvarnosti koja će biti
rasterećena rodnih vrijednosnih normi.
En este trabajo se realiza una descripción de las diferencias de género en la investigación económica utilizando datos sobre investigadores que trabajan en los 50 mejores Departamentos de Economia del mundo según los rankings de Econphd.net. Documentamos las diferencias entre hombres y mujeres en las distribuciones de campos de investigación y contrastamos varias implicaciones procedentes de teorías que pueden explicar estas disparidades. Nuestros resultados principales indican que la probabilidad de que una mujer trabaje en un determinado campo de investigación está relacionada positivamente con la proporción de mujeres que estaban trabajando previamente en dicho campo y negativamente con la calidad media del campo. Sin embargo, estos patrones ya no se observan de forma clara para las nuevas generaciones de investigadores. Además, también documentamos cómo ha evolucionado la segregación de género en la investigación económica entre diferentes cohortes de doctores.
A large body of literature has shown the existence of a gender gap in competitiveness and a handful of experimental works investigating the impact of age on this gap lead to inconclusive results. We propose an empirical investigation on that, which is based on survey data and complementary to experimentation. Using individual data from a very large survey (European Value Study on 48 countries from 1990 to 2008), we examine how age influences the gender gap in attitude toward competition. After confirming the existence of a strongly significant gender gap, we find evidence of a gendered effect of age on attitude toward competition. Attitude toward competition has a U-shaped relation with age for men with a least-negative view around 53 years but becomes more and more positive over age for women. We therefore observe a U-shaped pattern of the gender gap with age with a minimum around 60 years. Finally, we show that the gender gap and its change with age are sensitive to both individual and national gender stereotypes, suggesting influences of cultural factors.
We use nationally representative data from the National Agricultural Workers Survey to assess gender‐based differences in wages and benefits of hired farmworkers. Decomposition and matching results indicate that, compared to men, women make 5% to 6% less in hourly wages and are less likely to receive a bonus or have health insurance paid by their employer. These gender gaps are partly explained by differences between female and male farmworkers in farming experience, hours worked, farm tasks, and crops cultivated. Sizable proportions of the gender gaps are unexplained and the result of discrimination, unmeasured differences between women and men, or both.
Industry 4.0 is a vital activity as of late presented on the planet. The objective of the activity is change of modern assembling through digitalization and abuse of possibilities of new advances. Industry 4.0 includes a wide arrangement of advancements that gives a decent stage to development and inventive arrangements. So as to actualize such condition, it requires the usage of cutting edge expectation instruments that includes the
transformation of information into data in an orderly procedure to clarify vulnerabilities. This innovation is a chance to change the monetary principles of the business. The Industry 4.0 generation framework is in this way adaptable and empowers individualized and redid items. The point of this investigation is to introduce and encourage a
comprehension of Industry 4.0 ideas, its drivers, empowering influences, difficulties and openings. The examination is likewise featuring the job of the Government on the side of Industry 4.0. Every one of the informations and data utilized in this examination has been acquired from secondary sources
Prior research has demonstrated that early career socialization experiences play an important role in career outcomes, including learning, performance, satisfaction, and retention. What is not yet well understood, however, is how the organizational socialization experiences of different groups of early career engineers vary and how such variation leads to different career outcomes. By examining the experiences of first year engineers, this article contributes new insights into factors affecting socialization experiences and draws attention to privilege as an important factor shaping engineering socialization experiences. The stories of negative interpersonal interactions experienced by first year women civil engineers are presented and used to glean forms of privilege that affect newcomer socialization. The primary forms of intersectional privilege identified stem from gender and race, with religion and nationality also shaping newcomer experiences. The stories are used to inform proposed additions to a model of engineering socialization.
The article reveals the problem of gender-oriented education in higher education. The author notes that it is important not only to change the forms, methods and means of learning in modern conditions but also the concept of forming a modern specialist who has to train, in addition to professional knowledge, skills and abilities - interpersonal and soft skills because society is gradually moving away from the individualistic type and focuses on teamwork and cooperation at all levels. Among the gender problems in Ukraine such as gender inequality at different levels of education, the presence of elements of gender discrimination in the content of academic disciplines and its reflection in the educational and methodological literature; gender relations in the teaching staff, teaching style and pedagogical communication; speech/language sexism, etc. are identified. The survey proved the need to use a gender-sensitive approach in the educational process, showed some differences in learning between boys and girls and confirmed the importance of taking into account the psychological and physiological differences between girls and boys in the educational process. The author presents ways to implement this approach in higher education, which will contribute to the comprehensive coverage of all areas of work - teaching, methodological and educational - which will contribute to the creation of a gender-sensitive educational environment. Various directions of the introduction of gender education as a component of national, moral, family, legal, mental, labour are offered; emphasis is placed on the necessity to include gender topics in lectures, practical classes, term papers and master's theses; cooperation of educators and public organizations; formation of gender culture of the teacher, propaganda of gender education. The results of an experimental study are presented, the statistical data of which indicate the need to implement this type of education for more effective organization of the educational process in higher education, humanization and democratization of education.
Research demonstrates consistently how the route to professor is gendered. Structural inequalities within academic systems can make it hard for women to achieve the status of Chair. It has been argued, for example, that women academics may be judged on their ‘maternal bodies’ (or their potential for reproduction) rather than on performance. Relatedly, women’s commitment to the academy might be questioned due to unfair and unsubstantiated institutional assumptions that female scholars may at some point in their career prioritize parenting over employment (irrespective of whether they are in practice mothers). It has been shown, additionally, that women are less likely than men to be invited into career-advancing networks. Yet should women seek to pursue their own career advancement, they may be treated as ‘pushy’. Nevertheless, despite such structural barriers to career progression, some do reach professorial level. In this chapter, I share advice received from good colleagues, as well as some personal learning which helped move forward my research career. Acknowledging how some of these opportunities were serendipitous rather than strategic, I nevertheless embed such experiences within existing research on women in management, offering some personal thoughts on what might prove helpful, including the benefits of not waiting to be asked.
We use the recent example of NumPy, an open source numerical library, to explore encouraging open constructive dialog as foundational for innovation. We describe the various social forces that explain how it is possible for an article with 26 authors in 2020 to be published with no women coauthors. While we use this article to illustrate various points, it is important to state that we do not vilify individuals or cast blame; by definition, social forces are forces outside ourselves. However, we can overcome challenges associated with social forces, so we conclude by discussing the importance of relative numbers and how teams might engage in more proactive strategies to enhance their inclusion of diverse voices in the innovation process and, as a bonus, to avoid Twitter storms.
We explore gender differences in the importance of reflected appraisals, self-perceived competence, and social comparisons as sources of self-esteem. Gender differences are expected for several reasons: sex role socialization may lead men and women to develop abilities to exploit different sources of self-esteem; men and women may learn to embrace different criteria for self-evaluation; and opportunities to experience self-enhancement in various ways may the distributed unequally between men and women. We find that women attach greater importance to reflected appraisals than do men, and that men attach greater importance to social comparisons than do women. No difference is found for self-perceived competence. Men and women are also much alike, we find, in that reflected appraisals are the most important source of self-esteem for both groups, followed by self-perceived competence and then by social comparisons. These finding are interpreted in terms of compensation/availability dynamic that is hypothesized to underlie self-esteem formation. Some implications of this analysis for modifying identity theory are discussed.
Women's "failure to negotiate" is framed within the larger context of women's difficulties in advocating for themselves. These difficulties are examined in light of both the costs associated with female self-promotion and the often invisible link for women between being liked and being influential. Suggestions are made for minimizing the passive injustices that are often a consequence of women's self-advocacy dilemma.
Expectancy theory suggests that people develop normative expectations about appropriateness of communication behavior that differ for males and females. Support was found for an interaction hypothesis predicting that males would be expected to use more verbally aggressive persuasive message strategies and would negatively violate expectations and be less persuasive when they deviated from such strategies. Moreover, females are expected to be less verbally aggressive and use more prosocial message strategies and are penalized for deviations from such an expected strategy. Manipulation checks indicated that people have clear differences in expected strategy use by males and females and that neither the psychological sex role nor biological sex of receivers alters those expectations. Results are discussed in terms of similarity to prior language research, as an extension of expectancy theory and as added knowledge about the effects of specific compliance-gaining message strategies.
An experiment tested three possible explanations for gender differences in responsiveness to others' evaluations in achievement settings. Results replicated previous studies and showed that women and men perceived the valence of evaluative messages similarly. Further, women's privately made self-evaluations reflected the valence of others' evaluations to a greater extent than men's. Finally, women saw others' evaluations as more accurate assessments of their performance than did men and said they were more influenced by those evaluations than did men. The best explanation for the gender difference in responsiveness to others' evaluations, therefore, seems to lie in women's and men's differing construals of the informational value of those evaluations. The authors propose that different experiences girls and boys have with evaluative feedback may lead to gender differences in beliefs about the informational value of others' evaluations of our competence.
Performed factor and item analyses of the matched scores of 200 male and 200 female undergraduates who completed Rotter's Internal-External Locus of Control Scale. Factors were similar to those derived in prior analyses. However, males and females responded to different items within the factors, and significant sex differences in responding were found on 8 of 23 keyed items on individual item analyses. Thus, total scores and some factors on the scale may represent different meanings for males and females. Implications for test construction and validation are discussed. (25 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2006 APA, all rights reserved).
Two studies tested the influence of various types of verbal evaluative feedback men's and women's self-evaluations of their performance in achievenment situations. We tested a theory that women perceive evaluative feedback, particularly negative feedback, to be more informative about their abilities than do men. Because of this, women's self-assessments of their abilities are more straightforwardly influenced by evaluative feedback than are men's. In contrast, men take a more self-promotional approach to evaluative situations, and therefore are more selective in their responses to feedback. Results from our questionnaire study showed that women's self-evaluations were influenced by both positive and negative evaluative statements. Men allowed positive feedback to influence them more than negative feedback, and were less influenced overall by negative feedback than women. Furthermore, women reported that evaluative feedback, particularly negative feedback, contained more information relevant to their abilities than men. Our laboratory study showed that women's actual self-evaluations were impacted differently by positive and negative feedback, whereas men's were not. In addition, we found some evidence to indicate that women were more negatively influenced by feedback that was positively toned, yet irrelevant with respect to their performance, than men. This finding underscores the fact that the focus, and not just the valence, of evaluative feedback plays an important role in men's and women's responses to it.
This study investigated the extent to which reported gender differences in values are attributable to differences in national
culture and organizational seniority. Locus of control and affectivity scores were obtained from 4599 managers and employees
in business organizations located in 14 countries. Across nations, men and those in senior positions were more internal and
less affective. Gender effects were additional to those attributable to status. Respondents in nations scoring higher on an
index of modernity were found to be less internal. A pan-cultural factor analysis of locus of control items yielded four subscales.
Men and those in senior positions scored higher on Socio-Political Control and Effort, but no differences were found on the
Luck and Active Friendship subscales. The results are contrasted with those obtained from single-nation samples using student
subjects.
MBA students evaluated a woman applicant for a managerial position when the sex composition of the applicant pool was varied. It was concluded that situational factors can influence the predominance of sex stereotypes in impression formation and therefore can diminish their adverse effects on personnel decisions. Practical implications are discussed.
Carly Fiorina had to sell skeptical investors on the HP merger. But for her, the real, road show is just beginning.
This paper considers whether negotiation outcomes and processes of groups of males and females differ. Previous research examining such differences has had mixed results, in part because of "cueing" effects contained in typical, high-conflict negotiation cases. Low-conflict negotiation cases, such as the one used in this study, provide an opportunity to observe a wider range of negotiation behaviors than are commonly revealed in negotiation research. Fifty advanced undergraduate students negotiated funding in a low-conflict, public policy negotiation case. Analysis of the negotiated outcomes revealed that females allocated less than males. Content coding of audio transcripts revealed very different negotiation processes and styles underlying these different outcomes. Implications and directions for future research are discussed.
A life-span inventory of sports participation and Zuckerman's (1979) Sensation Seeking Scale, Form V, were administered to 97 male and 104 female undergraduate students. The results indicated that, over time, high sensation seekers tend to become involved in more sports than do low sensation seekers, but low sensation seekers tend to remain involved with each sport for longer periods of time than do high sensation seekers. Gender and sensation seeking were found to interact in the choice of sporting activities. Low but generally positive correlations were observed between sensation seeking and participation in risky sports. These data suggest that both the need for new experiences and an attraction to high risk characterize the high sensation seeker 's participation in sporting activities.
Occupational differences in testosterone concentrations, focusing on actors and ministers, were explored in 3 studies. The 1st examined salivary testosterone in 7 occupational groups and an unemployed comparison group and found actors and football players higher than ministers but no other significant differences. The 2nd examined salivary testosterone in 2 kinds of actors (stage actors and comedians) and 2 kinds of ministers (pastoral ministers and missionaries) and found actors high and ministers low but no differences between subgroups within each occupation. The 3rd examined serum testosterone in entertainers and ministers in an archival sample of military veterans and found entertainers high and ministers low. The results are interpreted in terms of dominance and antisocial tendencies, with the conclusion that these variables are complex and can affect occupational preference in subtle ways.
Peer groups pose special problems of understanding the legitimation of informal hierarchies. How and to what extent are cultural accounts evoked to support these hierarchies and make them normative for group members? We test a theory of this process that makes two predictions: 1) peer group members are less likely to treat their hierarchy as legitimate than are members of a group where standing is based on consistent external status advantages that evoke more cultural support for the hierarchy; 2) legitimation in peer groups is more likely than in group where standing is based on high task ability but low external status and cultural support is uncertain. Using compliance with a high-ranking member's directive dominance attempts as an indicator of legitimacy, and experiment with same-sex dyads confirmed both predictions for male groups. In female groups, the first prediction was supported but not the second. Other effects of gender composition occurred as well.
The thesis that males and females differ in their strategies for reward allocation in the face of distributive problems was examined. Evidence, primarily from the areas of achievement motivation and behavior, was reviewed to show that while the equity norm is consistent with the goals of Western males, equality is consistent with the goals of females. On the assumption that equitable allocations reinforce competitive (agentic) success and equal allocations reinforce social (communal) success, the research examining reward allocation was assessed within each of the four paradigms commonly employed. Sex differences were predicted and obtained in two of these paradigms: When the allocation situations contained interpersonal elements, females allocated less to themselves than did males and less than predicted by equity theory when asked to distribute rewards to self and others, and all female groups made more equal group allocation decisions than did all male groups when the interaction was competitive. Variables hypothesized to influence males' and females' adherence to and deviation from the equity and equality norms such as the types of tasks, the nature of the rewards, and the sex composition of the group are discussed.
Experienced and inexperienced teachers were observed during free play periods. Experienced teachers initiated more activities than inexperienced teachers, while inexperienced teachers joined children's play groups more often. Experienced teachers interacted more with both boys and girls when they were engaged in feminine-preferred activities, while inexperienced teachers interacted more with boys engaging in masculine-preferred activities and girls while engaging in feminine-preferred activities. It was suggested that inexperienced teachers tend to go along with children's play preferences, while experienced teachers direct the children into activities they consider more important to academic success (i. e., feminine behaviors).
This study explored the role of social comparison processes in fostering contentment among those who are objectively disadvantaged. We focus on how comparisons can produce gender differences in personal entitlement, perceptions of one's own performance, and pay satisfaction. We hypothesized that individuals would base judgments of entitlement, performance, and pay satisfaction more on comparisons with ingroup (same-sex) than outgroup (cross-sex) others, even when both types of comparison information were equally available, unavoidable, and made clear the disadvantaged status of the ingroup. As predicted, the amount students felt they were entitled to be paid, how well they thought they had performed (women only), and how satisfied they were with their pay were all influenced more by same-sex than cross-sex comparison information. The implications of these results for the tolerance of injustice among disadvantaged groups are discussed.
No current explanation about the bases for human action adequately accounts for the persistence of differences between the public achievement of women and men. An argument is presented here that underlying many of these differences are variations in the responses of males and females to situations perceived as risky. It is postulated that in such situations males are more likely to see a challenge that calls forth participation while females tend to respond as to a threat in ways that encourage avoidance of the risk. Application of this idea provides coherence to many disparate and sometimes anomalous findings and suggests lines of investigation that may prove to be fruitful.
What is the nature of a “positive” disclosure versus a “boastful” one? How are those who use these different types of disclosures differentially construed? A set of three studies was designed to investigate three general issues. Study 1 asked respondents to rate characters who disclosed in a boastful, positive, or negative fashion. Boasters and positive disclosers were viewed as more competent than negative disclosers, negative and positive disclosers were viewed as more socially sensitive than boasters, and positive disclosers were best liked. In Study 2, the gender of the target disclosing positively or boastfully was manipulated. Compared to the boaster, the positive discloser was rated as more socially involved and feminine (less masculine) but less competent. Polarized judgments were made by both genders. Study 3 had individuals generate “boasts” and “positive statements.” The few gender differences that emerged suggest that although females’ bragging strategies may be less extreme or extensive, it is only when gender information is known that the brags of men and women are differentially construed. The present work suggests that men and women, as perceivers, may differentially activate cognitive structures (involving social involvement and femininity, on one hand, and competence and masculinity, on the other) when evaluating men versus women. The nature of the communication itself (boasts being perceived as more masculine and positive disclosures as more feminine) may exacerbate such differential activation in the construction of “mental models” of another's communication.
The influence of activity structure on sex differences in participation and social and cognitive behavior was investigated in this research. 83 boys and girls ages 2½-5 in 5 preschool classrooms were observed daily during a semester. As predicted, girls spent more time than boys in preschool activities that were highly structured by teacher feedback or availability of adult models. Boys spent more time than girls in low structure activities. Both boys and girls manifested more compliance and less novel behavior in high-structure activities than in low-structure activities. Within activities, there were no sex differences in these behaviors. Comparison across classrooms indicated that children in classrooms with high rates of teacher feedback (high structure) were more compliant, showed less novel behavior, and spent more time in organized activities than those in low-structure classrooms. These findings extend the analysis of socialization processes which encourage sex-typed behavior in young children and support the hypothesis that sex-typed interests and behaviors are acquired, in part, through participation in sex-typed activities.
The literature on the dimensional structure of Rotter’s Locus of Control Scale presents a confused picture, with solutions ranging from two to nine factors reported. In the present study, Revelle and Rocklin’s (1979) ‘Very Simple Structure’ (VSS) method was used to determine the optimum number of interpretable factors to extract from the 23-item scale. using data obtained from a U.K. sample (N = 406). The results demonstrated that the two-factor model represented the optimum solution, and that there was no justification for extracting more than two factors for the purposeof subscale construction. Oblique rotations. as compared with orthogonal Varimax rotation, did not improve the goodness-of-fit of the two factor solution. When data from males and females were analysed separately, there was no evidence of differences in factorial structure. The findings illustrate how the VSS technique, by providing a quantitative basis for deciding how many factors to extract from a data set, can be used to clarify inconclusive results obtaind from the application of conventional psychometric ‘rules of thumb’ in factor analysis.
Locus of control/fatalism was assessed for an adolescent sample during ages 11-17 and again from ages 13-19. It was hypothesized that blacks and girls would be more external than whites and boys both during early and late adolescence. Additionally, it was hypothesized that effect sizes would be greater during late adolescence. Results obtained partially supported these hypotheses. Girls were more external than boys only during late adolescence. However, blacks scored higher in externality than whites at both time periods and effect sizes were greater during late adolescence. These findings are discussed in terms of restricted opportunities and socialization differences for blacks and girls.
Examined the possibility that relative to males, females perceive less of a connection between their work and monetary rewards. In Study 1, 66 females and 60 males (respondents to an advertisement in a student newspaper) determined either their own pay or the pay of another person. Results support the hypothesis in that females paid themselves less than did males and less than other people (males or females) paid females. Results also suggest that Ss were more generous when they paid females. In Study 2, sex differences in self-pay were examined in 80 1st-, 4th-, 7th-, and 10th-grade Ss. Results replicate those of Study 1, in that at every grade level, females paid themselves less than did males. In addition, the extent to which females allocated pay the way their male counterparts did was highly related to the masculinity of their career goals. (18 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Examined gender differences in self-pay expectations and the factors that mediate these differences. On the basis of B. Major and E. Konar's (1984) model, 5 mediators were considered: career paths, objective job inputs, perceived job inputs, job facet importance, and social comparison standards. The mediating role of a 6th factor, fair pay standards, was also examined. College seniors planning to enter a variety of occupational fields completed the Career Expectations Survey, which assessed their self-pay expectations and the 6 mediating factors. Findings indicate that, regardless of occupational field, women had lower career-peak self-pay expectations than men. The best mediator of the gender gap in self-pay expectations was fair pay standards. Implications for future research on the construct of fair pay standards and its importance in understanding the gender wage gap are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Investigated whether men and women in positions of equal power differ in the strategies they use to influence subordinates. 24 male and 24 female undergraduates were placed into a supervisory role in a simulated organizational setting and were compared on the frequency, range, and types of influence strategies they used to direct the work of 3 bogus subordinates. Although gender differences consistent with general sex-role stereotypes were found, most differences were weak and only of marginal significance. Relative to males, females made fewer influence attempts, used a more limited range of influence strategies, used fewer rewarding strategies, particularly promises of pay increases, and used more coercive strategies, especially pay deductions. Females displayed lower levels of self-confidence than did males, and sex-linked differences in self-confidence explained much of the gender difference observed in the frequency with which influence attempts were made and the extent to which coercive strategies were used. (50 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
There is some evidence that women have equal or higher pay satisfaction than similarly situated men, even though they may earn less than these men. Using Major's (1994) model of entitlement, this study examined gender differences in pay satisfaction in two companies before and after gainsharing bonus programmes were introduced. Results indicated that women had higher pay satisfaction than men prior to the introduction of gainsharing and there was some evidence that this difference was greater among lower-paid employees. Women did not exhibit higher pay satisfaction after gainsharing was introduced. The potential association of gainsharing with changes in female–male pay satisfaction is discussed. Copyright © 1999 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
This study was designed to test the hypothesis that observed sex differences in job satisfaction are due not to the influence of sex per se, but rather to the effects of several variables which covary with sex. Biographical and job satisfaction (Job Descriptive Index) data were obtained from 154 male and 326 female state government employees. Significant observed differences (male greater than female) in satisfactions with promotions and work “washed out” when the effects of age, education, tenure in organization, tenure in present position, and four cross-product variables were held constant through analysis of covariance. However, a nonsignificant observed difference (female greater than male) in satisfaction with pay was greatly magnified (to significance) through analysis of covariance. The hypothesis received only partial support, since a significant difference in overall job satisfaction remained after the effects of the covariate variables were partialled out. Alternative explanations for the reversal in the direction of the difference in overall job satisfaction are discussed.
This pair of studies sought to apply the explanatory calculus of expectancy theory to examine patient compliance and satisfaction with physicians’ instructions. Study 1 analyzed the differential expectations of patients based on gender of the physician. Results indicated that female physicians are expected to use instrumentally unaggressive strategies while male physicians are expected to use strategies that fall in the mid-range of a verbal aggression continuum. There were no differences in expectations based on the gender of patients. The second study manipulated physician communication and physician gender to predict an interaction such that when male physicians deviate from moderately aggressive, direction-giving strategies, using either more affiliative tactics or more instrumentally aggressive strategies, compliance increases. It was also predicted that affective satisfaction with male physicians would increase with increased use of affiliative, nonaggressive compliance-gaining messages. Based on expectancy theory, an inverse linear relationship between the use of instrumental verbal aggression and compliance and affective satisfaction was predicted for female physicians. Results supported the posited interaction. Implications for further refinement of expectancy theory are discussed, and practical implications for physician-patient communication in clinical situations are offered.
More than a trait of individuals, gender is an institutionalized system of social practices. The gender system is deeply entwined with social hierarchy and leadership because gender stereotypes contain status beliefs that associate greater status worthiness and competence with men than women. This review uses expectation states theory to describe how gender status beliefs create a network of constraining expectations and interpersonal reactions that is a major cause of the “glass ceiling.” In mixed-sex or gender-relevant contexts, gender status beliefs shape men's and women's assertiveness, the attention and evaluation their performances receive, ability attributed to them on the basis of performance, the influence they achieve, and the likelihood that they emerge as leaders. Gender status beliefs also create legitimacy reactions that penalize assertive women leaders for violating the expected status order and reduce their ability to gain complaince with directives.
As women increasingly enter leadership roles that traditionally have been occupied mainly by men, the possibility that the leadership styles of women and men differ continues to attract attention. The focus of these debates on sameness versus difference can obscure the array of causal factors that can produce differences or similarities. Adopting the perspective of social role theory, we offer a framework that encompasses many of the complexities of the empirical literature on the leadership styles of women and men. Supplementing Eagly and Johnson's (1990) review of the interpersonally oriented, task-oriented, autocratic, and democratic styles of women and men, we present new data concerning the transformational, transactional, and laissez-faire leadership styles.
This review article reveals that men are generally more influential than women, although the gender difference depends on several moderators. Relative to men, women are particularly less influential when using dominant forms of communication, whereas the male advantage in influence is reduced in domains that are traditionally associated with the female role and in group settings in which more than one woman or girl is present. Males in particular resist influence by women and girls more than females do, especially when influence agents employ highly competent styles of communication. Resistance to competent women can be reduced, however, when women temper their competence with displays of communality and warmth.
Multimethod research was conducted to investigate how relationship orientation affects cognitions and tactics of dealing with conflicts. In-depth interviews by a clinical psychologist revealed differences in perspective on the relationship, and content analysis of a videotaped laboratory simulation revealed differences in tactics attributable to differential concern for relationship preservation. A second laboratory simulation manipulated the duration of the negotiators' relationship to investigate the effects of relationship orientation when situational factors are taken into account. The results generally show that relationship-oriented negotiators tend to view relationships with the other party as continuous rather than episodic, adopt flexible postures, and avoid relationship-impairing tactics; they also show that situation can have a strong effect.
Prior studies have noted a positive relationship between masculinity (M) and self-esteem (S-E) for both males and females. However, during adolescence, males and females have been described as experiencing a divergence into two domains: agency for males and communality for females. The present study hypothesized that, contrary to the cross-sectional positive correlational relationship between M and S-E for both males and females, an agentic orientation during adolescence would predict heightened S-E at young adulthood for males only. Conversely, a communal orientation was hypothesized to predict heightened S-E for females only at young adulthood. Using structural equation models with latent variables to analyze data from a community sample of 654 subjects (M=192, F=462; White=432; Black=97; Hispanic=64; Asian=61), these hypotheses were confirmed. In addition, as found in typical masculinity-femininity (M-F) studies, both males and females evidenced a positive relationship between S-E and M, as measured on the Personal Attributes Questionnaire and essentially no relationship between F and S-E. Possible reasons for this complexity and implications for future research are discussed.
Earlier studies have shown the girls spend more time than boys in activities that are highly structured by adults. Structured activities may encourage feminine sex-typed behaviors such as compliance to adults; low-structure activities may encourage masculine sex-typed behaviors such as independence and assertiveness. In the present study the effects of high or low levels of adult structuring on children's social behavior during preschool free-play activities were tested in a field experiment carried out during an entire semester in one preschool classroom. For the first 15 minutes of free play, children were assigned to high- or low-structure activities. As predicted, when children were in high-structure activities, they exhibited high rates of bids for recognition and compliance to adults; in low-structure activities, they exhibited peer-directed leadership, bids for recognition, and compliance. There were no generalized effects of these treatments on their subsequent free choice of activities or social behavior. The study demonstrates powerful effects of naturally occurring variations in children's play activities on sex-typed social behaviors.
Two studies examine the hypothesis that females who are immodest about their achievements are perceived more negatively than are males who are immodest. The assumptions that there are social consequences of immodesty, and that women and girls believe there to be such consequences, have been raised in self-presentational explanations of women's tendencies to undervaluate and underestimate their performances. This study provides a test of this assumption is a sample of 236 high school students and 144 teachers. Each judged the intelligence, personality, popularity, and adjustment of a very successful (hypothetical) high school student who was presented as male or female, mdoest or immodest. Two replications allowed this assumptions to be tested for diverse areas of success. Results showed consistent and negative social consequences of immodesty, which were, however, differentially worse for girls in only one of four tests. Other significant effects revealed that the characteristics of the judges was a factor. The findings are interpreted in the context of assumptions in both the popular culture and the research literature that feminine immodesty may be perceived differently than immodesty on the part of males. Directions for future research to elucidate these findings are offered.
Business students were asked to indicate their pay expectations and anticipated negotiation strategies for a specific management trainee job. They also indicated expectations for their and the recruiter's target and resistance points for the negotiation process. Men, compared to women, indicated higher pay expectations, a higher likelihood of active negotiation, less likelihood of using traditional self-promotion strategies, and more opportunity for legitimate negotiations. Significant correlations were found between pay expectations and negotiation strategies. Intervention strategies for changing women's pay outcome and negotiation expectations are discussed, as well as the need for a better understanding of effective negotiation behaviors.
Two experiments were conducted in which first-year male and female subjects (75% white; 25% minorities) at a highly selective liberal arts college predicted their first-semester grade point averages (GPAs). The first experiment varied whether predictions were given publicly or privately when an incentive for accuracy was either present or absent. Whereas the actual GPAs obtained by women did not differ from those obtained by men, women predicted that they would receive lower GPAs than men predicted, but only in the public condition. Whether incentive was present or absent did not affect predictions. The second experiment varied whether predictions were given publicly or privately as well as the perceived achievement of the experimenter. Once again, women's actual GPAs did not differ from men's. However, women predicted that they would receive lower GPAs than men predicted, but only when their estimates were given publicly to a low-ability experimenter. Although previous research has concluded that gender differences on performance estimates is attributable to a lack of confidence among women, these results suggest that the gender difference may be (at least partly) attributable to self-presentational style. It appears that women in this study adopted a modest self-presentational style that was motivated by attempts to protect the self-esteem of the experimenter.
Students from the 5th, 8th, and 11th grades (55 male and 53 female) were asked to describe their ideal self-image. Analyses revealed a number of gender and developmental differences not found with other self-image measures. A greater proportion of females than males mentioned two of the categories related to family life: marriage and improving relations with their family of origin. Mentions of categories surrounding athletics were more prevalent among males. Grade level differences in the content of the ideal self-image reflected cognitive-developmental shifts away from concrete descriptors, changes in physical maturity and the heightened importance of peer relationships around adolescence, and the approach of developmental milestones. Fewer students mentioned physical appearance at higher grade levels. Mentions of athletic abilities and social acceptance peaked at the 8th grade, while mentions of college, marriage, and having children rose at higher grade levels. Differences in the content areas mentioned by average versus advanced track students appeared to reflect differences in both cognitive-developmental level and socialization experiences.
Qualitative data from 22 women and 18 men managers and their secretaries were analyzed to provide insights into gender differences in managerial styles. Traditional management style topologies, based largely on studies of men's behaviors, were called into question. Using an approach that allowed other topologies to emerge from the data, the respondents perceived that women were both task and people oriented, while men appeared image engrossed and autonomy invested. Respondents reported a strong preference for their gender-appropriate model and misunderstanding, even exasperation, with those using the alternative approach. The existence of such different models, especially if unrecognized, would place women at a disadvantage, since their success as managers is usually assessed by men who are likely to have a strong preference for the male-typed approach. The findings also suggest possible modifications to existing measures of managerial styles, particularly a consideration of image-engrossed approaches. Future research is suggested to further explore and confirm these findings.
The association between impulsivity and sport preference was investigated in three Australian S samples. In each case, responses to the Telic Dominance Scale (TDS) and the Barratt Impulsiveness Scale (BIS) were compared across contrasting groups. The first study involved high level performers of ‘endurance’ vs ‘explosive’ sports. A second approach explored leisure time sports that were exclusively performed by extremely paratelic dominant students of human movement (baseball, cricket, touch football, surfing, windsurfing). A validating study of the ‘paratelic’ and ‘non-paratelic’ sports recruited students from various university courses, other than human movement education.Results supported the idea that impulsivity is associated with preference for ‘explosive’ and ‘paratelic’ sports. However, results from the validating study indicated that extrinsic ‘barrier’, due to sex-related social norms, may prevent some females from fulfilling their wish to perform such sports. In contrast, intrinsic ‘barriers’ related to a lifestyle of high planning orientation and serious-mindedness (TDS) as well as low cognitive impulsivity (BIS), were significant for those males who did not fulfill their wish to perform a ‘paratelic’ sport.
In a negotiation experiment (N = 248), sex, equity sensitivity, and gender pairings were used to test six hypotheses. Results indicate that sex and equity sensitivity were predictive of subjects' relationship preferences, and sex, but not equity sensitivity, was predictive of subjects' measured assessment of the relationship preferences of the opponent. Equity sensitivity was also not significantly correlated with subjects' satisfaction. Sex and sex within a role (seller versus buyer) was also found to influence settlement amount with males besting their female opponents when in mixed-sex pairs and with male sellers outperforming female sellers. The differences between males and females in settlement offers made appears to be one explanation for males' success relative to females'. Suggestions for expanding the range of measured outcomes in negotiation and implications for incorporating individual differences into negotiation research are discussed.
One hundred male and female MBA students evaluated a woman applicant for a managerial position when the proportion of women in the applicant pool was varied. Results indicated that personnel decisions of both males and females were significantly more unfavorable when women represented 25% or less of the total pool. Additional findings suggest that this effect was mediated by the degree to which sex stereotypes predominated in forming impressions of applicants. The results were interpreted as supportive of the thesis that situational factors can function to reduce the adverse effects of sex stereotypes in employment settings.
To explore the question of whether or not androgenic influences upon brain functioning constitute significant causes of sex differences in human behavior, the present report compares research based upon studies of humans, nonhuman primates and nonprimate mammals. The major assumption underlying the approach was as follows: if similar average sex differences in behavior existed for humans and nonhumans alike, and could be shown to be due to the effects of neuroandrogenic factors in nonhumans, one could infer that neuroandrogenic factors are a likely cause of human sex differences in such behavior as well.Twelve behavior patterns were found to exhibit similar average sex differences in humans as in a number of nonhuman species. Evidence surrounding the causes of these behavior patterns lead to the conclusion that neuroandrogenic factors were all but certainly responsible for much of the average sex differences in (a) assertive erotic sexual behavior and (b) status-related aggressive behavior, both in humans in most other mammals. In addition, neuroandrogenic etiology has been demonstrated among several nonhuman species for (c) the acquisition and recall of spatial environmental perception, (d) spacing behavior, (e) pain tolerance and (f) retarded acquisition of aversive conditioning, although for humans, the evidence is only fairly suggestive of neuroandrogenic influence. For six more behavior patterns, most of the evidence was consistent with a neuroandrogenic etiological hypothesis, both in humans and in other mammalian species, but fell far short of justifying definite conclusions. These were (g) diminished fearful emotional responses to threats, (h) task control-oriented tenacity, (i) transient bonding tendencies, (j) peripheralization, (k) sensation seeking and (l) predatory behaviour.