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Violence, Peace, and Peace Research
... Most importantly, there is a scarcity of a wellannotated dataset representing different degrees of online violence. Violence is rather a much-studied topic in social sciences, especially in Peace Studies 1 (Galtung, 1969). The term violence can be characterized by a broad spectrum -from a minimalist approach of an intentional act of excessive or detrimental force to an infringement of rights (Bufacchi, 2005; Mider, 2013. ...
... The term violence can be characterized by a broad spectrum -from a minimalist approach of an intentional act of excessive or detrimental force to an infringement of rights (Bufacchi, 2005; Mider, 2013. Preeminent author Galtung in his seminal work argued that violence inhibits individuals from realizing their full physical and mental potential, resulting in a gap between what could have been achieved and what actually transpires (Galtung, 1969). Recent studies show that indirect or structural violence, e.g. ...
... Drawing from Galtung's foundation research work on peace and violence (Galtung, 1969) by socio-political conflicts and religious tensions, can inhibit the growth and well-being of numerous individuals. Such events not only disrupt the immediate safety and security of the people involved but also alter the course of their lives, casting a long shadow on their future prospects. ...
... Indeed, scholars in the field of peace and conflict studies have tended to focus more attention to conflict than to peace, and peace has long been grossly mis-conceptualized (Gleditsch et al. 2014;Mac Ginty 2006). Ever since Galtung postulated the binary divide of peace into negative and positive peace, these have constituted the primary categorization of peace (Galtung 1969). ...
... It is a false sense of "peace" that often comes at the cost of justice. In a negative peace situation there is absence of any mutually agreed hostility, but the feeling of distrust is preeminence in the underlying relationships (Galtung, 1969). The concept of negative peace focusses on addressing the immediate symptoms, the conditions of war, and the use and effects of force and weapons. ...
... The concept of negative peace focusses on addressing the immediate symptoms, the conditions of war, and the use and effects of force and weapons. It relates to the "absence of war" and other forms of large scale violent conflict (Galtung, 1969). Peace, whether negative or positive, does not necessarily mean the absence of conflict. ...
The study examined the application of multi-track diplomacy in conflict management. Specifically, it examined the role and contribution of community-based actors in managing the conflict in Rwenzori sub-region of Uganda. A descriptive research design, and a mixed method approach were employed in data collection. A sample size of 384 respondents derived from a population of 1,022,029 using Krejie and Morgan's sample size table, participated in the study. In addition, 15 key informants that were purposively selected by the researchers provided qualitative data. The study was anchored on the Theory of Protracted Social Conflict (PSC) propounded by Thomas Azar in the 1970s. The study concludes that community-based actors (traditional leaders, religious leaders, women and youths) contributed significantly to managing the conflict and restoring peace in Rwenzori sub-region and restoring peace. They did this by engaging their subjects through dialogue meetings, where they encouraged them to de-escalate the use of violence. It was equally observed, that a segment of the community-based actors, specifically the male community leaders were involved more in the conflict management and peace building process. The government preferred to dialogue with male community leaders' instead of engaging all the community-based actors. By so doing, some actors, women and youth, were not sufficiently engaged in the conflict management and peace building process, despite by disproportionately affected by the conflict.
... Infamous for his authoritative reign over the predominance of British media institutions, Rupert Murdoch is closely connected to the political sphere and an abundance of powerful political actors; as such his influence over news media enables the promotion of ideologies aligned with political ideals symbiotically rejecting narratives nonconforming to the asserted status quo (Hobbs, 2010). Galtung in his conviction of power and violence gives light to the close working relationship of the state and media for the primary purpose of profit and power hegemony and promoting ideals so as to secure normality in the state of affairs (Galtung, 1969). ...
... Galtung, when conceptualizing structural violence, refers to exploitative, corrupt and unethical social, political, and economic systems evoking great psychological harms extending to social, economic and political injustices. Components like cuts to public funding, disassembly of social welfare, job insecurity and unemployment all supplement the understanding of structural violence; it provides a medium to detail how social dispositioning situates humanity in the way of harm (Galtung, 1969). Such permeating violence is denoted as structural as they are deep-set economic, political, and corporate institutions of the social sphere and lived reality; they are violent as they cause harm to individuals. ...
This article provides a holistic account of the deep-rooted structural harms permeating contemporary society, offering theoretical and philosophical analysis of how such harm occurs, and how it is supported and sustained. Context is supplied so as to assess the ways in which profit and power are a primary focality of contemporary societal structures, at the expense of human security. By providing contextual analysis, it assesses the current political, economic, and societal climate and how human insecurity is a by-product of such. Critically considering how profit-driven policies exist within this setting, it offers a critical consideration of how power dynamics create a disparity between social, state and corporate actors and their subjective (il)legal proceedings. The article retains the question of whether true human security is an attainable reality.
... Several previous studies reveal that annotator identity is a critical determinant of data annotation patterns (Sap et al., 2019; Larimore et al., 2021; Waseem, 2016 and so majority voting doesn't always capture the subjective nature of the annotation (Davani et al., 2022). Nonetheless, the definition of violence and its subcategories in taxonomy and how the authors' builders built their dataset and the annotators applied their best judgment are based on societal papers primarily from Galtung (1969Galtung ( , 1990, does not take FRS (Faith, Religion and Societal Impact) into account. Therefore, any dataset and corresponding systems will have the mentioned limitations. ...
... Deviations will surface when social changes occur due to certain pressures (generally by modernization or globalization pressures) that are applied in people's lives and various background motives (Indonesian Child Law, 2014). Furthermore, the motives behind the occurrence of violence against children (Eriyanti, 2017;Galtung, 1969), consist of three social dimensions, namely (i) direct psychological conditions, (ii) societal structural conditions or sharp polarization, and (iii) community cultural factors or deviant behavior in the social system. This sociological view indicates that child abuse does not appear by itself but is closely related to socio-cultural changes in society. ...
Handling the problem of child abuse needs to integrate local culture and modern systems so that the substance of the problem can be revealed by cultural values and the solution to the problem can be explained by modern academic methods. The purpose of this study is to explore and analyze local forms of wisdom from social institutions in dealing with cases of child abuse; the form of impressions on social media that are categorized as triggers for acts of child violence; and the link between the anomie group and the problem of child abuse. The research approach uses case studies—data obtained through in-depth interviews, participant observation, and documentation. The study results show that the symbiosis of local wisdom guided by initiation, assessment, and intervention can reduce violent behavior against children. On the other hand, cybercrime on social media and neglect of children in the anomie group are still ongoing. The research recommends to the government, that improvements to the local symbiotic pattern of wisdom and modern ways of handling child violence are needed and serious socialization is needed on the limits of understanding child neglect and exploitation among anomalies.
... Igualmente, otros desafíos que se imponen en la implementación y diseminación de programas de prevención de la violencia en República Dominicana se refiere a la violencia cultural. Galtung (1969), teórico de la investigación sobre la paz, define la violencia cultural como las normas, creencias, valores y prácticas culturales que legitiman y perpetúan la opresión y la discriminación. En el contexto latinoamericano, puede manifestarse en forma de racismo, sexismo, xenofobia y otras formas de exclusión basadas en la identidad cultural, étnica, orientación sexual y nivel socioeconómico. ...
Este artículo tiene como propósito proponer los lineamientos efectivos para la implementación y diseminación de programas escolares para la prevención de la violencia desde la perspectiva de la salud global y la investigación traslacional en el contexto de la República Dominicana, considerando los principios de la criminología del desarrollo, el aprendizaje de competencias sociales y la promoción de una cultura de paz.
... Furthering this metaphor he coined the term structural violence to describe the harm caused to people by these unhealthy structures. To avoid overuse of the word violence he alternately referred to structural violence as social injustice (Galtung, 1969). If social structures result in the thwarting of human potential and block people from getting their needs met, then it is pathological (Graf et al., 2006). ...
This article is concerned with the possibilities of applying the conflict transformation framework to conflict in Balochistan. It will examine salient features regarding the history and evolution of the conflict transformation framework that could be applied to understanding violent conflict in Balochistan, as well as considering the possibilities of agonistic dialogue for transformation of violent conflict. Agonistic dialogue highlights the engagement of the conflict parties towards the transformation of relationships. The key features to be included are a discussion on structural violence, and the use of dialogue – specifically agonistic dialogue, that could work towards maintaining open spaces for dialogue and, theoretically, become instrumental in creating social structures capable of transforming conflict non-violently.
... The prominent sociologist and diplomat John Burton created a list consistent with and inspired by others, such as Paul Sites, a contemporary of Burton's. Another influencer in the field of human needs is the "father of peace studies," Johan Galtung (1969), who proposed four groups of basic human needs: well-being, survival, identity, and freedom. ...
This article introduces the Human Needs Map — a sense-making tool that helps orient our minds to human needs that drive and trigger us, disrupting relationships and creating conflict. Initially inspired from fieldwork of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, the Human Needs Map has developed into a systems model that reveals the interior landscape of our Protective body/mind with needs and emotions in dynamic flux. The model provides a language to speak about the interconnectivity of needs through their synergies and tensions. Naming this emerging and coherent inter-dependency between needs and emotions offers a way to understand emotions as reasonable and provides more vectors to heal, dislodge or re-write narratives and beliefs, which perpetuate conflict. The implication lies not only at the individual level but also at the level of systems change to support the design of social and cultural structures more capable of taking needs and emotions into account. The present article traces the iterative process conceptualizing the model and discovering its internal patterns, followed by a discussion about the Needs system’s adaptive qualities and its role in creating and perpetuating Conflict, concluding with insights for Israeli-Palestinian peacebuilding.
... It involves the invisible social entities that create inequality and produce marginalization based on race, class, sex, and other identities. Structural violence renders social issues such as poverty, illness, hunger, and premature death as ordinary and taken for granted IHTP, 3 (3) so that no one is held accountable (Galtung 1969;Farmer 2004). In modern times, gun violence is rendered structural due to the policies, culture, and institutions that perpetuate it unevenly based on social location and racialized status. ...
Gun violence within Latine communities in New Mexico is on the rise and shows no signs of slowing down. The disparities in gun violence experiences mirror the structural and social position factors which negatively and disproportionately impact Latine people. In response to firearm-related deaths nearly doubling over the last decade, New Mexican legislators have been pressured to implement gun violence prevention policies. However well intended, these strategies often fail to address the structural inequities that underlie the rise in gun violence within Latine communities. There is an urgent need for research to better understand the unique experiences of Latine persons and their experiences in both gun violence and prevention. From a social ecological perspective, examining the structural barriers and facilitators which impede Latine involvement in gun violence prevention is critical to interrupting the cycles which render this group more susceptible. A deeper understanding of the factors associated with both gun violence and prevention is crucial for developing informed and culturally sensitive policies and interventions. This conceptual paper explores theory and research to better understand how gun violence impacts Latine communities and creates a conceptual framework to improve healthcare workers' ability to encourage empowerment and efficacy regarding Latine engagement in gun violence prevention efforts. The objective of this paper is to analyze research from disciplines in the social and health sciences focusing on the experiences of Latine persons and groups experiencing gun violence and engaging in gun violence prevention.
... Una violencia directa que, siguiendo a uno de sus grandes teóricos, Johan Galtung, es un evento, la manifestación o el aspecto visible, que puede ser físico, verbal o psicológico (Galtung, 1969). ...
Grassroots football is an educational and socializing element that enhances the holistic development of children. It involves individuals who can contribute to the presence of violence on the pitches, which poses a social problem. Mediation and intervention with families, children, coaches, referees, and other stakeholders are crucial for the proper development of the game and its associated values. The purpose of the Plataforma 090 project is to eradicate violence from grassroots football fields, but it lacks an evaluation protocol. Therefore, this work designs two tools that allow for its assessment, thus enabling the determination of whether it is functioning adequately.
Keywords:
Grassroots football; Violence; Evaluation of educational projects; Families
... Some relevant exceptions can be found in the study of diplomatic activities by individuals and private groups outside the governmental umbrella (eg the case of the Community of Sant'Egidio), seeHaynes (2009) andBonini (2008). 5 For a definition and classification of the types of violence, seeGaltung (1969). ...
Under what conditions are radical alternatives to state-led diplomacy feasible? Diplomatic studies have so far denied attention to those diplomatic practices taking place without national mediation. Building on the concept of diplomacy from below (DFB), the article aims to understand under what conditions this newly theorised form of alternative diplomacy is possible in contexts of armed violence. To do so, we present the case of the diplomatic action of the (post)autonomist Association Ya Basta! between 1997 and 2004. The study adopts an interpretivist approach, reconstructing activists' stories along four conflict scenarios (Mexico, Palestine, Colombia, and Iraq). The empirical analysis allowed for formulating a "working hypothesis" according to which DFB is feasible only among groups sharing an ideological background and under minimum-security conditions for freedom of movement and physical integrity. The paper innovates debates on (para)diplomacy and opens a new research agenda on diplomatic interactions between subaltern groups in (post)conflict scenarios.
... Ironically, scarcity is not necessarily the problem; instead, it is often the uneven distribution of resources that is the problem (an injustice). There is enough to go around; however, situations of unfair access to political, economic, and other resources, because of involuntary membership in marginalized groups (structural violence), leads to exploitation, repression, and alienation as well as denial of basic needs (Galtung, 1969;Homer-Dixon, 1991). ...
Non-violent right action is proposed as the most promising method of moving beyond capitalism and a consumer culture to a more humane society. After exposing the violence inherent within the consumer culture and the global marketplace (due to structural violence), this paper explains the main principles of non-violence (especially satyagraha, right actions, and the Truth), and then reframes consumption through a non-violent lens. Offering the satyagraha (drawing on an inner power reserve of self-Truth) is tendered as a progressive way for people to view themselves as consumers, thereby enabling them to engage in right actions in the marketplace. Non-violence is offered as a way to deal with the inequities of the global consumer marketplace and the infringements on the human condition, other species, and the Earth.
... Building upon this argument, Truscello's (2020: 15) notion of 'necropolitics of infrastructure,' which illustrates the death intrinsic in the development of infrastructural development and operations, can valuably be applied to road safety. In the same vein, the concept of 'infrastructural violence' underscores how structural forms of violence (Galtung, 1969) become "operational and sustainable" through material infrastructure forms (Rodgers & O'Neill, 2012, 404). One example of this type of violence is the state's inaction to address inadequacies and inequities in road conditions, thereby contributing to RTMs and disproportionately harming marginalised groups. ...
Thailand is consistently ranked as having the worst road safety record in Asia, and one of the worst globally. Most deaths are of the rural poor, a function of necropolitical ecology. A primary factor is the materiality and design of the road system, built to increase mobility rather than improve safety, and lacking a hierarchical structure. Highways are poorly integrated into both rural areas and Thai cities, and ignore the needs of motorcycle drivers, who comprise most road users and victims. Traffic regulations are not enforced by poorly paid police officers, without adequate resources or ability to enforce traffic fines, and who engage in corrupt practices. This is compounded by inadequate driving education. These factors are complicated and caused by Thailand's fragmented and weak governance. A plethora of agencies do not cooperate and have overlapping mandates. No lead agency has been given sufficient power to improve governance of the system. The public blame drivers rather than the state. Political leadership, in favour of quick results, has attached little importance to this issue and consequently devoted insufficient resources to address it, an inaction, ignorance and urban bias that have contributed to unnecessarily high levels of rural injuries and mortality.
... This is despite the theoretical turn toward decolonizing methodologies, pedagogies, praxes, curricula, or ontologies (Smith, 2021;Arshad, 2021;Muldoon, 2019). Nevertheless, a greater sociopolitical emphasis in the public sphere in recent times has provoked questions for "Education" as to whose knowledge counts; whose coming into being with/through "Education" is being validated, accepted, recognized; and for whom is the educational experience an act of structural (Galtung, 1969) or slow violence (Nixon, 2013). In a more critical and interrogative vein, questions are raised around whose voices are being legitimated, heard, responded to, comprehended, in the constitution of "the educational"; whose vision of "Education" is being endorsed, and to what/whose ends; and what purportedly "transformational" possibilities are being made possible or undermined. ...
The last decade has seen distinct ideological shifts in particular geopolitical contexts and in global/local relations across the globe, with increasing instability witnessed in social, political, ecological, material, and economic systems.
Efforts to advocate for democracy and justice of various kinds have become increasingly harder despite some celebrated wins. Yet, across the globe, there are simultaneously emerging sites of resistance and repair and courageous moves by individuals and collectives to seek alternatives to dystopias in the present and on the horizon. What is becoming self-evident, however, is that
conventional education systems and institutions are still locked in modes of operation that do not reflect, are not responsive to, and are not up to the task of the intertwined glocal challenges we face in this historical present. Even more concerning is that educational institutions and discourses themselves project values, commitments, and advocacies that, in the main, are either too shallow, instrumental, or technocratic, or indeed are out of alignment with the complexly interconnected realities and urgencies we face. Likewise, curricula, pedagogical practices, institutional structures, and measurement and assessment regimes reflect wide-scale failure in living up to the purposes and promises of education in its role to enable reimagined possibilities of a world of justice, decency, and ethical relationalities.
This chapter revisits the original chapter of 2010 – Value in Shadows: A Critical Contribution to Values Education in our Times. In dialogue with that historical moment in which the 2010 chapter was written, I ask now what might have shifted, what might still be relevant, and what might need new emphasis. I therefore ask what might need to change in our conception of Education in the context of a world gripped by interconnected, catalytic crises. The contradictions borne by the politics of crisis need further interrogation. This call is happening in consonance with the call to address increasing ideological polarizations, the rise of authoritarian democracies, and a planet facing an increasingly apocalyptic future under climate change. Such competing discourses have implications for how contradictory values operationalized in “Education” may not be suited to the
task of a “transformative” response to the grip of complex crises that our planet is facing. Certain questions might underpin advocacies for a values-led responsive educational praxis: What role is there for revaluing curriculum, pedagogy, and educational praxis toward reimagining alternative, hopeful futures in which all
may thrive? What can decoloniality, indigeneity, and posthumanist ecologies offer as means of creating agentive spaces for such reimaginings, and what actions might be necessary to enable education for futures beyond dystopias? In other terms, how might we “work the shadows” to remake “the possible” and
engage “radical hope”? The chapter asks what “good education” might look like as a contribution to a debate with Values Education that demands of it openness, self-critique, and a commitment to plurality and complexity. It offers as one alternative to contem-
porary educational practice driven by economic development, the Southern African ethico-onto-epistemology of Ubuntu. The intention is not to supplant one dominating, singularizing vision with another but to offer an agentifying space of possibility to reimagine radically hopeful futures. Values Education has a role to play in this dialogic endeavor of “walking alongside” while reimagining Education.
... While these structural inequalities are, arguably, a distal truth, extremist Hutus were able to bring this into the contemporary perceptual cognitive makeup of the ordinary Hutu. Galtung (1969) posits in his typology of conflict, violence, and peace that conflict must be conceptualized as a dynamic process. Nested in this dynamic process, as Galtung argues, are "structure, attitudes and behaviour [that] are constantly changing and influencing one another" (Galtung, 2009;Ramsbotham et al., 2005, p.10). ...
The repercussions of conflicts and wars on human life and national progress are inestimably high. Indeed, the incalculably ravaging consequences of conflicts and wars suggest that countries need to institute measures aimed at promoting peace and peaceful coexistence among their citizens. However, to achieve this, one must have a full understanding of the various causal elements and triggers of conflicts and wars. Where there is a lack of clear understanding of the push and pull factors of conflicts and wars and their socio-political, socio-cultural, and psychological undertones, stakeholders find it extremely difficult to institute measures to promote peace and unity. The Rwandan genocide, arguably, provides a rather tragic reminder of the sorry state of affairs countries have to endure as a result of conflicts. The irreparable damage caused by the Rwandan genocide continues to attract huge attention among academics. To this end, various papers and studies have been done to help bring clarity to the issues surrounding the genocide, with findings gleaned from multi-dimensional perspectives. This paper attempts to contribute to enhancing understanding of the Rwandan genocide from a theoretical perspective using a desk review approach. In this review paper, issues that are germane to the genocide are examined from a theoretical perspective in order to appreciate the implications they present for conflict resolution practice. Finally, the paper states, among others, that media institutional renewal is crucial to preventing future violent conflicts given the incendiary role the media played in the genocide.
... When the referent shifts from the state to societal security, as proposed by Buzan, hegemony in this conception creates massive societal insecurity. This in line with Galtung's work on structural violence that highlights that there never had been peace, but just more subtle forms of tolerated conflict in the form of breaches of civil rights and decimation of the environment for capital gain, which all feed into the imperial wave of hegemony in international relations (Galtung, 1969). ...
The concept of hegemony has been a mainstay in academic discourse since Greek writers coined the term during the conflicts between city states in ancient times. However, it was not until Antonio Gramsci produced his unfinished, seminal work, the Prison Notebooks, that the concept became a topic of intense discussion in the political sphere. Hegemony has been applied to the international global system relatively unchanged from Gramsci's social application of the concept. Whilst the underlying principles of Gramsci's conception can be applied in international relations without issue, some aspects are not so forthcoming. It is the intention of this paper to attempt to fill the void in international relations theory and provide a succinct and robust re-conception of Hegemony, how to attain it and maintain it. There will be no reinvention of the wheel; Hegemony will still mean dominance over all. Only now there will be a specific conception that can be applied to the current globalized liberal system. The Four Waves of Hegemony are presented here as an alternative to the current conception. Whilst there are inherent limitations mainly being the scope and size of the work presented, these are addressed and signposted for further research.
Development should not be done in a way that endangers the environment, human life, or non-human life that depends on it. However, in Ethiopia, economic development was carried out with little or no concern for the environment or indigenous and minority groups whose livelihoods directly depended on natural resources. Based on an examination of primary and secondary sources through the lens of structural violence theory, this article argues that Ethiopia’s economic growth was not equitable and happened at the expense of the country’s natural resources. Using the Negede Woyto of Lake Tana as a case study, this paper investigated how economic development projects in Ethiopia impacted minority communities. The conclusion reached was that the eprdf -led government actively worked to inflict structural violence on minority groups in the Lake Tana region, using sustainable economic development as a justification.
The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has seen an international explosion of anti-transgender sentiment being elevated to the level of law. Legislatures from Idaho to Hungary have banned transgender student athletes from competing as their true genders; revoked existing protections for trans people; and mandated the addition of ‘sex assigned at birth’ to state-issued ID cards. This spike in anti-transgender laws would be alarming in any year, but carries extra force and urgency as the Coronavirus pandemic continues to unfold. The fact that so many different municipalities worldwide have used the opportunity of COVID-19 to enshrine anti-trans animus in law, or to propose its enforcement, or to prolong its effects, is not accidental. This raises the question of why now? I propose that transphobia and the concomitant championing of ‘traditional gender roles’ are intended to function not only as a distraction from mismanagement of pandemic responses, but as an attempt to create national cohesion by casting transgender people as subverters of the natural health and order of the body. Drawing both on the particular vulnerability of transgender people as a demographic in times of crisis, and on the critical concept of ‘cis fragility’, I argue that these anti-transgender policies function as attempts to reaffirm the ontological securitisation of the body politic.
This essay explores the difficulties faced by the field of memory studies to adequately address unspectacular violence. While a majority of mnemonic strategies focus on events of spectacular disasters, outrageous atrocities, extreme occurrences, and massive sufferings contained in time and space, the damages generated by unspectacular operations of slow, latent, and silent violence remain difficult to recognize within the memorial landscape. Building on the concept of slow violence, as well as on posthumanist approaches to violent legacies of colonialism, and in the context of the current shift within memory studies toward a planetary sensitivity, this essay interrogates the possibilities of doing justice to the invisibilized harm spreading across long periods of time in different parts of the world. Sketching a possible agenda for the future, the essay suggests that a critical engagement with theorizations of feminist geopoliticians, along with a turn to practices of minor remembrance, can enable a more effective linking of the unspectacular to the spectacular, ensuring the visibility of the former amid memorializing practices.
Democracies are losing ground around the globe. As a result, inequalities in individual and collective freedoms have persisted in societies. This chapter explores how the traits of a defective democracy have eroded press freedom in Mexico for more than 20 years. That is, contrary to the national and international expectations, after the democratic transition, Mexican journalists face increasing blatant hazard when they do their job. Drawing on 93 interviews with news workers from the most dangerous states of the country, the central argument is that anti-press violence found in Mexico the ideal ground to flourish: on the one hand, there are inherent risks associated with the practice of journalism, such as adopting a watchdog role and, hence, keeping authorities and powerful groups accountable. On the other hand, however, those risks become extremely dangerous in a context of a defective democracy with high levels of structural violence, clientelism, and collusion between government and de facto powers. This is particularly evident at the subnational level, where the transition fostered the strengthening of local political strongholds, to the detriment of citizens’ right to know and authorities’ obligation to inform.
In this chapter, Nestorovic wants to demystify a simplistic interpretation of feminist geopolitics. He begins by mentioning the feminist movement that fights for the individual and collective rights of all underprivileged persons based on gender, religion, age, or race. These questions are universal and therefore geopolitical, and the author quotes Cynthia Enloe, who was among the first to talk about feminist geopolitics. Nestorovic goes further and analyzes how feminist authors introduced alternative methods in geopolitics like personal and reflexive epistemology. He finishes by analyzing all initiatives proposed by feminist geopolitics authors such as Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DE&I), the individual as the scale for geopolitics, as well as behavioral studies, which are of interest to corporations.
A pesquisa pretende debater as políticas de segurança pública pacificadoras e humanizadas no contexto democrático brasileiro. Localizam-se as reflexões especialmente no eixo das Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora, implementadas e testadas na cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Pelo método de abordagem hipotético-dedutivo e da revisão bibliográfica, parte-se do seguinte problema de pesquisa: as políticas de segurança denominadas pacificadoras e humanizadoras são formas de legitimação e intensificação do uso da(s) violência(s) e da tutela militarizada pelo poder estatal no regime democrático? A indagação justifica-se diante da expansão do sistema penal e dos dispositivos de controle e vigilância da população após a redemocratização brasileira. Conclui-se que as políticas de segurança de pacificação e humanizadas são estratégias de “democratização”, isto é, tornar mais aceitável e naturalizada a guerra permanente pelo Estado Securitário.
In this chapter, we apply a typology of violence to examine UK media constructions of jihadi brides. Developed in the work of seminal peace studies scholar Johan Galtung, the typology distinguishes between three overarching categories of direct, structural and cultural violence. We utilise this typology and related theoretical insight to explore one form of gender-based cultural violence. Building on prior research which reveals the gendered nature of Islamophobic violence experienced by Muslim women in the UK in the form of direct violence and the gendered rhetoric of Islamophobic sentiment witnessed across Western media discourses, we examine UK media representations of women labelled as jihadi brides. Drawing analytic support for our argument by placing a spotlight on the case of Shamima Begum, we argue that mainstream UK media representations of women who leave the UK to pursue a life in the self-declared ‘Islamic State’ can be read as the doing of Islamophobic gender-based cultural violence. Through our exploration of the Shamima Begum case, we further contend that this complex construction of a gendered, racialised, religious ‘Other’ which dominates UK media representations also shores up structural violence and facilitates direct violence against women who become categorised as jihadi brides.
The objective of this article is to identify and analyze the violence exercised by the corporate food power that affects participants of alternative food networks (AFN), based on the experiences of nine people who make up different AFN in the metropolitan region of Xalapa, Veracruz. Starting with the food regime theory, the conceptualization of violence and the role of these people as eaters, we observed the effects that they perceive both materially and subjectively, in relation to the construction of their identity and their vision of the ordering of the world. The methodology was based on dialogue circles with participatory mapping resources; which made it possibleco-create knowledge. The violence detected is articulated and spatially ordered by the corporate food power and its relationship with the States; and this violence slowly but daily erodes the ways of life, the environment and the health of the people involved. In particular, this violence threatens the freedom of these eaters to choose what to eat and what to be; it also infringes on their commitment to care for the earth and others beings; leading them to feel sadness, anger, guilt or shame. However, the afn allow to modify the places and resist violence.
This article explores how ship recycling—an essential part of the shipping economy—results in breaking up toxic vessels that leak hazardous materials into coastal communities and wetlands ecologies of South Asia. Drawing on multi-scaled and multisited ethnographic fieldwork with shipbreaking workers and local fishing communities in Chattogram, Bangladesh as well as with shipbreaking yard owners, maritime consultants, and government officials, we conceptualize toxic flows as a method to trace the lived experiences of those who are exposed to industrial pollution from shipbreaking. First, we propose that shipbreaking with its local toxic leakages constitutes a form of “structural violence” where violence is built into the logic of accumulation strategies in the maritime economy and shows up as unequal power relations that produce the conditions for unequal life chances. Second, we discuss Bangladesh’s recent efforts towards ratifying the Hong Kong Convention for the Safe and Environmentally Sound Recycling of Ships and its potential to contain these toxic flows. Lastly, we explore how ethnographically tracing ‘toxic flows’ i.e., the movement of these toxic substances, allows us to shift scales of analysis and make visible the different ways shipbreaking is perceived to negatively affect health and social reproduction beyond the boundary of shipbreaking yards. We conclude that structural violence such as reduced life expectancies due to poisonous exposure risks becoming embedded in the logic of oceanic forms of accumulation without state regulatory enforcement and supervision.
UN peace missions are constantly evolving. Yet, we lack a detailed understanding of the shifting types and objectives of peace missions beyond broad categorizations that distinguish for instance between observer, traditional, multidimensional, and peace enforcement missions. To address this gap, we present the UN Peace Mission Mandates (UNPMM) dataset. With global coverage, 30 years of data between 1991 and 2020, a broad scope that includes peacekeeping and political missions, and information on 41 mandate tasks, the UNPMM represents one of the most detailed and up-to-date datasets on UN peace mission mandates. We use it to highlight how mission types, objectives, and specific tasks have changed since the end of the Cold War, and to analyze what factors influence the kind of missions the UN is willing to authorize. The descriptive statistics and empirical analysis reaffirm the need for a greater disaggregation of data on UN peace missions and their mandates.
This study explores the significance of mainstreaming an integrated approach to development in enhancing development cooperation. It underscores the Asianization of this integrated approach by scrutinizing a unique path that harmonizes global guidelines for integrated approaches within Asia’s regional context. Serving as the focal case study, the Korea International Cooperation Agency ( KOICA )’s Peace Village Development Projects in Cambodia and Lao PDR illuminate how projects can evolve into integrated programs. This evolution draws on universalist lessons within the contextualist epistemological framework for scaling up. The research establishes that comprehensive needs and capacity assessments, in conjunction with the active participation of various stakeholders, are crucial for the effective design and implementation of these projects, which engage mixed scaling-up processes. KOICA ’s integrated strategy serves as a dynamic catalyst for social inclusion and the optimization of sectoral outcomes, offering a mechanism for scaling up that contributes to the formation of ‘an organically societized Asia.’
When does the United States normalize its diplomatic relations with its adversaries? This article introduces a theory of diplomatic normalization, focusing on the interaction between the hawkishness of presidents and their domestic popularity. I argue that dovish presidents are more likely to pursue normalization when their domestic approval ratings plummet, as this makes them shift their priorities toward policies they find themselves more comfortable and confident handling. Doves are less likely to pursue normalization when they enjoy high popularity, so as not to jeopardize favorable public support. In contrast, hawkish presidents typically do not support normalization, regardless of their domestic standing, as it does not align with their top policy priorities. The exception arises in the rare instance of a president with an exceptionally high degree of hawkishness who is able to pursue reconciliation without losing his support. I test my theoretical expectations using data on U.S. presidents' latent hawkishness and their diplomatic normalization decisions from 1950 to 2005. The empirical evidence supports all hypotheses, underscoring the importance of understanding the interaction between a leader's personal attributes and the domestic political climate when studying foreign policy decisions.
This essay delves into the effectiveness of Economic Integration theory for conflict prevention and resolution. Additionally, it explores the potential of Soft Power and a Culture of Peace as critical assets in designing solutions to prevent violent conflicts and the conflict between Ukraine and Russia is a case example in which Economic Integration failed to prevent violent escalation. Through a literature review of specialised research and conceptual definitions of relevant theories, the work assesses the role of Soft Power for nonviolent conflict resolution, highlighting paradiplomacy and Peace Awareness initiatives as exemplary manifestations of Soft Power. Furthermore, it underscores the significance of directly engaging individuals and decision-makers in Peace Awareness programs such, as initiatives promoted by the Mayors for Peace network, organised by the Prefecture of Hiroshima city, and cited as a model example of Soft Power in action. The essay concludes that the international community must invest in Culture of Peace initiatives and nonviolent alternatives for conflict resolution with the same economic commitment and investment as Hard Power assets to ensure a more peaceful and stable future.
The ongoing conflict in Venezuela has created significant risks for women and girls. Conflict affected populations often face higher levels of vulnerability and risks of gender-based violence (GBV) at home, in transit and at destination countries. Venezuelan women face GBV at all stages of their journey. Due to their often-irregular or undocumented status in host countries, many women lack legal access to healthcare and work which leaves them vulnerable to exploitation and GBV. Using the continuum of violence model by Kelly (1988; 2012) as well as Menjívar & Walsh (2017; 2019), this work underscores the complex ways in which gender, nationality and legal status interact with each other to shape patterns of migration and settlement. Focusing on the two largest receiving countries in Latin America: Colombia and Peru, this work also outlines how the structural, symbolic and interpersonal nature of GBV crosses borders amid the challenges of conflict, displacement and xenophobia.
Since the end of World War II, scientific literature in war studies has established the importance of lower spectrum conflict in which groups are pitted against groups, creating antagonism in societies and potentially leading to violence that undermines security. The role of the state is variable: weak states cannot manage to keep order while strong states can back one group against others to maintain or enhance their power. The examination of multiple case studies indicates that, although understudied, schematic conflict mechanisms exist. Beyond a clear scientific interest, a better understanding of these phenomena could help prevent conflicts by anticipating the transposition of natural dialectics into open violence.
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