No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the author.
Thoughts on Grammaticalization: A Programmatic Sketch
... Además, si la oración subordinada representa la información remática sin importar el modo de su verbo, en los contextos en que existe una actitud de compromiso, la alternancia entre indicativo y subjuntivo -no incidiendo en el plano pragmático de la oración-constituye un sistema antieconómico; esto es, existen dos formas que se encuentran en competencia por un solo ámbito semántico. Por ello, ha de afirmarse que, en las oraciones en que el emisor considera veraz la acción del verbo subordinado (V S ), atendiendo a la asociación principal-tema y subordinada-rema, subsisten las condiciones para que se produzca un proceso de gramaticalización (Lehmann 2015;Radatz 2023). Por otro lado, los contextos hipotéticos han de considerarse un sistema semántico independiente en el que se utiliza de forma exclusiva el subjuntivo -véase Figura 3. Ahora bien, anteriormente se ha demostrado que el fragmento subordinado del Ejemplo 4, que expresa una posibilidad, constituye el rema oracional en tanto que reemplaza el pronombre interrogativo en la respuesta a ¿Cuál es el problema? ...
... Sin embargo, si nos basamos en el vínculo causal entre estructura sintáctica e informativa (asociación principal-tema y subordinada-rema), también planteada en el § 37.5m, la alternancia modal no tiene el valor de marcar la distribución del tema y rema en la oración. En este sentido, el hecho de que se reconozca una prevalencia del indicativo puede ser una señal de un proceso de gramaticalización (Lehmann 2015;Radatz 2023) en desarrollo en virtud del que, los hablantes, propensos a la economía lingüística (Paredes Duarte 2008), tienden a utilizar un solo modo. ...
... En virtud de ello, Loporcaro et al. (en prensa) diagnostican un proceso de gramaticalización que es tan solo compatible con la atribución de la función remática a la oración subordinada con independencia del modo de su verbo. Debe recordarse, a este propósito, que la condición para que se produzca la simplificación del paradigma modal es que la selección de indicativo o subjuntivo no sea importante en la transmisión del mensaje (Lehmann 2015). Además, la correlación entre el descenso en la tendencia a la selección exclusiva de un modo con un adjetivo y el número de ocurrencias de dicho adjetivo en el corpus es justificada en la incidencia del factor de frecuencia en el proceso de gramaticalización. ...
Este estudio aborda las oraciones especificativas inversas cuyo segmento principal es El problema es que. Se parte de unos presupuestos teóricos incompatibles: algunos defienden una variación en la distribución del tema y rema en la construcción según el modo del verbo subordinado; otros atribuyen a la cláusula subordinada la función de foco, excluyendo la incidencia del modo de su verbo. Para verificar la validez de una u otra teoría, se han analizado cuantitativa y cualitativamente 4289 ocurrencias extraídas del CORPES XXI y CREA. Los resultados demuestran que el indicativo se emplea en aproximadamente el 99 % de los casos. Ello refleja una economización de la alternancia impulsada por la falta de incidencia del modo en el plano informativo, lo cual corrobora la función remática del segmento subordinado. En el plano semántico, en cambio, el subjuntivo se utiliza para expresar posibilidad, si bien con una frecuencia muy restringida.
... Our questionnaire measures grammaticalization in terms of eight parameters. The first six parameters correspond to Lehmann's (1995) parameters as summarized in Table 1: ...
... Tab. 1: Parameters for measuring autonomy (Lehmann 1995 The parameters as they are shown in Table 1 and as they are used in our questionnaire deviate from Lehmann's (1995) parameters in the following way: -We split Paradigmatic Weight into the two logically independent parameters of Semantic Integrity (reduction of semantic weight, desemanticization) and Phonetic Reduction (loss of phonetic integrity, phonetic attrition). -We do not use structural scope because it proved to be theoretically and empirically most challenging (cf. ...
... Tab. 1: Parameters for measuring autonomy (Lehmann 1995 The parameters as they are shown in Table 1 and as they are used in our questionnaire deviate from Lehmann's (1995) parameters in the following way: -We split Paradigmatic Weight into the two logically independent parameters of Semantic Integrity (reduction of semantic weight, desemanticization) and Phonetic Reduction (loss of phonetic integrity, phonetic attrition). -We do not use structural scope because it proved to be theoretically and empirically most challenging (cf. ...
... This definition makes the explicit claim that derivational morphology is "less grammatical" than inflectional morphology, but does not address whether the genesis of derivational morphology itself would constitute an example (even if not prototypical) of grammaticalization. Continuing this more restrictive use of the term, Lehmann (1982Lehmann ( /1995 composed the monograph Thoughts on Grammaticalization, in which he sought to create a rigorous, explicit definition of grammaticalization by offering a set of parameters which could measure the degree to which a given morpheme could be said to have grammaticalized. ...
... This definition makes the explicit claim that derivational morphology is "less grammatical" than inflectional morphology, but does not address whether the genesis of derivational morphology itself would constitute an example (even if not prototypical) of grammaticalization. Continuing this more restrictive use of the term, Lehmann (1982Lehmann ( /1995 composed the monograph Thoughts on Grammaticalization, in which he sought to create a rigorous, explicit definition of grammaticalization by offering a set of parameters which could measure the degree to which a given morpheme could be said to have grammaticalized. ...
... Note that later in the same article,Wiemer & Bisang (2004: 13) do express reservations about their formulation: "Ought we to widen grammaticalization theory in a way that would allow the inclusion of types of structural change which can hardly be described by (or even contradict) prevalent parameters of grammaticalization, first of all those established by C.Lehmann (1995)? In other words, is it reasonable and viable to aim at a more comprehensive grammaticalization theory, or should we rather not "sacrifice" its mainly morpheme-based tenets?" ...
The term grammaticalization originally denoted a particular outcome of language change (lexis > morphology), then got expanded to i) practically all studies involving language change, ii) the process that creates such changes, and iii) a theory modeling these. All but the first uses have been challenged in the literature as conceptually flawed. Indeed, a usage-based analysis of the evolution of the concept culminates in its use as a "flag" of a particular approach to linguistics. However, the theoretical premises of grammaticalization studies are entirely compatible with the premises of DCxG. Hence, all studies within the "expanded" concept of grammaticalization can be explicitly modeled within DCxG, which provides formalism of sufficient detail to map the gradual nature of language change in cases of grammaticalization and beyond. Consequently, the most vigorous attacks on grammaticalization lose power when grammaticalization is seen as part of a larger, more complete theory of language and language change.
... Studies on grammaticalization have shown that items developing from equivalent lexical items cross-linguistically undergo similar developments. These developments are referred to as grammaticalization clines (Hopper & Traugott 2003), paths or pathways (Bybee, Perkins & Pagliuca 1994;Bisang 1996), or chains/channels (Lehmann 2002;Heine 2002;Heine & Kuteva 2006). Heine's chain term highlights the overlap that occurs between an earlier and a later stage, where, for a certain period, both uses of a construction in grammaticalization coexist, while possibly also creating ambiguity. ...
... Gramatinimo tyrimai yra atskleidę, kad iš ekvivalentiškų leksinių elementų besivystantys kalbiniai elementai skirtingose ir viena su kita nesusijusiose kalbose vystosi panašiai. Šie pokyčiai vadinami gramatinimo skalėmis (Hopper & Traugott 2003), keliais (Bybee, Perkins & Pagliuca 1994;Bisang 1996), grandinėmis ar kanalais (Lehmann 2002;Heine 2002;Heine & Kuteva 2006). Kalbos elementų vienakryptė kaita iš mažiau gramatinių ir labiau leksinių į labiau gramatinius ir mažiau leksinius yra laikoma viena pagrindinių gramatinių kategorijų atsiradimo ir raidos teorijų. ...
This thesis addresses the question of what common features, visible in synchronic data, characterize the diachronic development of three BE (or quasi-BE) perfects in Lithuanian, Bulgarian, and Barese, and how their grammaticalization cline might differ from that of HAVE perfects. The study is based on data from Facebook comments for Lithuanian and Bulgarian, and from written texts in the Barese vernacular. The thesis includes detailed descriptions of the full spectrum of semantic values associated with the Lithuanian, Bulgarian, and Barese perfects, as they are used in the data, along
with a comparative analysis of the three case studies. The outcome of the study is a proposed grammaticalization cline for BE perfects, which is based on conceptual connections between different values, and supported by quantitative data on the BE auxiliary usage.
... The term 'grammaticalization' was first proposed by Meillet (1912). Since the 1970s, it has gradually attracted the attention of linguists and become an important field of study in linguistics (Givón, 1971;Heine et al., 1991;Lehmann, 1982). According to Hopper and Traugott (2003), grammaticalization is 'the change whereby lexical items and constructions come in certain linguistic contexts to serve grammatical functions and, once grammaticalized, continue to develop new grammatical functions'. ...
... The issue of determining the grammaticalization degrees of linguistic items is essential for a better understanding of how they compete or constrain each other (Hopper & Traugott, 2003). Considerable efforts have been dedicated to determining the degree of grammaticalization (Heine et al., 1991;Hopper, 1991;Lehmann, 1982). Although feasible in principle, the criteria suggested in those works are somewhat abstract, intuitive, or difficult to operate. ...
... This definition makes the explicit claim that derivational morphology is "less grammatical" than inflectional morphology, but does not address whether the genesis of derivational morphology itself would constitute an example (even if not prototypical) of grammaticalization (see, however, Spencer 2013, among others, on the lack of viability of the distinction between inflectional vs. derivational morphology). Continuing this more restrictive use of the term, Lehmann (1982Lehmann ( /1995 composed the monograph Thoughts on grammaticalization, in which he sought to create a rigorous, explicit definition of grammaticalization by offering a set of parameters which could measure the degree to which a given morpheme could be said to have grammaticalized. 5 ...
... This definition makes the explicit claim that derivational morphology is "less grammatical" than inflectional morphology, but does not address whether the genesis of derivational morphology itself would constitute an example (even if not prototypical) of grammaticalization (see, however, Spencer 2013, among others, on the lack of viability of the distinction between inflectional vs. derivational morphology). Continuing this more restrictive use of the term, Lehmann (1982Lehmann ( /1995 composed the monograph Thoughts on grammaticalization, in which he sought to create a rigorous, explicit definition of grammaticalization by offering a set of parameters which could measure the degree to which a given morpheme could be said to have grammaticalized. 5 ...
The term grammaticalization originally denoted a particular outcome of language change (lexis > morphology), then got expanded to practically all studies involving language change, the processes that create such changes, and a theory modeling these. These expansions have been challenged in the literature as conceptually flawed. A usage-based analysis of the evolution of the concept culminates in the use of the term grammaticalization as a “flag” of a particular approach to linguistics. However, the theoretical premises of grammaticalization studies are entirely compatible with the premises of Diachronic Construction Grammar (DCxG). All studies within the “expanded” concept of grammaticalization can be explicitly modeled within DCxG, which provides formalism of sufficient detail to map the gradual nature of language change in cases of grammaticalization and beyond. Consequently, the most vigorous attacks on grammaticalization lose power when grammaticalization is seen as part of a larger, more complete theory of language and language change.
... Desde que Lehmann (1982) propôs seis parâmetros para se aferir o grau de autonomia de uma forma e, consequentemente, mensurar seu grau de gramaticalização, é unanimemente aceito que esse processo de mudança linguística impõe restrições sintáticas (a forma gramaticalizada integra um paradigma pequeno e ocupa uma posição mais fixa) e semânticas (esvaziamento de traços semânticos) às formas que se gramaticalizam. Entretanto, os trabalhos até então empreendidos não correlacionam tais restrições a questões cognitivas subjacentes ao processo de gramaticalização, o que se apresenta, portanto, como uma contribuição deste estudo. ...
... Finda a coleta das cinco formas verbais selecionadas para este estudo segundo os procedimentos ora descritos, a etapa subsequente consistiu em analisar os contextos de todos os oito séculos disponíveis na plataforma, a saber, século XIII a século XX, de modo a verificar se, nesse período, os verbos de movimento de que nos ocupamos já haviam se gramaticalizado como auxiliares ou se ainda preservavam suas características de forma nocional, segundo ilustram, respectivamente, os dados (06) e (07) a seguir: Para dividirmos os oito séculos estudados em períodos, de modo a conseguirmos localizar em que fase da história da língua a gramaticalização ocorrera, conforme um de nossos objetivos, adotamos a clássica periodização proposta por Lindley Cintra (apud CASTRO, 2011, p. 73): (i) até o século XIII, pré-literário; (ii) séculos XIV e XV, português antigo; (iii) século XVI, português médio; (iv) séculos XVII e XVIII, português clássico; e (v) séculos XIX e XX, português moderno. No tocante ao quadro teórico que embasou a análise, buscamos combinar os parâmetros de gramaticalização propostos por Lehmann (1982) com os pressupostos teóricos da linguística cognitiva, mais especificamente no que diz respeito aos esquemas imagéticos que envolvem o processo de abstração metafórica das formas no transcurso da mudança. ...
Estudou-se, à luz do quadro teórico da linguística cognitiva, mais especificamente do conceito de esquemas imagéticos, o processo de gramaticalização de cinco verbos da língua portuguesa que originalmente traduzem a noção de movimento. Explorou-se a hipótese de que os esquemas imagéticos presentes na conceptualização desses verbos podem explicar algumas restrições sintático-semânticas identificadas nas construções perifrásticas resultantes dessa gramaticalização. A análise diacrônica empreendida acusou que, à exceção da perífrase [V1sair + V2gerúndio], que se gramaticalizou apenas no período clássico da língua, as formas andar, ir, vir e viver já funcionavam como auxiliares aspectuais quando combinadas com uma forma nominal de gerúndio desde o século XIII. Observou-se, ainda, que o esquema FONTE-TRAJETO-ALVO é fator imprescindível para que o verbo de movimento seja reanalisado como forma auxiliar em uma construção em que V2 é uma forma de gerúndio, além do que a combinação de dois esquemas imagéticos dificulta o processo de reanálise, retardando, assim, o curso da gramaticalização do auxiliar.
... Desde que Lehmann (1982) propôs seis parâmetros para se aferir o grau de autonomia de uma forma e, consequentemente, mensurar seu grau de gramaticalização, é unanimemente aceito que esse processo de mudança linguística impõe restrições sintáticas (a forma gramaticalizada integra um paradigma pequeno e ocupa uma posição mais fixa) e semânticas (esvaziamento de traços semânticos) às formas que se gramaticalizam. Entretanto, os trabalhos até então empreendidos não correlacionam tais restrições a questões cognitivas subjacentes ao processo de gramaticalização, o que se apresenta, portanto, como uma contribuição deste estudo. ...
... Finda a coleta das cinco formas verbais selecionadas para este estudo segundo os procedimentos ora descritos, a etapa subsequente consistiu em analisar os contextos de todos os oito séculos disponíveis na plataforma, a saber, século XIII a século XX, de modo a verificar se, nesse período, os verbos de movimento de que nos ocupamos já haviam se gramaticalizado como auxiliares ou se ainda preservavam suas características de forma nocional, segundo ilustram, respectivamente, os dados (06) e (07) a seguir: Para dividirmos os oito séculos estudados em períodos, de modo a conseguirmos localizar em que fase da história da língua a gramaticalização ocorrera, conforme um de nossos objetivos, adotamos a clássica periodização proposta por Lindley Cintra (apud CASTRO, 2011, p. 73): (i) até o século XIII, pré-literário; (ii) séculos XIV e XV, português antigo; (iii) século XVI, português médio; (iv) séculos XVII e XVIII, português clássico; e (v) séculos XIX e XX, português moderno. No tocante ao quadro teórico que embasou a análise, buscamos combinar os parâmetros de gramaticalização propostos por Lehmann (1982) com os pressupostos teóricos da linguística cognitiva, mais especificamente no que diz respeito aos esquemas imagéticos que envolvem o processo de abstração metafórica das formas no transcurso da mudança. ...
Estudou-se, à luz do quadro teórico da linguística cognitiva, mais especificamente do conceito de esquemas imagéticos, o processo de gramaticalização de cinco verbos da língua portuguesa que originalmente traduzem a noção de movimento. Explorou-se a hipótese de que os esquemas imagéticos presentes na conceptualização desses verbos podem explicar algumas restrições sintático-semânticas identificadas nas construções perifrásticas resultantes dessa gramaticalização. A análise diacrônica empreendida acusou que, à exceção da perífrase [V1sair + V2gerúndio], que se gramaticalizou apenas no período clássico da língua, as formas andar, ir, vir e viver já funcionavam como auxiliares aspectuais quando combinadas com uma forma nominal de gerúndio desde o século XIII. Observou-se, ainda, que o esquema FONTE-TRAJETO-ALVO é fator imprescindível para que o verbo de movimento seja reanalisado como forma auxiliar em uma construção em que V2 é uma forma de gerúndio, além do que a combinação de dois esquemas imagéticos dificulta o processo de reanálise, retardando, assim, o curso da gramaticalização do auxiliar.
... Lyons 1967, Anderson 1971, Jackendoff 1972, Heine et al. 1991, i.e. the idea that spatial notions are conceptually more basic than notions pertaining to other domains, and are therefore commonly exploited as structural templates for the expression of other types of meanings. b. Lehmann's (1982Lehmann's ( , 2015 notion of semantic "bleaching" (or desemanticization), which encompasses the predictions that grammaticalizing elements will over time tend to acquire increasingly abstract, general and context-dependent meanings. c. ...
This book aims to address a gap in the existing literature on the relationship between vagueness and ambiguity, as well as on their differences and similarities, both in synchrony and diachrony, and taking into consideration their relation to language use. The book is divided into two parts, which address specific and broader research questions from different perspectives. The former part examines the differences between ambiguity and vagueness from a bird-eye perspective, with a particular focus on their respective functions and roles in language change. It also presents innovative linguistic resources and tools for the study of these phenomena. The second part contains case studies on vagueness and ambiguity in language change and use. It considers different strategies and languages, including English, French, German, Italian, Medieval Latin, and Old Italian. The readership for this volume is broad, encompassing scholars in a range of disciplines, including pragmatics, spoken discourse, conversation analysis, discourse genres (political, commercial, notarial discourse), corpus studies, language change, pragmaticalization, and language typology.
... A reflexive can be used to indicate passive meaning (Haspelmath 1990;Keenan & Dryer 2007;Lehmann 1982;Shibatani 1985), as reported for languages such as German, Spanish, Russian and many others (Heine & Kuteva 2002). For instance, in (21)-(22), a reflexive is used to express passive meaning. ...
This paper investigates the functions of the reflexive pronoun ko ⁵³ to ²¹ / to ²¹ in Tujia, a Tibeto-Burman (TB) language. Apart from being used as a verb object, the reflexive pronoun in Tujia can be used as an intensifier, indicating “self, non-other”, but it can also be used to create “passive” or “causative” meaning. It is argued that both meanings created by the reflexive pronoun can be accounted for under a decomposition approach. Verbal reflexives isomorphic with anti-causative or passive morphemes have been reported for European languages, while a reflexive pronoun with causative meaning is quite rare. The present paper therefore contributes not only to the typology in this area but also to the expression of causative and passive in Tibeto-Burman languages.
... Besides the authors mentioned previously, the works of Kerbrat-Orecchioni (1992 constitute the basis for our approach to forms of address in the construction of interpersonal relations in discourse interactions. Assuming, therefore, an interdisciplinary perspective, and in order to explain some of the uses of the NP o senhor as a form of address, we have also used the grammaticalization theory by Traugott & Heine (1991), Lehmann (2015), and subsequent developments since then, such as Heine & Kuteva (2004: 17), who established four criteria of grammaticalization, as follows: "(a) desemanticization (or "semantic bleaching") -loss in meaning content, (b) extension (or context generalization)use in new contexts, (c) decategorialization -loss in morphosyntactic properties characteristic of lexical or other less grammaticalized forms, and (d) erosion (or "phonetic reduction") -loss in phonetic substance. " ...
... Spanish has a PP form similar to the English one both with respect to form (present indicative of the auxiliary verb haber plus past participle of the main verb) and use. The specific features of the Spanish PP have been the focus of academic investigation by, among others, Comrie (1976), Lehmann (1982), Dahl (1985), Klein (1992), Bybee et al. (1994), Schwenter (1994), Dahl and Hedin (2000), Lindstedt (2000), Squartini and Bertinetto (2000) and Copple (2009). In a nutshell, in the comprehensive Nueva gramática de la lengua española 2 the Spanish PP tense is classified as an 'absolute' tense since it is anchored to the present. ...
Background: Mastering verbal tenses, especially those expressing aspect, in a second language presents a challenge as learners frequently link the semantic nuances of verbal forms in their second language (L2) to the characteristics of the verbal systems in their native languages (L1). This study explores the impact of L1 on the usage of the English Present Perfect (PP) among non-native speakers. Purpose: In an effort to contribute to the ongoing research on the mechanisms governing the acquisition of English tenses, this study focuses on the variations that affect the usage of the PP in the writing of English learners. The investigation is particularly centered on university students whose L1 is Russian and Spanish, seeking to delve into the ways in which their first language influences the utilisation of the PP in their English writing. Method: Analysis of L2 English by Russian and Spanish learners, based on corpora of argumentative essays written by undergraduate Russian and Spanish learners of English, controlled by a corpus of essays produced by native speakers of English; frequency and distribution of the PP in learner writings; examination of semantic contexts; identification of error types. Results: The findings indicate that, despite a higher occurrence of the PP in texts produced by Spanish learners compared to Russian learners, the rate of errors in its application is nearly identical in both learner corpora. These errors are likely attributable to challenges in comprehending the functions of the PP and in distinguishing its semantics from those of other English tenses, particularly the Past Simple. Conclusion: The study suggests that the increased prevalence of PP usage by L2 learners may be attributed to positive transfer from their L1 when it exhibits structures analogous to the English PP. Conversely, patterns indicative of, for example, undergeneralisation of semantic contexts suggesting the relevance of an action, or of overgeneralisation of adverbs compatible with the PP can be interpreted as evidence of negative transfer. The results of this study hold significance for language pedagogy, as they highlight potential challenges in acquiring the PP that learners from diverse L1 backgrounds may encounter.
... Per grammaticalizzazione (cf. Hopper /Traugott 1993;Heine 1991;Lehmann 1982) si intende il processo linguistico per cui un elemento diviene grammaticale o più grammaticale in «in certain highly specifiable morphosyntactic contexts, and under specifiable pragmatic conditions» (Traugott 2003, 624). Il primo a occuparsi del concetto di grammaticalizzazione, e a proporne una definizione, è stato Antoine Meillet che, in L'évolution des formes grammaticales, la intende come «l'attribution du caractère grammatical à un mot jadis autonome» (Meillet 1912, 131 Inoltre, la semantica contrastiva è spesso suggerita dalla presenza di congiunzioni avversative, come in (4), o di una subordinata concessiva precedente, come in (5). ...
... Besides the authors mentioned previously, the works of Kerbrat-Orecchioni (1992 constitute the basis for our approach to forms of address in the construction of interpersonal relations in discourse interactions. Assuming, therefore, an interdisciplinary perspective, and in order to explain some of the uses of the NP o senhor as a form of address, we have also used the grammaticalization theory by Traugott & Heine (1991), Lehmann (2015), and subsequent developments since then, such as Heine & Kuteva (2004: 17), who established four criteria of grammaticalization, as follows: "(a) desemanticization (or "semantic bleaching") -loss in meaning content, (b) extension (or context generalization)use in new contexts, (c) decategorialization -loss in morphosyntactic properties characteristic of lexical or other less grammaticalized forms, and (d) erosion (or "phonetic reduction") -loss in phonetic substance. " ...
We will examine the uses of the noun phrase o senhor (formal 'you'), as well as its linguistic and discourse status. As a form of address, it has acquired features that are typical of pronominal forms of address, with bleaching of semantic traits that point to an ongoing process of grammaticalization. In European Portuguese, despite being an issue that has been addressed several times, a comparison of the existing theoretical explanations has yet to be accomplished. Furthermore, its usage has not been analysed in different discourse contexts so as to attest to these changes. It is therefore necessary to revive and broaden the discussion. The data we have employed in this analysis is taken from the corpus Perfil sociolinguístico da fala bracarense ('Sociolinguistic profile of Braga speech'), consisting of sociolin-guistic interviews. We also built an ad hoc corpus, comprising political debates and interviews. In addition, for specific questions, some data was obtained from the CETEMPúblico corpus, and from the Davies & Ferreira corpus for diachronic data. The overall goal of this study is the analysis of the linguistic and discourse features of the address form o senhor. It is a qualitative approach, complemented by quantitative analysis of the occurrences recorded. The results of our study show that o senhor is a hybrid form of address, revealing features from the two categories, the nominal form of address and the pronominal form of address. The confrontation of diachronic and synchronic data shows that the semantic values of the noun affect the current pragmatic values of the forms of address (FA).
... Também no que tange à forma como foi concebida, identificam-se divergências paradoxais à medida que as reflexões avançam em torno do tema. Nesse percurso, a gramaticalização já foi entendida tanto como um processo de redução e de ampliação de dependência (GIVÓN, 1979;LEHMANN, 1982;HEINE, 1993), quanto como um processo essencialmente de expansão contextual (HIMMELMANN, 2004), acepção que adotamos no âmbito deste estudo. ...
Este trabalho analisa o percurso de mudança da construção [meio que] no português brasileiro, fazendo-se uso de dados que abarcam um período de seis séculos (XVI-XXI), extraídos do Corpus do Português (DAVIES; FERREIRA, 2006; DAVIES, 2019). Propõe-se, com base no quadro teórico da Gramática de Construções Diacrônica (SOMMERER; SMIRNOVA, 2020; TRAUGOTT; TROUSDALE, 2013), que essa construção integra a rede formada pelo nó superior [X que], contudo, diferentemente de outras construções instanciadas por esse nó, [meio que] não se gramaticaliza como conjunção ou como índice de modalidade, mas, inicialmente, como advérbio e, posteriormente, como marcador discursivo. Ademais, propõe-se que o processo tenha sido desencadeado a partir da reanálise do NP complexo [Det meio [que...]] NP , compreendendo uma trajetória de mudança semelhante à das construções [kind of/kinda] do inglês (MARGERIE, 2010) e [en plan (de)] do espanhol (RODRÍGUEZ-ABRUÑEIRAS, 2020), o que atesta translinguisticamente o cline nome > advérbio > marcador discursivo, como propôs Rodríguez-Abruñeiras (2020). Adicionalmente, foram contemplados na análise os fatores de esquematicidade, de composicionalidade e de produtividade da construção [meio que]. Constatou-se que há uma tendência de queda dos usos lexicais (como NP complexo cujo núcleo é o nome meio ou como parte de um numeral seguido de que) no século XX e uma tendência de crescimento dos usos construcionalizados (como advérbio ou como marcador discursivo) a partir desse mesmo século, período em que ocorre a mudança, bem como que tais séries estão inversamente correlacionadas, conforme atestaram os testes estatísticos empregados na análise quantitativa do fenômeno.
... These tenses were the result of the grammaticalization of a Vulgar Latin periphrasis, CANTĀRE HABEŌ ('I have to sing'), in most Romance languages, including Catalan (cf. Coleman 1971;Fleishman 1982;Lehmann 1995;Pérez Saldanya 1998;Hopper and Traugott 2003;Company 2012). Nevertheless, this grammaticalization was not completed in some Romance varieties: the so-called synthetic future or conditional (SFC) (1a) coexisted beside the analytical future or conditional (AFC), which was possible only with mesoclisis, i.e., with the presence of a clitic pronoun between the infinitive and the auxiliary 2 (1b) (Castillo Lluch 1996Eberenz 1991;Moll [1952] This formal variation in the FC shows two different stages from the grammaticalization of the original Latin periphrasis. ...
The romance future and conditional tenses are the result of the grammaticalization of Latin periphrasis, mainly cantāre habeō. In some medieval Romance languages, including Catalan, two types of forms existed: synthetic forms (faré ‘I will do’) and analytical forms (fer-lo he ‘I will do it’). Analytical forms do not present univerbation and are thus less grammaticalized than synthetic forms. The present work aims to study the distribution of synthetic and analytical forms diachronically. A diachronic corpus (11th c.–16th c.) was compiled to serve this purpose. According to the syntactic restrictions of clitic placement, analytical forms could appear in the same syntactic environments than synthetic forms with postverbal pronouns (faré-lo ‘I will do it’). Therefore, only those contexts are analysed to assess the degree of grammaticalization. Some recent works point out that the grammaticalization of future and conditional was more advanced in the eastern languages of the Iberian Peninsula, such as Catalan, than in the western ones. The results from our corpus confirm these differences. In addition, the data show another grammaticalization process: the evolution of clitic placement towards a fixed preverbal position.
... Inspired by research with connectionist models, psychologists and cognitive scientists have argued that grammatical structures emerge from processing linguistic data. In this approach, grammar is a dynamical system that is constantly changing by virtue of psychological processes involved in language use" (Lehmann 1982:20-21, Kwon 1984. 재생이 문법화 변화 메커니즘이 아니면 피진 크리올에서 빈번히 나타나는 구 조 단순화를 어떤 방식으로 설명할 수 있을지를 모색하는 것이, 이 논문의 주제였다. ...
In this paper we classified first the African Pidgin-Creoles into three main groups namely Portuguese based, English based, French base and Dutch based one. And then we analyze the coding pattern of TAM expression comparing their superstrate and also substrate languages in order to explain their motivation and structural characteristics. Overview the give models for Pidgin-Creole Studies like Relexification, accelerated Grammaticalization, and universal Bio-program model, we adopt the new paradigm for explaining the phenomena. In this model it is argued the tha grammar and its categories are emergent and transient according the the users linguistic knowledge and experience which they are going to contact, to acquire and to use.
... In (23), which due to contextual features can only have the more grammaticalized reading, the incoherent construction is not possible (23a); the coherent 9. Another interpretation, using Lehmann's parameters of grammaticalization (1982/2015) which are not to be confounded with the parameters for clause linkage above, might describe this behavior as an indication of increasing boundedness (parameter 4 in Lehmann 1982Lehmann /2015. Müssen 'must' , and the semi-modal (or evidential) verb scheinen, which appear only in coherent construction, display increased boundedness; and thus a strong degree of grammaticalization. ...
This paper deals with different types of verbal complementation of the German verb verdienen . It focuses on constructions that have been undergoing a grammaticalization process and thus express deontic modality, as in Sie verdient geliebt zu werden (ʽShe deserves to be lovedʼ) and Sie verdient zu leben (ʽShe deserves to liveʼ) ( Diewald, Dekalo & Czicza 2021 ). These constructions are connected to parallel complementation types with passive and active infinitives containing a correlate es , as in Sie verdient es, geliebt zu werden and Sie verdient es, zu leben , as well as finite clauses with the subordinator dass with and without correlative es , as in Sie verdient, dass sie geliebt wird and Sie verdient es, dass sie geliebt wird . This paper attempts to show a close comparative investigation of these six types of constructions based on their relevant semantic and syntactic properties in terms of clause linkage ( Lehmann 1988 ). We analyze the relevant data retrieved from the DWDS corpus of the 20th century and present an expanded grammaticalization path for verdienen -constructions. The finite complementation with dass is regarded as an example of a separate structural option called “elaboration”. Concerning the use of correlative es , it is shown that it does not have any substantial effect on the grammaticalization of modal verdienen -constructions.
... A considerable number of in-between nouns and prepositional units, or units which are on different stages of grammaticalization, have drawn us to the question of objectively defining the degree of grammaticalization or tests for membership in prepositions. In the theory of grammaticalization, it is well-known that grammaticalization involves 4 mechanisms: semantic bleaching, context generalization, decategorization and phonetic reduction (Bybee et al., 1994;Lehmann, 1995;Hopper & Traugott, 2003;Kuteva et al., 2019). In Russia, T. Tikhomirova (Tikhomirova, 1972) proposed testing the transformation of a word (in a certain form) from one part of speech to another using the following criteria: change of meaning, loss of some morphological forms and loss of syntactic capacity (it is quite prominent that grammaticalization mechanisms and Tikhomirova's tests correspond). ...
In this article, a portrait of Russian prepositions as a part of speech is presented. The analysis of grammars and dictionaries has shown that there is no certain list of Russian prepositions and that the image of this part of speech is quite blurry. The author reveals the main “prepositional” blank spots for Russian linguistics: the fast growth of preposition-like units, the lack of objective criteria to separate prepositions and non-prepositions, and a disputable academic (traditional) classification of prepositions. Some feasible solutions for overcoming these research difficulties are suggested, such as the use of descriptive terms and a notion of field, revision of syncategorematic parts of speech and prepositional classifications, as well as searching for reliable tests for membership in prepositions.
... In functional terms, its original morpho-syntactic properties may change, the original semantic content can bleach out, while its contexts of use are gradually expanded (generalization) as grammaticalizing forms "come to serve a larger and larger range of meaningful morphosyntactic purposes" (Hopper & Traugott, 1993, p. 95). Approaches to grammaticalization have stressed either the process of context expansion of a given linguistic sign (Himmelmann, 1997) or the loss of autonomy, accompanied by formal reduction (Givón, 1979;Haspelmath, 2004;Lehmann, 2015). As we will show, the concept of context expansion, along with that of degrammaticalizationthat is, the idea that grammaticalization is not unidirectionalis particularly relevant for heritage languages. ...
There has been a substantial amount of research on heritage language acquisition and diachronic change. Although recent work has increasingly pointed to parallels between those two areas, it remains unclear how systematic these are. In this paper, we provide a bird's eye view, illustrating how patterns of diachronic change are mirrored in heritage language grammars. In doing so, we focus on one of the best-described grammaticalization processes – namely, the formation of articles from demonstratives and numerals, reviewing studies on heritage varieties which mirror those processes. Based on this review, we make two main points: that change in heritage language can be predicted based on established diachronic scenarios, and that heritage languages often amplify incipient changes in the baseline. After discussing a number of attested changes in a bilingual context, we identify directions for future research in the domain of determiners in heritage languages.
... Grammaticalization generally consists of the loss of constructional freedom to the point of functioning like a morpheme: more grammar, less syntactic freedom, and less denotative content. The general position is that grammaticalization is a process that "turns lexemes into grammatical formatives and renders grammatical formatives still more grammatical" (Lehmann 1982:v, in Evans 2007. According to Heine and Reh (1984: 15), "linguistic units lose in semantic complexity, pragmatic significance, syntactic freedom, and phonetic substance, respectively." ...
The topic under discussion in this paper is the syntax of sentences introduced by a subordinate conjunction (que, si, como) that have an independent function in the discourse. Some authors have considered them insubordinate clauses. The author discusses the functions they perform in Spanish discourse, especially in reactive turns, and proposes a macrosyntactic approach that includes a range of structural possibilities: independent utterances, conventional constructions, or discursive operators. These possibilities depend on the different degrees of grammaticalization they show: as semi-fixed constructions or pragmatic markers.
... En la literatura especializada son múltiples las aproximaciones a estos fenómenos e incluso se ha llegado a proponer la gramaticalización como una teoría. No se pretende aquí presentar la discusión detallada de lo que implican ambos conceptos que, a estas alturas (desde las definiciones más tradicionales de Kuryłowicz (1965) y Lehmann (1982) hasta las más recientes del propio Lehmann (2002), Traugott (2003), Brinton y Traugott (2005), por no mencionar sino a unos cuantos) han dado lugar a amplias reflexiones y debates dentro y fuera de la teoría de la gramaticalización. 2 Una definición tradicional de gramaticalización, y de la que han partido muchos autores, la concibe como "aquellos procesos de cambio en los que se va del léxico a la gramática [mente (N) > -mente (sufijo)] o de lo menos gramatical a lo más gramatical [decir lo he > lo diré]" (Garachana, 2008: 8). En estudios más recientes se incluyen unidades del nivel discursivo y pragmático como resultados del proceso de gramaticalización (González Manzano, 2013). ...
Procesos de lexicalización, gramaticalización y pragmaticalización en construcciones N+de+N en el español colombiano Lexicalization, Grammaticalization, and Pragmaticalization found in <N+de+N> Phrases used in the Colombian variety of Spanish Resumen El artículo presenta un análisis de las construcciones N+de+N en las que el primer N remite a partes del cuerpo en el español colombiano (p. ej. carebagre). A partir de la propuesta de la Gramática de la Construcción (Booij, 2010) se muestra que se trata de construcciones seriales somáticas que funcionan sintáctica y semánticamente como unidades léxicas. Desde el análisis de los procesos metafóricos y metonímicos propuestos por la perspectiva cognitivista (Lakoff y Johnson, 1995), queda claro igualmente que se trata aquí de lexicalizaciones semánticas. Las construcciones estudiadas se dejan analizar también como casos de gramaticalización, en la medida en que se consideran "construcciones idiomáticas" en términos de Booij (2010), con un primer constituyente semánticamente subespecificado: lo gramaticalizado es un subesquema de los compuestos N+de+N. Las construcciones careN específicamente se analizan como casos de pragmaticalización, ya que se presenta aquí un redireccionamiento de su significado léxico a un significado pragmático (insulto). Abstract In this article, an analysis of <N+de+N> constructions, in which the first N constituent refers to body parts in Colombian Spanish (e.g. carebagre-fish face, in English) is made. Based on Construction Grammar (Booij, 2010), this kind of construction is a serialization that functions syntactically and semantically as a lexical unit. Based on metaphor and metonymic analysis proposed by the cognitive approach (Lakoff & Johnson, 1995), this follows a semantic lexicalization process. Constructions under study may be analyzed as cases of grammaticalization, insofar as they can be considered as "idiomatic constructions", following Booij's terms (2010), where the first constituent is semantically sub-specified: what is grammaticalized is a subschema of the <N+de+N> phrase constituents. constructions are especially analyzed as cases of pragmaticalization, since their lexical meaning is redirected towards a pragmatic meaning (pejorative meaning).
... On the other hand, language change often leads to rigidification and loss of flexibility of frequently used constructions. Croft (2003: 257-258), citing Lehmann (1982Lehmann ( /1995 and Heine and Reh (1984), calls the grammaticalization of word order 'rigidification', "the fixing of the position of an element which formerly was free" (see also Lehmann 1992). Factors that determine word order position after rigidification has taken place include analogy (for instance, the word order of genitive-noun matches that of adjective-noun); information structure (for positions such as clauseinitial or clause-final); universally preferred word order (Dik 1997, see also Hammarström 2015); and 'verbal attraction', where dependents of the verb move to a position close to the verb. ...
This paper argues for a gradient approach to word order, which treats word order preferences, both within and across languages, as a continuous variable. Word order variability should be regarded as a basic assumption, rather than as something exceptional. Although this approach follows naturally from the emergentist usage-based view of language, we argue that it can be beneficial for all frameworks and linguistic domains, including language acquisition, processing, typology, language contact, language evolution and change, variationist linguistics and formal approaches. Gradient approaches have been very fruitful in some domains, such as language processing, but their potential is not fully realized yet. This may be due to practical reasons. We discuss the most pressing methodological challenges in corpus-based and experimental research of word order and propose some solutions and best practices.
... Na escala mórfica (LOPES, 2013), parece haver uma tendência de as formas [+ lexicais], conexas ao polo [+ composicional] do continuum composição-derivação, migrarem paulatinamente para o polo [+ derivacional], tornando-se muitas vezes [+ gramaticais], além de progressivamente menos independentes. Com Albuquerque (2010), Campos (2001Campos ( , 2002Campos ( , 2004aCampos ( , 2004bCampos ( , 2004cCampos ( , 2007Campos ( , 2009) e Alves (2000), pensa-se aqui que isso reflete, de forma clara, um percurso de gramaticalização 18 , isto é, um deslizamento paulatino de um item do léxico em direção à gramática, integrando-se em um paradigma mais fechado e passando a ocupar uma posição mais fixa no eixo sintagmático (LEHMANN, 1982(LEHMANN, , 1991. No caso dos prefixos, prefixoides e pseudoprefixos, há a transformação de um lexema em um morfema léxico-gramatical (STEIN, 1970). ...
São delineadas, neste artigo, algumas reflexões sobre a natureza multiface da formação de palavras, fenômeno semântico-(morfo)lexical que se estrutura como uma rede de conexões entre praticamente todos os níveis/âmbitos da língua, o que sinaliza a sua pertinência como objeto investigativo (primordial ou tangencial) para diversos campos dos estudos sobre a realidade linguística, notadamente os de ordem lexicológica e morfológica. Com ênfase no fenômeno da prefixação — e adotando como bússolas teórico-epistemológicas gerais alguns princípios da teoria da complexidade (CAPRA, 1997; MORIN, 2003; ECO, 2013), do pensamento sistêmico (KASPER, 2000; VASCONCELLOS, 2002) e da abordagem multissistêmica da linguagem (CASTILHO, 2002, 2003, 2007, 2009, 2010, 2011; MÓDOLO; BRAGA, 2012) —, buscar-se-á deslindar formas de contato entre a lexicogênese de cariz morfológico e os fluxos de gramaticalização, a sintaxe (articulação de cláusulas), perpassando por interconexões estabelecidas com a filologia.
... The development of vedersi + infinitive and vedersi + past participle can be considered examples of grammaticalization (Lehmann 1982) and expansion (Himmelmann 2004). As noted by Traugott and Trousdale (2013: 148) "the findings of grammaticalization are and will continue to be foundational to work on grammatical constructionalization, since they provide the evidence for the microchanges that lead to and result from grammatical constructionalization". ...
This chapter investigates the properties and the diachronic development of a poorly described Italian construction, vedersi 'to see oneself' followed by the infinitive , with the aim of defending its Recipient passive interpretation. According to the recent typological literature (Malchukov, Haspelmath, and Comrie 2010), Italian, as a language that follows an indirective coding pattern, should not allow the passivization of the Recipient argument in ditransitives. The case under scrutiny represents a special strategy whose motivations are to be searched for, on the one hand, in the tendency for Recipients to take the subject role in passivization (Haspelmath 2015), and on the other at the pragmatic level in a response to the need for expressing the (mostly negative) subject affectedness. The diachronic analysis illustrates the grammaticalization path of vedersi + infinitive leading from the reflexive construction, in which vedersi has a perceptive meaning, to a Recipient passive construction through texts from Old to Modern Italian. The semantic expansion of the Recipient construction beginning in the late 19th century, through its ability to attract a variety of ditransitive predicates, is illustrated with corpus-based examples. The earlier but parallel development of a Theme passive in the construction vedersi + past participle (Giacalone Ramat 2017) confirms the main lines of change and suggests a new assessment of passivization patterns in Modern Italian. 1 Introductory remarks Ditransitive constructions (= DTs) show a large range of variation across languages 1 that is generally related to distinctions between the objects in prominence (Malchukov, Comrie, and Haspelmath 2010: 20; Haspelmath 2005) or to the role of affectedness, as in the case of the English dative alternation (Levin
... Whether either or both of these changes (VPAdv > SAdv and VPAdv > intensifier) is appropriately described as 'grammaticalization' has become largely an issue of terminology and definition rather than an empirical question, because the term has tended to be reified. An illustration of this reification is Coussé et al.'s claim that "Grammaticalization is known to be accompanied by both formal and semantic changes, as is witnessed by Lehmann's (1982) well-known criteria for grammaticalization" (2018:4, emphasis added). But as Fischer reminds us, grammaticalization is a model, "an analyst's generalization, a convenient summary" (2011: 42). ...
Present-day English makes major use of adverbs for the expression of speaker stance, following what has been described as the adverbialization of speaker attitude. Two adverbial constructions have particular stance-expressing functions: those with an adverb that modifies a clause or sentence (SAdv) and those with an adverb that modifies an adjective phrase (AdjAdv). The emergence of modal and evaluative SAdvs from verb-phrase-modifying adverbs (VPAdvs) via inferencing and scope expansion has been well documented. There is a large literature on the diachronic development of Present-day English intensifiers such as absolutely or really. Much less attention has been paid to the evaluative function of many AdjAdvs. This paper focuses on the relationship between extra-clausal stance -ly adverbs of the SAdv construction and their intra-clausal counterparts of the AdjAdv construction. It is argued that -ly adverbial modification of adjectives cannot be reduced to intensification. It has become a favoured site for the expression of speaker evaluation, contributing to increase in information compression. The evaluative AdjAdv and SAdv constructions are seen to share a semantic schema, and by hypothesis belong to a single more abstract constructional schema. While earlier types appear to have evolved from circumstance adverbs, later types may have been coined by analogy in a cycle of increasing productivity.
... The term "grammaticalization" goes back to Meillet (1912), but the idea had already been proposed by Humboldt in the nineteenth century. Some contemporary linguists like C. Lehmann (1982), Introduction Heine, Claudi, and Hünnemeyer (1991), Givôn (1991) Hopper and Traugott (op.cit.) say that when a form undergoes grammaticalization from a lexical to a grammatical form, it loses the morphological and syntactic properties that would identify it as a full member of one of the major grammatical categories like noun or verb (our lexical categories). ...
The aim of this thesis is to seek to establish a correlation between ontogeny and phylogeny in language development, suggesting that there are strong syntactic parallels between first language acquisition and diachronic language change. Through the comparison of early child English (aged 20-23 months) and earlier English, it will be argued that, although the two processes are not completely identical, the same mechanism is at work in both these domains: the rise of functional categories at certain stages of development. I propose that languages typically start as lexical-thematic, without any functional categories (i.e. DP, TP/IP, CP), and the emergence of a new functional category is the characteristic mark of a transition from one stage to the next both ontogenetically and phylogenetically. Diachronically, this process is effected by the grammaticalization as syntactic functional categories of previously existing morpho-semantic features. I propose that language variation is due to differences in the degree to which functional features are codified as grammatical categories, i.e. whether they are upgraded to functional categories which have their own projection and if so, which features are upgraded. Hence, my claim implies that grammaticalization should be viewed as functional category maturation, that is, as involving the emergence of functional categories heading their own projections. I further propose a more comprehensive framework to accommodate both historical facts and acquisition data. This framework involves the reallocation of duties, for example, from morphology to syntax, or from pragmatics to syntax. The diachronic development of language is then to be viewed as a change in some domain in the trading relations between morphology, pragmatics, and syntax. This is the conceptual basis of category maturation. The difference between first language acquisition and diachronic change resides in the possible difference in the direction of the reallocation. In principle, any reallocation is possible, e.g. from syntax to morphology, or syntax to pragmatics. However, I suggest that there is a unidirectionality in the reallocation of duties, such that every reallocation targets syntax.
... Decategorialization, thus, means that a grammaticalized item has lost syntactic properties of the category it belong to before it embarked upon gzn. Tbe decategorialization components are i) paradigmaticization (the integration into a paradigm, see LEHMANN 2002); ii) change in complementation pattern (grammaticalizing elements tend to allow less numerous or different complements in comparison to the lexical/less grammaticalized elements tbey developed from, see e.g. BYBEE 2003a); iii) obligatorification (after an item starts grammaticalizing and becomes a part of a new, grammatical category, its interchangeability decreases, meaning that a language user has much less choice in replacing a grammatical item than a lexical item with a synonym); and iv) fixation (tbe new grammatical meaning arising from the combination of the grammaticalizing element and the element(s) with whicb it forms the construction, see e.g. ...
... (1959)). Volgens Lehmann ([1982] 2015, p. 156) werd al in de zestiende eeuw geschreven over de invloed van twee tegenovergestelde krachten op de taal. 9 Een in beginsel identieke typologie gebruikt Huang (1984), die verschil maakt tussen hete en koude talen op grond van de mate van contextafhankelijkheid. ...
In this paper, I analyse the Dutch construction of the type want/omdat X from the perspective of the concept of hidden complexity. I show that while the traditional use of the conjunctions want 'because' and omdat 'because' followed by an independent or a dependent clause, respectively, is overtly more complex in that it uses more language material, its hidden complexity is low. The constructions of the type want/omdat X, on the other hand, are overtly less complex, but demonstrate a higher degree of hidden complexity. The interpretation of the constructions of this type is namely context-dependent and relies heavily on extralinguistic discursive knowledge on the side of the listener/reader.
Mais uma realização do grupo de pesquisa PROHPOR (Programa para a História da Língua Portuguesa), Do Português Arcaico ao Português Brasileiro é a terceira coletânea realizada pelos especialistas do Departamento de Letras Vernáculas da Universidade Federal da Bahia, depois do sucesso de A Carta de Caminha: Testemunho Lingüístico de 1500 e O Português Quinhentista: Estudos Lingüísticos. Esta obra, organizada pelos ilustres pesquisadores da área, Américo Venâncio Lopes Machado Filho e Sônia Bastos Borba Costa, recobre estudos que vão do português arcaico e avançam ao português brasileiro contemporâneo, passando pelos séculos XVI, XVII, XVIII e XIX, recuando, em alguns casos, ao latim.
Изследването на когнитивните аспекти на изречението има предвид функционалността на категориите в граматиката, а не на една или друга езикова единица. `Категориалната функционалност` е сечението на езиковите равнища, от една страна, а комуникативният код с когнитивната потенция, от друга страна, е феноменалната нула, или пресечната точка на трите вектора на езиковата себестойност.
Когнитивната характеристика на изречението е възможна в координатната система лексика – граматика – когниция (съзнание и автосъзнание), чиято пресечна, или начална точка е феноменалната нула – аз-ът като носител на езика. Затова анализът върви в хода на спиралата, която въвежда в когнитивен оборот `частите на речта` през съзнанието в комуникацията чрез степените на когнитивната потребност в нейната перспектива. `Части на речта` е някак си терминологична семиотика на езика като феномен от трети тип и може да се приеме за специфичен код на онтологията на граматиката. Спиралата на рефлексии и авторефлексии на съзнанието на носителя на езика е прототипът на всеки един от класовете езикови единици. (Нека да се подчертае и общата им, родова номенклатура – `части на речта`, която сама по себе си убедително препраща към изречението и носителя на езика като негов продуцент.)
Важно е да се подчертае, че посоката на тази спирала е релевантна – от лексиката през граматиката като диалектическо цяло от морфология и синтаксис и от синтаксиса в лексикона, но не от синтаксиса в морфологията. Предвид на тази когнитивна технология, да кажем, граматикализацията е най-вече, преди всичко и естествено функционална позиционираност с комуникативна перспектива и нейното назоваване не може да се постига в прескока към назоваването на прототипната дума, така да се каже, условно. Това е своеобразен обрат, който в дълбокия си смисъл поражда противоречие, а може да се приеме и за отстъп от граматикализацията по същество. Подобна спирала с обратна посока – назад, е когнитивен парадокс. Заради този когнитивен срив граматикализацията поражда противоречивост и води до смущаващото усещане за недоизясненост или просто езиково несъвършенство някакво при класовете думи. Най-невинно е да описваме тази когнитивна неуредица като омонимия. Не може да се верифицира омонимия в граматикализацията. Това е оксиморон. Омонимията е на дълбинно равнище – в семантиката. Когнитивната потенция обаче преодолява тази омонимия, защото я ползва съответно на интенцията и през функционалната позиция ѝ придава комуникативна стойност. Според нас, така може да се анализира философията на граматикализацията.
Сечението между морфологията и синтаксиса, където се разполагат като основа, наличност или, защо не, пълнеж, категориите, е естествената среда, условно казано, разбира се, „депото“, лабораторията на граматикализацията. Категориалната технологична природа на граматикализацията всъщност разкрива философията на езика и е ключът за изучаването му и за разбирането му естествено заедно с това. Категориите не могат да се етикетират като строго морфологични и не се представят изчерпателно като специфика с морфологията на думите. Причината за този недостиг се съдържа във факта, че морфологията е само част от когнитивната потенция, но не и нейната изпълненост като технология на езиковото съзнание. Останалата част е синтаксисът – затова и се разбират и дефинират като два дяла на граматиката. Категориите са инструментариумът на граматиката. Както по-горе казахме, лаборатория на граматикализацията. Продуцентът, операторът и потребителят едновременно на всичко това е носителят на езиковото съзнание, субектът на езика, езиковата личност, homo sapiens-ът.
Анализът на изречението с когнитивния подход извежда като особена форма на граматикализация морфемната експликация на лицето като продуцент и субеНаправената в това изследване когнитивна характеристика на предикативната структура на изречението от гледна точка на онтология и епистемиология със строго потърсените съответствия на равнище рефлексия, референция, презентация, експликация съответно на езиковите равнища и граматическата проекция ведно следва да се приеме като феноменалната нула в триизмерната координатна система, чийто продуцент е когнитивно изкушеният и посветен homo sapiens с изначална езиковоексплицирана автореференция личното местоимение за първо лице, единствено число аз.
In this paper the utterances of African Urban Youth languages (AUYL, Kießling & Mous 2004, Nassenstein & Hollington 2015) are analyzed on the bases of usage-based construction grammar approach (Bybee 1985, 2010, Langacker 1988, Schmid 2015, Diessel 2019). The three major association pattern of linguistic items, namely symbolic, taxonomic and sequential association are used to explain the utterance patterns in the languages of African urban youth. In addition, pragmatic cognition is considered to explain the language-external factors which are vital in the process of emerging, developing the given varieties. In conclusion we arrived the dynamics of AUYL can be explained most effectively by the model of usage-based construction grammar approach rather than traditional structural or generative grammar approach with rigid syntactic categories and rules. Two new sociolinguistic approaches known as 3rd wave of variation studies (Eckert 2012) and Polylanguaging approach (Jørgensen et al. 2011) are mentioned as a similar aspect toward AUYL in spite of the difference of perspective.
The Sanskrit language knows the use of iterative‐continuative periphrases which are so far mostly unexplored. The aim of this paper is to investigate the grammaticalization of the motion verbs i ‐ ‘go’ and car ‐ ‘move’ plus participle into auxiliary verbs, collecting data from the earliest attestations (c. 2 nd millennium BC) to Late Vedic (c. 900–600 BC). I argue that in the earliest attestations there are no clear cases of periphrasis, but the motion verbs are combined with an extremely high percentage of intensive participles (with iterative Aktionsart ). On the other hand, in Late Vedic i ‐ ‘go’ and car ‐ ‘move’ function as iterative‐continuative auxiliaries in composition with participial form. As I will show, this new periphrastic construction is one of the strategies to substitute the synthetic intensive category, which was slowly disappearing after the Early Vedic time.
The present paper proves the relevance of the diachronic approach to grammaticalization research. The article contains defi nitions of the concept of grammaticalization and makes a distinction between diachronic and historical grammar. The theoretical review is based on research carried out by such scholars as I.A. Baudouin de Courtenay, W. von Humboldt, E. Kuryłowicz, B. Heine, Ch. Lehmann, E. Traugott, J. Bybee and others. Grammaticalization is defi ned as a process whereby lexical units turn into grammatical units or the latest increase their grammatical status. It is noted that a diachronic approach to this process enables researchers to identify the grammaticalization sources, fi nd out the patterns and possible ways of development of universal grammaticalization paths in diff erent languages and prove the unidirectionality hypothesis. This approach also provides the explanatory value of a linguistic theory, allows us to identify the cognitive and communicative factors, analyze the dynamics of grammatical changes and fi nd out the similarities between languages in the most explicit way. Based on the example of the English grammaticalized construction be going to, it is proved that the grammaticalization process is gradual and requires a diachronic approach for a more comprehensive analysis of intermediate stages of development of grammatical units.
This article is concerned with grammaticalization of prepositional elements in Slavic. It is argued that external prefixes are internal prefixes that underwent some grammaticalization process. After discussing the grammaticalization of the Slavic prefix po- it is shown that the Czech future po- differs from Russian and Polish non-future prefixes. Furthermore, it is proposed that the presence of future po- in grammatical systems of Czech, Slovak, Slovenian and Sorbian is a result of diachronic grammaticalization processes induced primarily by the German-Slavic language contact in the Holy Roman Empire.
L’objectif de cette contribution est d’interroger la variation opérant dans le paradigme d’ aller entre les formes avoir été et être allé en français d’Europe (ex. j’ai été / je suis allé à la piscine ). Après une revue des discours métalinguistiques sur la question, nous retraçons l’origine et la diffusion de la forme avoir été dans les contextes passés où elle peut alterner avec être allé . Cela nous renseignera sur la chronologie de l’intégration d’avoir été au paradigme de aller et son éventuelle réanalyse sémantique, ainsi que sur l’état actuel de la variation. Nous mettrons ainsi au jour le parcours sémantico-pragmatique de avoir été lui permettant de prendre place dans des contextes passés de aller . Ensuite, nous évoquerons la question de l’effet de la norme sur les usages à travers le jugement des locuteurs, pour voir l’influence du discours normatif sur le développement de avoir été comme passé de aller . Ainsi, malgré le changement sémantique et la réanalyse permettant le glissement de être vers les emplois de aller , les deux variantes sont encore bien vivantes en français contemporain d’Europe et alternent selon une distribution diaphasique.
This paper sketches the current status of morphology and paradigms in linguistic theorising. In particular, it is shown that from a constructionist as well as from a compositional perspective, morphology including paradigms tends to dissolve. The former might be less obvious; however the paper argues that a constructional deconstruction of paradigms and morphology follows directly from Haspelmath's (2011) take on Booij (2010) and related approaches in the realm of Construction Morphology (CxM). The latter is more obvious; in particular, proponents of Distributed Morphology (DM) regularly emphasise that morphology is but an interface and paradigms are epiphenomenal. Throughout the paper I assume some familiarity with Construction Morphology and Construction Grammar more generally whereas I introduce DM specifically. However, the paper is not intended as a thorough discussion of the approaches presented (nor do I take sides); rather it is their shared detachment from paradigms that is at stake here. Consequently, also what is sometimes called Autonomous Morphology is addressed in the paper: a rather recent approach that advocates morphology as an irreducible level of description and upholds the paradigm as a format of description in its own right. The balance of the paper is rather pessimistic for morphology and paradigms but eventually I come up with a presumably new argument in favour of regarding paradigms as fundamental: restrictions on inflectional recursion fall out naturally from them.
The volume discusses the breadth of applications for an extended notion of paradigm. Paradigms in this sense are not only tools of morphological description but constitute the inherent structure of grammar. Grammatical paradigms are structural sets forming holistic, semiotic structures with an informational value of their own. We argue that as such, paradigms are a part of speaker knowledge and provide necessary structuring for grammaticalization processes. The papers discuss theoretical as well as conceptual questions and explore different domains of grammatical phenomena, ranging from grammaticalization, morphology, and cognitive semantics to modality, aiming to illustrate what the concept of grammatical paradigms can and cannot (yet) explain.
The present article contains the results of study on unidirectionality of grammaticalization which is understood as a shift from lexical to grammatical signs. The research aims to find out and describe present approaches to the unidirectionality idea and identify the current tendency in attitudes towards this property of grammaticalization. The research methodology includes a content analysis of approaches to the unidirectionality issue, their generalization and analysis of some units questioning the unidirectionality of grammaticalization. The relevance of grammaticalization studies is due to a growing interest of Russian and foreign linguists in grammatical changes, current differences in identifying the main properties of such change as grammaticalization and terminological variation. The theoretical framework of this study is based on the research by T. Givn, Ch. Lehmann, T. Lindstrm, E. Traugott, B. Heine and other famous linguists working in the field of grammaticalization. It is noted that the issue of unidirectionality of grammaticalization is almost ignored in Russian linguistics where unidirectionality is often seen as an integral property of this process. The study results have shown the tendency to accepting the unidirectionality idea and a controversial nature of some examples used to overturn this idea. Such examples include English infinitival to , the verb to dare and the suffix -ish . It has been established that the terms degrammaticalization and lexicalization used to refer to processes opposite to grammaticalization can be considered reasonable depending on their understanding and the meaning of the term grammaticalization. This study is a part of a more extensive research aimed to describe and analyze the mechanisms of grammaticalization in Germanic languages.
The series Sinica venetiana is devoted to the studies on ancient, modern and contemporary China. It collects monographs and critical editions of texts related to culture, history, art, economics, politics, international relations, environment, using an interdisciplinary approach. The volumes of the series affect various research topics: from literature to history, from the socio-cultural and economic to political and environmental aspects of Chinese society from a perspective which is not limited to individual sectors. The series Sinica venetiana deals with disciplines related to China, from ancient to contemporary times. The volumes will collect articles on various fields of research, from literature to art and history, from socio-cultural and economic aspects to politics, international relations and environmental issues, with an interdisciplinary approach.
Este artigo apresenta uma análise preliminar acerca da estrutura argumental com verbos de cognição no português brasileiro. Os dados analisados foram coletados em uma entrevista sociolinguística, cujo informante é um homem representante da fala de Natal/RN, de 50 anos, com nível de escolaridade de Ensino Fundamental II. Os resultados obtidos demonstram que a construção de estrutura argumental prototípica para os verbos de cognição corresponde a um subesquema da construção transitiva prototípica e é instanciada na grande maioria dos construtos, os quais remetem a subesquemas mais específicos, a depender do item linguístico que assume a função de objeto direto. O suporte teórico adotado é o da Linguística Funcional Centrada no Uso (LFCU), um modelo teórico-metodológico que absorve princípios, processos e categorias integrantes da linguística funcional norte-americana e da linguística cognitiva.
A gramaticalização é um processo que desenvolve formas gramaticais a partir de formas lexicais e formas ainda mais gramaticais a partir de formas já gramaticais (KURYŁOWICZ, 1975[1965]; HOPPER; TRAUGOTT, 2003; HEINE; KUTEVA, 2005, entre outros). Este trabalho descreve o processo de gramaticalização pelo qual está passando o adjetivo geral na língua portuguesa. A partir da análise de dados extraídos do Corpus do Português (DAVIES; FERREIRA, 2006) e da rede social Twitter, propõe-se que esse adjetivo é empregado com valor adverbial em alguns contextos nos quais determina o verbo e como um quantificador universal em contextos nos quais satura o predicador verbal, seja na posição de sujeito seja na de objeto. As evidências que atestam o processo de gramaticalização deste adjetivo incluem (i) a extensão, pois ele passa a ocorrer em ambientes onde anteriormente não ocorria; (ii) a dessemantização, já que ele passa a veicular um sentido gramatical, sobretudo em seu uso como quantificador, equivalendo ao sentido do pronome indefinido todos; e (iii) a descategorização, uma vez que, em contextos onde é usado em sua forma gramaticalizada, perde a propriedade de se flexionar em número. O cline de gramaticalização proposto segue a direção de adjetivo > substantivo > advérbio > pronome indefinido/quantificador.
Studies in grammaticalization have established that processes of grammatical change frequently have lexical items as their source, and more specifically nouns and verbs. But there is at least one potential exception: As argued by Holger Diessel in a number of publications, demonstratives cannot be historically derived from other entities, such as lexical items. Based on a survey of languages from different parts of the world and belonging to different language families, the present paper argues that this generalization is in need of reconsideration.
A brief introduction on word order is given as introduction. The word order parameters have been discussed as they are relevant in typologizing a language based on these parameters. The relative word order of subject, verb and object gives rise to six types: SOV, VSO, VOS, OSV and SVO. The correlations among word order parameters such as Greenberg’s correlations have been described. Generalization of Greenberg’s results also discussed. This is followed by a discussion on the value of word order typology, deeper explanations for word order universals, and methodological problem with reference to subject, object, indirect object and variant word orders. After this a discussion on factors determining word order is given. Under this heading the basic principles, topicalization hierarchies, and position of clitic pronouns have been discussed.
This paper is concerned with grammaticalization in Kyrgyz. It takes as its point of departure my observation that somatic terms in Kyrgyz are increasingly productive exhibiting intricate semantic and functional extensions, which gives rise to grammaticalization. Focusing on a single, but massively productive, somatic term 'баш' (head), I first report on my initial observation regarding the intricateness of its semantic and functional extensions and then attempt to illustrate how far 'баш' (head) has gone along Hopper and Traugott's (2003) cline of grammaticality.
The paper examines the pseudo-coordination construction featuring the verb come preceding a lexical verb in Modern Hebrew, and shows that this is a mono-clausal mono-eventive construction, which did not emerge via a process of grammaticalization. That is, there is no tightening of internal dependencies between parts of the construction (Haspelmath 2004), nor evidence of a lexical unit starting to assume grammatical functions (Heine, Claudi & Hünnemeyer 1991). I go on to argue that, in this particular construction, the verb come is a “lexical restructuring verb” (Wurmbrand 2004, 2014), whose lexical properties do not differ from those of ‘simple’ change-of-location uses of come in that both feature a deictic meaning component. Particular attention will be paid to what looks like the absence of a motion component, suggesting that even if simple come selects for a prepositional complement, it does not necessarily encode a motion component, and therefore the absence of the PP, in a complex verb construction is not tied to loss of motion, but merely to a change in the type of complement. The current account provides substance to claims stressing a metaphorical relation between the two occurrences of come, since it points to the close similarities in the lexical-pragmatic properties of this lexeme in its two environments of use, and locates the difference between them in the choice of complement that produces the effect of transfer from the location realm to a more abstract one characteristic of metaphoric meanings.
Evaluative morphemes (EVs) consist of the elements: diminutives, augmentatives, pejoratives and amelioratives. Although these elements are known to be derivations that express the values: small, big, bad, good; there are many EVs features neglected by common definitions. EVs can sometimes fulfill two different functions at the same time and even become part of the grammar of a language. How and what material EVs evolve from, decides how they are later embedded in a grammar. Three of those processes are illustrated in the development of EVs in three unrelated languages through which Evaluative morphology could be subdivided in at least three different types.
An important part of cross-linguistic variation manifests itself in the grammatical categories which are available in the grammar of a language, their semantic fine-grainedness and the obligatoriness of their use. The present paper will focus on three domains of grammar: (1) information structure and topicality, (2) converbs and clause combining and (3) modality and evidentiality. These domains are known to be prominent in Japanese and Korean grammar while they are clearly less relevant in English. The paper will first give a detailed account of these structures with examples from the US Test of Understanding in College Economics (TUCE). As will become quite clear, the versions of the test items in English, Japanese and Korean differ considerably with regard to the use of the grammatical categories from the above three domains and the fine-grainedness by which these categories mark the relations between different propositions and their overall truth status as well as the source of information on which they are based. Since these categories are directly related to comprehension and reasoning, we will ask how their presence or absence enhances or inhibits students’ ability of problem solving as reflected in their test performance. Even though the data from TUCE are not sufficient for getting significant results, there is some good evidence for correlations between the grammatical categories analysed here and performance in assessment tests.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any references for this publication.