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School Desegregation and Defended Neighborhoods
... 28 Committee chair Louise Day Hicks leveraged her opposition to desegregation and defense of "neighborhood schools" to enhance her political career, winning election to the city council in 1969 and going on to serve a term in the U.S. House of Representatives in the early 1970s. 29 Most other committee members also maintained an intransigent stance and refused to admit that racism was a problem in the BPS. In March 1965, Joseph Lee argued that the BSC had always acted with the best interests of African Americans at heart and contrasted the welcoming atmosphere in Boston with the exclusionary tactics of suburban communities that aimed to keep them out. ...
Court-ordered desegregation of the Boston Public Schools in the 1970s has often been cast as an example of federal overreach that inflicted a disruptive “forced busing” plan on the city, generating only racial conflict and trauma while failing to ensure educational equality. Yet by encouraging citizen participation in developing and implementing plans for eliminating racism from the school system, the court order opened space for parents and community members to get involved in the public schools on an unprecedented scale. While some white Bostonians responded to desegregation with racist violence, others took advantage of the opportunities provided by the court order to press their vision for a more inclusive school system that would prepare children to live in an interracial democracy. Their efforts came up against an entrenched, self-interested bureaucracy that had no interest in sharing power or significantly reallocating educational resources. The struggles over education reform that played out in the offices of school administrators reveal the diverse interests and motivations that undermined school desegregation in Boston and allowed inequities to persist.
... Finally, landlords and real estate agents may withhold information selectively, thus determining directly the number and type of vacancies made known to different households. Such methods of "selective recruitment" (Buell 1982) have been described in case studies of various New York neighborhoods (cf. DeSena 1990;Reider 1985;Susser 1982). ...
This study examines the patterns and predictors of housing turnovers among non-Hispanic whites, non-Hispanic blacks, Puerto Ricans, and other Hispanics in New York City during 1978-1987 to assess whether access to housing is distributed differentially by race and ethnicity. The data are taken from the triennial New York City Housing and Vacancy Survey. After controlling for household preferences, purchasing power, and quality characteristics of the housing unit, multinomial logistic regression results show the most consistent and significant predictors of turnover to be geographic and market-sector attributes. The findings suggest the presence of structural constraints in the housing market which effectively channel racial/ethnic groups to separate neighborhoods. The overall results are reminiscent of early studies of neighborhood transition by Duncan and Duncan (1957) and Taeuber and Taeuber (1965), and show that little progress has been made toward achieving equality in housing or informal social contact between racial/ethnic groups.
http://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/63940/1/geise_john_2009.pdf
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