Article
The Political Economy of Death Squads: Toward a Theory of the Impact of State-Sanctioned Terror
International Studies Quarterly (Impact Factor: 1.26). 06/1989; 33(2). DOI: 10.2307/2600536
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Available from: Dale A. Krane Data provided are for informational purposes only. Although carefully collected, accuracy cannot be guaranteed. The impact factor represents a rough estimation of the journal's impact factor and does not reflect the actual current impact factor. Publisher conditions are provided by RoMEO. Differing provisions from the publisher's actual policy or licence agreement may be applicable.
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- "A second set of benefits concerns security in the face of state violence (Mason and Krane 1989; Stoll 1993; Goodwin 2001; Kalyvas and Kocher 2007; Humphreys and Weinstein 2008). When state repression targets individuals who are not active participants in an insurgency, many individuals fearing that their lives are in danger may join the insurgents. "
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ABSTRACT: Why do ordinary people take extraordinary risks and join an ethnic armed rebellion? This article tests a series of well-established hypotheses about selfish and identity based motivations and a new hypothesis based on prospect theory. It then employs a unique multi-method research strategy combining one of the most comprehensive datasets on insurgent recruitment that contains biographical information about 8,266 Kurdish militants with extensive fieldwork involving in-depth interviews with relatives of the militants to test these hypotheses. The findings show the decision to rebel is as much political as economic and social. While security concerns and expectations of benefits affect in the decision to rebel, social commitments, identities radicalized by state repression, and collective threat perceptions among efficacious individuals generated by political mobilization, rather than preexisting ethnic cleavages, also lead to participation in an ethnic insurgency. The latter findings explain the durability of insurgencies with limited economic resources and their ability to attract educated fighters. -
- "State-oriented empirical strategies implicitly assume that governments and not leaders make the decision to form linkages with pro-government militias and consequently omit leader-specific predictors from any empirical analysis. There is a danger to such an approach as even the type of pro-government militias most associated with blame evasion, so-called 'death squads' or nongovernmental community battalions that carry out extra-judicial operations against suspected rebels (Mason and Krane, 1989), could aid in ensuring a leader's political survival if overthrown, as was the case with Nicaragua's Contras. In fact, qualitative case evidence presented further in the article reveals that leaders often personally create linkages to pro-government militias, either by creating new groups or by forming accountability chains with existing armed actors. "
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ABSTRACT: It is puzzling why leaders delegate authority to pro-government militias (PGMs) at the expense of professional armed forces. Several state-level explanations, ranging from low state capacity to blame evasion for human rights violations have been proposed for the establishment of PGM linkages. These explanations lack focus on the individuals making decisions to form PGMs: national leaders. It is argued that leaders create linkages with PGMs to facilitate leaders’ political survival in the event of their deposition. Threats to leaders’ survival come from the military, foreign powers or domestic actors outside the ruling coalition. As costs of leader deposition are low for the state, leaders facing threats from one or all of these sources must invest in protection from outside of the security apparatus. The argument is tested through data on PGM linkage formation and threats to political survival. Results show that leaders under coup threat are more likely to form PGM linkages, while threats from foreign actors make leaders particularly more likely to form linkages with ethnic or religious PGMs. The findings strongly suggest that PGM linkage formation is driven by leader-level desire for political survival, rather than a host of state-level explanations. -
- "The group's leader could report to or be a member of the state, the group might receive weapons or training from the government, or carry out joint operations with the police or military. Informal militias include what others have labeled death squads, paramilitaries, proxy militias, or surrogates if they are on the government side (e.g., Alvarez 2006, Campbell & Brenner 2002, Huggins 1991a:4, Mason & Krane 1989, Mazzei 2009, Schneckener 2006). They are similar to " Second Generation civil militias " (Francis 2005:2), although not restricted to weak or failed states. "
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DESCRIPTION: The Monopoly of Violence and the Puzzling Survival of Pro-Government Militias. Submitted to Annual Review of Political Science