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Narcissism and Boredom Revisited: An Exploration of Correlates of Overt and Covert Narcissism among Dutch University Students
Abstract
This article presents a study of the relationship between narcissism, overt and covert, and seven aspects of boredom, defined as listlessness, drawn out experience of time, depletion, lack of concentration, restlessness, experience seeking, and lack of interest. The survey was conducted using questionnaires administered to 32 men and 177 women. The mean age of male respondents was 30.9 yr. (SD = 11.9), that of female respondents 30.2 yr. (SD = 12.2). In general terms, covert narcissism was found to be positively, and overt narcissism negatively, associated with boredom. The results showed a more complex pattern than was found in previous research into the relationship between narcissism and boredom and suggest that overt and covert narcissism are at opposite ends of the adjustment continuum.
... Such individuals demonstrate their dominance openly, yet are dependent on others for re-assurance and need to be heard and admired (Fukushima and Hosoe 2011;Houlcroft et al. 2012;Lamkin et al. 2014). Grandiose narcissists tend to be more socially skilled, show more optimism and life satisfaction, and lower rates of depression compared to vulnerable narcissists (Zondag 2013). Vulnerable narcissists, on the other hand, are more likely to avoid social relations, as they do not receive enough positive feedback. ...
... This link was confirmed by Wink and Donahue (1997), who found that both grandiose and vulnerable narcissism were positively associated with boredom (measured with the Boredom Proneness Scale). Conversely, Zondag (2013) found that grandiose narcissism was negatively associated with boredom, while vulnerable narcissism showed a positive association. ...
... As mixed findings exist regarding the relationships between grandiose narcissism and boredom, these links were exploratory, with no hypothesized direction of effect. On the other hand, based on previous findings (Wink and Donahue 1997;Zondag 2013), it was hypothesized that a positive relationship would be found between vulnerable narcissism and boredom. Further, it was hypothesized that both types of narcissism would be associated positively with compulsive smartphone use. ...
Research has shown a relationship between two types of narcissism (grandiose and vulnerable) and social media use, often in the context of using smartphones. This work has also provided evidence that narcissistic individuals might be more prone to feelings of boredom. However, few studies have tested the association between grandiose and vulnerable narcissism and smartphone use. In the present study, it was hypothesized that both grandiose and vulnerable narcissism would be associated with greater compulsive smartphone use. Further, it was hypothesized that experiencing boredom might partially explain this association. Based on self-report data from late adolescents and early adults (N = 532), findings from structural equation modeling showed that grandiose narcissism was positively associated with compulsive smartphone use, while the effect of vulnerable narcissism was fully mediated by boredom. Both types of narcissism and boredom explained 28.5% of variance in compulsive smartphone use. Findings provide novel insights into the link between narcissism, boredom, and the compulsive use of smartphones, with differential effects for grandiose versus vulnerable narcissism.
... It is a highly aversive affective state, which motivates people to seek stimulating, arousing, or pleasurable activities [10]. Boredom proneness has been associated with increased levels of trait sadism [70], psychopathy [71,72], and (covert) narcissism [72]. Furthermore, experimentally induced boredom predicted sadistic behaviour like grinding worms and destroying other participants' payments, but only among those with high dispositional sadism [70]. ...
... It is a highly aversive affective state, which motivates people to seek stimulating, arousing, or pleasurable activities [10]. Boredom proneness has been associated with increased levels of trait sadism [70], psychopathy [71,72], and (covert) narcissism [72]. Furthermore, experimentally induced boredom predicted sadistic behaviour like grinding worms and destroying other participants' payments, but only among those with high dispositional sadism [70]. ...
Purpose of Review
Sadistic pleasure—the enjoyment of harm-infliction to others—can have devastating interpersonal and societal consequences. The goal of the current review is to illuminate the nomological net of traits related to sadism. We aim to achieve an understanding of the current empirical status on the link between sadism and personality disorders, psychopathy, the Dark Triad, and basic personality traits in clinical and community-based samples.
Recent Findings
The field is dominated by self-report studies on the Dark Triad with convenience samples. The link with DSM personality disorders has hardly been empirically studied. Existing evidence shows that sadism is most strongly related to increased psychopathic personality traits.
Summary
Sadism can originate both from the interpersonal, affective, and behavioural basis of dark personality traits. There are diverging ideas on the differential status between sadism, psychopathy, and other dark traits. Research is needed on the causal impact of the broader range of personality disorders on sadism, in more diverse samples, including behavioural assessments of sadistic pleasure, as well as on the interplay of such personality traits with situational and affective aspects, and victim attitudes.
... Although its idea is compelling, the crud factor lacks a clear definition, and as a result, many reports fail to accurately represent its inherent complexities. Consequently, when doing so is convenient, researchers use the crud factor to dismiss statistically significant findings, either in their own work (e.g., Zondag, 2013) or in the work of others (e.g., Elson et al., 2019). In its original form, however, the crud factor is highly inconvenient for any psychological scientist. ...
... Most problematic was the tendency for researchers to pick a numerical estimate that was convenient for them. For example, one author discounted an unwanted correlation of .18 as being within the crud-factor range, but interpreted another correlation of .24 as statistically meaningful (Zondag, 2013). ...
The idea that in behavioral research everything correlates with everything else was a niche area of the scientific literature for more than half a century. With the increasing availability of large data sets in psychology, the “crud” factor has, however, become more relevant than ever before. When referenced in empirical work, it is often used by researchers to discount minute—but statistically significant—effects that are deemed too small to be considered meaningful. This review tracks the history of the crud factor and examines how its use in the psychological- and behavioral-science literature has developed to this day. We highlight a common and deep-seated lack of understanding about what the crud factor is and discuss whether it can be proven to exist or estimated and how it should be interpreted. This lack of understanding makes the crud factor a convenient tool for psychologists to use to disregard unwanted results, even though the presence of a crud factor should be a large inconvenience for the discipline. To inspire a concerted effort to take the crud factor more seriously, we clarify the definitions of important concepts, highlight current pitfalls, and pose questions that need to be addressed to ultimately improve understanding of the crud factor. Such work will be necessary to develop the crud factor into a useful concept encouraging improved psychological research.
... While theory and anecdotal evidence suggests that interpersonal boredom might signal superior status, research on trait boredom (boredom proneness) does find that it is associated with narcissism, which often involves feeling superior to others. A closer examination of this finding reveals that this association occurs with vulnerable narcissism (which is characterized by feeling inferior, insecure, and timid), and only sometimes with grandiose narcissism (which is more characteristic of superiority in that it involves perceiving oneself as important, see, Lee, 2019;Wink & Donahue, 1997;Zondag, 2013). Because this work focuses on trait boredom, it is unclear if momentary feelings of boredom aroused by interpersonal exchanges (which is the focus here) would have the same link. ...
Four experiments tested the hypothesis that meeting someone new who is boring would result in people feeling superior to the boring individual, which would then result in people viewing themselves as better than others and increased confidence. Respondents reported greater feelings of superiority, meaninglessness, and difficulty paying attention when they wrote about meeting a new, boring individual than a new or manipulative individual. Feeling superior, but not meaninglessness and attention, mediated the effect of interpersonal boredom on viewing oneself as better than others, but not on confidence. These finding did not occur when people wrote about a boring task or a disliked, manipulative individual. The experiments elucidate how interpersonal boredom, albeit a negative experience, can enhance people’s sense of self.
... Both types of narcissism correlated positively with a need for external stimulation. In contrast, Zondag [140] found a positive correlation between overt narcissism and boredom but a negative correlation between covert narcissism and boredom. ...
Difficulty with boredom was eliminated from the formal diagnostic criteria for borderline personality disorder (BPD) in 1994 based on significantly limited, unpublished data. However, it is apparent in clinical practice that boredom remains relevant to BPD. This review synthesizes empirical research, with consideration of theoretical accounts, to critically examine the relevance of boredom to BPD. We first briefly review issues in defining and measuring boredom and offer an expanded conceptualization for BPD, which includes the notion of boredom reactivity, before turning to boredom's differentiation from and overlap with feelings of emptiness, with which it was paired prior to its removal from the DSM. We then discuss perspectives on boredom's significance in BPD, briefly touching on its relevance in other personality disorders. We propose a Boredom Cascade Model that articulates how boredom and boredom reactivity interact with identity disturbance and chronic emptiness to create escalating patterns of behavioral dysregulation and make recommendations for research and treatment.
... However, it is again important to consider the different types of narcissism, as covert narcissists are more likely to report experiencing a sense of meaningless in life and the negative affect of emptiness than overt narcissists (Wink & Donahue, 1997;Zerach, 2016;Zondag, Van Halen & Wojtkowiak, 2009). This is consistent with the idea that overt and covert narcissism are at opposite ends of an adjustment continuum -overt narcissism as adaptive and covert narcissism as maladaptive (Watson, Hickman & Morris, 1996;Zondag, 2013). As such, although not measured in the present study, the current sample may have had higher levels of overt narcissism, which could account for those high in OOP reporting feeling that their lives had more meaning. ...
... Other scholars, however, point towards the impact of personal traits, suggesting that some people are more easily bored than others-called trait boredom or boredom proneness- (Vogel-Walcutt et al. 2012;Mercer-Lynn et al. 2014). Researchers who consider proneness to boredom a trait refer, for instance, to the substantial positive correlations between boredom and personality characteristics such as covert narcissism (Wink and Donahue 1997;Zondag 2013) and to negative correlations between boredom and characteristics such as extraversion (Barnett and Klitzing 2006; for an overview of studies, see: Vodanovich and Watt 2016). In addition, studies indicate that people who are more inclined to boredom have a higher chance of encountering feelings of hopelessness, are more easily distracted and more impulsive (Farmer and Sundberg 1986;Vodanovich 2003). ...
In recent years we have seen a growing interest in young people’s leisure time. Since leisure boredom is consistently associated with different emotional and societal problems, concerns about the occurrence of leisure boredom are an integral part of this interest. Against that background, this paper studies social variation in boredom during leisure time and its consequences for life satisfaction among pupils following secondary education in Flanders (the Dutch-speaking part of Belgium; N = 1598). In general girls, younger pupils and pupils who are enrolled in vocational education experience leisure boredom more often. In-depth analyses, however, show interesting interaction effects between these characteristics. In addition, leisure boredom correlates positively with a weak social network and a lack of parental monitoring. After taking these characteristics into account there remains no direct relationship between material and cultural deprivation and the occurrence of leisure boredom. We also find that leisure boredom, even after taking into account many other characteristics of young people’s social, economic and cultural living environment, significantly predicts low life satisfaction. In the conclusion we discuss the implications of our findings.
... For instance, BPS total scores were negatively associated with conscientiousness, extraversion, and openness to experience. Zondag (2013) found BPS total scores (using a 55-item Dutch version) to be significantly and positively related to covert narcissism (e.g., indicative of low self-confidence, insecurity), while being negatively related to overt narcissism (e.g., self-important, attention seeking). Last, Workman and Studak (2005) reported that BPS total and several subscale scores were positively associated with external locus of control. ...
... There have been mixed findings with respect to narcissism and boredom. For example, although one study found that overt narcissism is associated with more feelings of boredom (Wink & Donahue, 1997), another study found the opposite pattern (Zondag, 2013). However, both studies found that covert narcissism is associated with more boredom, again demonstrating consistent indicators of low well-being among covert narcissists. ...
Narcissism is a personality trait that is characterized by excessively high self-esteem in combination with low empathy. Since the development of sound instruments to measure the narcissistic personality in the 1970s, scholars have discovered a lot about the interpersonal correlates and consequences of narcissism. For example, people scoring high on narcissism have difficulty maintaining healthy, long-term close relationships and have a tendency to behave aggressively in response to critical feedback. In the current chapter, we summarize known health (Part I) and physiological correlates (Part II) of the narcissistic personality. We review the well-developed literature on narcissism and psychological health, and then move on to less developed research on cognitive performance, health-risk behaviors, and physical-health outcomes, including mortality risk. Research that goes beyond self-reports and examines the physiological underpinnings of the narcissistic personality is very rare, but it is important to use such measures, given narcissistic tendencies to self-enhance. Thus, we thoroughly review the extant literature examining cardiovascular, endocrine, neural, and genetic correlates of narcissism. Given the limited amount of research on this topic, we conclude by discussing potential directions for future research.
... For instance, BPS total scores were negatively associated with conscientiousness, extraversion, and openness to experience. Zondag (2013) found BPS total scores (using a 55-item Dutch version) to be significantly and positively related to covert narcissism (e.g., indicative of low self-confidence, insecurity), while being negatively related to overt narcissism (e.g., self-important, attention seeking). Last, Workman and Studak (2005) reported that BPS total and several subscale scores were positively associated with external locus of control. ...
A detailed review of the psychometric measures of boredom was published approximately 12 years ago (Vodanovich, 2003). Since that time, numerous studies have been conducted on existing scales, and new measures of boredom have been developed. Given these assessment advancements, an updated review of self-report boredom scales is warranted. The primary focus of the current review is research published since 2003, and it includes a total of 16 boredom scales. The measures reviewed consist of two trait assessments (Boredom Proneness Scale, Boredom Susceptibility subscale of the Sensation Seeking Scale), five context-specific trait boredom scales (Boredom Coping Scale, Leisure Boredom Scale, Free Time Boredom Scale, Sexual Boredom Scale, Relational Boredom Scale), three assessments of state boredom (Multidimensional State Boredom Scale, State Boredom Measure, Boredom Experience Scale), and six context-specific state boredom measures-Lee's Job Boredom Scale, Dutch Boredom Scale, Boredom Coping Scale (Academic), the Boredom subscale of the Achievement Emotions Questionnaire, Academic Boredom Scale, Precursors to Boredom Scale. In addition to providing a review of these measures, a brief critique of each scale is included, as well as suggestions for needed research focus.
From the very first organizational theories, boredom at work has been closely linked to the issue of time. However, studies on boredom have often considered the phenomenon as a mere behavioral outcome of organizational processes or practices and have built on an instrumental approach, neglecting its deeper manifestations. Following recent calls to tackle boredom as a fundamental issue in organization studies, we build on Heidegger’s framework to delve into superficial, retrospective, and profound boredom. This phenomenological approach enables us to go beyond the instrumental view of boredom, revealing the close links between boredom at work, time, and authenticity. To this end, we adopt a genuine empirical tool, immersed in the eight novels of the famous French writer, Michel Houellebecq, a unique observer of contemporary workers. Our findings help us to highlight two contributions. First, we argue that in trying to divert their employees from boredom by creating and developing “passing the time” activities, organizations only reinforce boredom at work, leading them to an unauthentic relationship with time and being. Second, we delve into the meanders of profound boredom at work and suggest that by listening to its call, individuals may unveil what truly matters to them and find a way to reach authenticity at work.
Previous research has suggested that narcissism can effectively induce corruption; however, those studies were unable to predict what triggered narcissists to engage in corruption. Our research extends this line of research by showing the moderated model that narcissism was positively associated with corruption only under conditions of boredom. In Study 1, we preliminarily confirmed our moderated model using a correlational design. In Studies 2 and 3, we manipulated boredom using different paradigms to explore the relationship between narcissism and corrupt intent (Study 2) and behavior (Study 3). The results of all three studies consistently indicated that narcissism positively predicted corruption when boredom was high, whereas the effect disappeared when boredom was low. Our results illustrate the importance of reducing boredom to inhibit the corruption of narcissists.
This review and synthesis of relevant literature considers the nature of boredom and boredom proneness in general terms before focusing on how the academic boredom experienced by undergraduates at university is sufficiently different from other known types to warrant a unique and important field of study. Derived from within the literature itself, academic boredom is commonly presented as a largely negative and deactivating achievement-related emotion known to impact usually adversely on student engagement and performance. Tracing traditional as well as contemporary views from within psychology, which has tended to dominate the field, findings that remain largely quantitative and highly statistical in nature are exemplified alongside the more exploratory but mixed-methods and educational work recently conducted in the UK. A comparison of the questionnaire-based self-report instruments frequently used in data collection is also included. Rooted largely within Control-Value Theory, the implications associated with academic boredom are far from trivial, particularly with respect to understanding sites and triggers, how students respond and cope and how the overall quality of the student experience might be improved. Limitations in the work undertaken to date draw attention to opportunities for further educational and interdisciplinary research.
Despite the widely held belief that men are more narcissistic than women, there has been no systematic review to establish the magnitude, variability across measures and settings, and stability over time of this gender difference. Drawing on the biosocial approach to social role theory, a meta-analysis performed for Study 1 found that men tended to be more narcissistic than women (d = .26; k = 355 studies; N = 470,846). This gender difference remained stable in U.S. college student cohorts over time (from 1990 to 2013) and across different age groups. Study 1 also investigated gender differences in three facets of the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI) to reveal that the narcissism gender difference is driven by the Exploitative/Entitlement facet (d = .29; k = 44 studies; N = 44,108) and Leadership/Authority facet (d = .20; k = 40 studies; N = 44,739); whereas the gender difference in Grandiose/Exhibitionism (d = .04; k = 39 studies; N = 42,460) was much smaller. We further investigated a less-studied form of narcissism called vulnerable narcissism-which is marked by low self-esteem, neuroticism, and introversion-to find that (in contrast to the more commonly studied form of narcissism found in the DSM and the NPI) men and women did not differ on vulnerable narcissism (d = -.04; k = 42 studies; N = 46,735). Study 2 used item response theory to rule out the possibility that measurement bias accounts for observed gender differences in the three facets of the NPI (N = 19,001). Results revealed that observed gender differences were not explained by measurement bias and thus can be interpreted as true sex differences. Discussion focuses on the implications for the biosocial construction model of gender differences, for the etiology of narcissism, for clinical applications, and for the role of narcissism in helping to explain gender differences in leadership and aggressive behavior. Readers are warned against overapplying small effect sizes to perpetuate gender stereotypes. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2014 APA, all rights reserved).
The present study examines the lack of strong correlations among existing self-report measures of narcissism. A principal-components analysis of 6 MMPI narcissism scales resulted in 2 orthogonal factors, 1 implying Vulnerability–Sensitivity and the other Grandiosity–Exhibitionism. Although unrelated to each other, these 2 factors were associated with such core features of narcissism as conceit, self-indulgence, and disregard of others. Despite this common core, however, Vulnerability–Sensitivity was associated with introversion, defensiveness, anxiety, and vulnerability to life's traumas, whereas Grandiosity–Exhibitionism was related to extraversion, self-assurance, exhibitionism, and aggression. Three alternative interpretations of these results are considered, and an argument for the distinction between covert and overt narcissism is made.
A new measure of hypersensitive narcissism was derived by correlating the items of H. A. Murray's (1938) Narcism Scale with an MMPI-based composite measure of covert narcissism. In three samples of college students (total N 403), 10 items formed a reliable measure: the Hypersensitive Narcissism Scale (HSNS). The new HSNS and the MMPI-based composite showed similar patterns of correlations with the Big Five Inventory, and both measures correlated near zero with the Narcissistic Personality Inventory, which assesses overt narcissism. Results support P. Wink's (1991) distinction between covert and overt narcissistic tendencies in the normal range of individual differences and suggest that it would be beneficial for personality researchers to measure both types of narcissism in future studies. (Hendin, H.M., & Cheek, J.M. (1997). Assessing Hypersensitive Narcissism: A Reexamination
of Murray's Narcism Scale. Journal of Research in Personality, 31, 588-599.)
This study investigated the factor structure of the Boredom Proneness (BP) Scale. Previous research on boredom indicates the existence of at least five factors that comprise this construct. Data from 385 participants on the BP scale items were analyzed through a principal components factor analysis with a varimax rotation in which five factors were requested. The results supported the hypothesis that boredom proneness, and therefore the BP scale, consists of at least five factors that are conceptually similar to those discussed in the literature. The findings are discussed in terms of how they provide a more precise measurement of the construct, and how this may have implications for counseling, education, and industry.
The relationship between time structure and boredom proneness was examined within 2 cultures. University students from Ireland and the United States completed the Boredom Proneness Scale (BPS; R. Farmer & N. D. Sundberg, 1986), the Time Structure Questionnaire (TSQ; M. J. Bond & N. T. Feather, 1988), and a demographic questionnaire. Results indicated that time structure had a significant effect on boredom proneness scores. Greater time use scores were related to lower boredom proneness scores in the Irish sample but to higher boredom proneness scores in the U.S. sample. Gender was a significant predictor of boredom proneness in the U.S. sample, with men associated with higher boredom scores than women. However, gender was not a significant factor among the Irish.
This article explores the impact of boredom proneness, social con-nectedness, and online dissociation in Internet sexually addicted men who have sex with men (MSM). Increased levels of boredom, diminished social connections, and dissociative symptoms while engaged in excessive online sexual activities are conceptualized as components that facilitate and maintain Internet sexual addiction. An overview of the literature pertaining to extreme online sexual behavior among MSM is presented and the constructs of boredom proneness, social connectedness, and dissociation are delineated. Assessment strategies for helping professionals who work with sexu-ally addicted MSM are discussed. Implications for future research are presented. As a result of the Internet's overwhelming presence in our culture, the num-ber of individuals acquiring online access is increasing. Nua Analysis (2003) estimates that over 605 million individuals worldwide are current Internet users and 54% of Americans access the Internet in any given one-month period. Computerworld (as cited in Cooper, Boies, Maheu, & Greenfield, 2000) estimated that 15 million individuals access the Internet each day, ex-ploring more than 200 million web sites. The Internet has impacted nearly every aspect of human existence, including education, medicine, language, relationships, the environment, and human sexuality.
The present investigation examined associations among narcissism, age, ethnicity, world region, and gender, using a large (n=3445) sample of participants representing several different world regions and ethnicities. The results suggest that (1) reported narcissism declines in older participants, (2) consistent with previous findings, males report being more narcissistic than females, (3) that ethnic differences in reported narcissism are generally comparable to those found in the self-esteem literature, and (4) that world region appears to exert influence on narcissism, with participants from more individualistic societies reporting more narcissism. The results are discussed in terms of how age and culture might impact narcissism and how future research might address this topic.
Developmental changes in both alcohol use behaviors and self-reported reasons for alcohol use were investigated. Participants were surveyed every 2 years from ages 18 to 30 as part of the Monitoring the Future national study (analytic weighted sample size N = 9,308; 53% women, 40% college attenders). Latent growth models were used to examine correlations between trajectories of binge drinking and trajectories of self-reported reasons for alcohol use across young adulthood. Results revealed developmental changes in reasons for use and correlations between the patterns of within-person change in frequency of binge drinking and within-person change in reasons for use. In particular, an increase in binge drinking between ages 18 and 22 was most positively correlated with slopes of using alcohol to get high and because of boredom. Continued binge drinking between ages 22 and 30 was most strongly correlated with using alcohol to get away from problems. Almost no moderation by gender, race, college attendance, employment, or marital status was found. Binge drinking and reasons for alcohol use traveled together, illustrating the ongoing and dynamic connections between changes in binge drinking and changes in reasons for use across late adolescence and early adulthood.
For three decades, social-personality research on overt narcissism has relied almost exclusively on the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI). However, the NPI suffers from a host of psychometric and validity concerns that make composite NPI scores (summed across its subscales) difficult to interpret. The present studies propose that narcissistic characteristics tend to fall under two general clusters: grandiosity and entitlement. The studies show that measures of grandiosity and entitlement interact to predict scores on the NPI, controlling for gender, self-esteem, and basic personality (Study 1), but also that grandiosity and entitlement function independently with respect to mental health (Study 2) and ethical misconduct (Study 3). Together, these results challenge the view of overt narcissism as a unidimensional construct and underscore the importance of distinguishing between grandiose and entitled aspects of the narcissistic self-concept.
This paper describes conditions under which one investment project dominates a second project in terms of net present value, irrespective of the choice of the discount rate. The resulting partial ordering of projects has certain similarities to stochastic dominance. However, the structure of the net present value function leads to characterizations that are quite specific to this context. Our theorems use Bernstein's (1915) innovative results on the representation and approximation of polynomials, as well as other general results from the theory of equations, to characterize the partial ordering. We also show how the ranking is altered when the range of discount rates is limited or the rate varies period by period. Copyright Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2003
The present study examines the lack of strong correlations among existing self-report measures of narcissism. A principal-components analysis of 6 MMPI narcissism scales resulted in 2 orthogonal factors, 1 implying Vulnerability-Sensitivity and the other Grandiosity-Exhibitionism. Although unrelated to each other, these 2 factors were associated with such core features of narcissism as conceit, self-indulgence, and disregard of others. Despite this common core, however, Vulnerability-Sensitivity was associated with introversion, defensiveness, anxiety, and vulnerability to life's traumas, whereas Grandiosity-Exhibitionism was related to extraversion, self-assurance, exhibitionism, and aggression. Three alternative interpretations of these results are considered, and an argument for the distinction between covert and overt narcissism is made.
To test the hypothesis that pathological gamblers seek stimulation as a means of reducing aversive under-aroused states of boredom and/or depression, the Beck Depression Inventory, Zuckerman's Sensation Seeking Scale and a Boredom Proneness Scale were administered to 48 diagnosed pathological gamblers and a control group of 40 family physician patients. Analyses of variance showed pathological gamblers obtained significantly higher boredom proneness and depression scores than those of controls. That the Boredom Proneness Scale failed to correlate with the Zuckerman Boredom Susceptibility subscale suggested the two measure differing dimensions. Results indicated the possible existence of three subtypes of pathological gamblers, one group characterized by boredom, another by depression, and a third by a mixture of both depression and boredom.
This article reports the development, validation, and correlates of a self-report measure of boredom proneness. The 28-item Boredom Proneness (BP) Scale demonstrates satisfactory levels of internal consistency (coefficient alpha = .79) and test-retest reliability (r = .83) over a 1-week interval. Evidence of validity for the BP is supported by correlations with other boredom measures and from a set of studies evaluating interest and attention in the classroom. Other hypothesized relationships with boredom were tested, with significant positive associations found with depression, hopelessness, perceived effort, loneliness, and amotivational orientation. Additional findings indicate boredom proneness to be negatively related to life satisfaction and autonomy orientation. The relationship of boredom to other affective states is discussed, and directions for future research are outlined.
Lack of a suitable measuring device hampered the empirical study of narcissism until Raskin and Hall (1979) developed the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI). The NPI possesses desirable psychometric properties, and in this article I used the scale in a variety of studies. Factor analysis of the scale replicated the four-factor solution found by Emmons (1984): Leadership/Authority, Self-Absorption/Self-Admiration, Superiority/Arrogance, and Exploitiveness/Entitlement. The Exploitiveness/Entitlement subscale was found to correlate with measures of pathological narcissism and affective intensity and variability. The relevance of Linville's (1982) theory of self-complexity-affect intensity for understanding aspects of narcissism is outlined. Implications of the study of narcissism for attribution theory and research are discussed.
According to one hypothesis, self-report measures of narcissism help describe a psychological continuum related to self-esteem. Most of the previous support for this idea appeared in studies of undergraduates responding to the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI; Raskin & Hall, 1981) along with other self-report instruments. In this project, results consistent with the continuum hypothesis were obtained when Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 (MMPI-2; Butcher, Dahlstrom, Graham, Tellegen, & Kaemmer, 1989) narcissism scales were correlated with depression in adults receiving treatment for alcoholism. Essentially identical outcomes emerged in a second sample of state psychiatric hospital patients. A third study upheld the hypothesis when narcissism scales were correlated with clinical assessments rather than self-reports of depression. None of these findings were easily explained in terms of alternative interpretations of self-reported narcissism, and these data demonstrate that empirical support for the continuum hypothesis was not limited to the NPI, undergraduates, or self-report measures.
Five studies established that normal narcissism is correlated with good psychological health. Specifically, narcissism is (a) inversely related to daily sadness and dispositional depression, (b) inversely related to daily and dispositional loneliness, (c) positively related to daily and dispositional subjective well-being as well as couple well-being, (d) inversely related to daily anxiety, and (e) inversely related to dispositional neuroticism. More important, self-esteem fully accounted for the relation between narcissism and psychological health. Thus, narcissism is beneficial for psychological health only insofar as it is associated with high self-esteem. Explanations of the main and mediational findings in terms of response or social desirability biases (e.g., defensiveness, repression, impression management) were ruled out. Supplementary analysis showed that the links among narcissism, self-esteem, and psychological health were preponderantly linear.
The present study investigated the potential contribution of sensation seeking, impulsiveness, and boredom proneness to driving anger in the prediction of aggressive and risky driving. Two hundred and twenty-four college student participants completed measures of trait driving anger, aggressive and risky driving, driving anger expression, sensation seeking, impulsiveness, and boredom proneness. Findings provided additional support for the utility of the Driving Anger Scale (DAS; Deffenbacher, J.L., Oetting, E.R., Lynch, R.S., Development of a driving anger scale, Psychological Reports, 74, 1994, 83-91.) in predicting unsafe driving. In addition, hierarchical multiple regression analyses demonstrated that sensation seeking, impulsiveness, and boredom proneness provided incremental improvements beyond the DAS in the prediction of crash-related conditions, aggressive driving, risky driving, and driving anger expression. Results support the use of multiple predictors in understanding unsafe driving behavior.
Three empathy questionnaires were correlated with scores on the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI), and the predicted negative relationship was observed in two of the three cases. In addition, the Exploitiveness/Entitlement (E/E) subscale of the NPI was inversely related to all three empathy scales and directly related to another hypothesized measure of narcissism. Unexpected negative correlations between the E/E subscale and social desirability scales were interpreted as evidence of E/E subscale sensitivity to the manipulative dimension of narcissistic relationship styles. These data further support the construct validity of the NPI in general and of the Exploitiveness/Entitlement subscale in particular.
The relationship between boredom proneness and health-symptom reporting was examined. Undergraduate students (N 5 200) completed the Boredom Proneness Scale and the Hopkins Symptom Checklist. A multiple analysis of covariance indicated that individuals with high boredomproneness total scores reported significantly higher ratings on all five subscales of the Hopkins Symptom Checklist (Obsessive–Compulsive, Somatization, Anxiety, Interpersonal Sensitivity, and Depression). The results suggest that boredom proneness may be an important element to consider when assessing symptom reporting. Implications for determining the effects of boredom proneness on psychological- and physical-health symptoms, as well as the application in clinical settings, are discussed. © 2000 John
Wiley & Sons, Inc. J Clin Psychol 56: 149–155, 2000.
The relationship between boredom proneness and health‐symptom reporting was examined. Undergraduate students (N = 200) completed the Boredom Proneness Scale and the Hopkins Symptom Checklist. A multiple analysis of covariance indicated that individuals with high boredom‐proneness total scores reported significantly higher ratings on all five subscales of the Hopkins Symptom Checklist (Obsessive–Compulsive, Somatization, Anxiety, Interpersonal Sensitivity, and Depression). The results suggest that boredom proneness may be an important element to consider when assessing symptom reporting. Implications for determining the effects of boredom proneness on psychological‐ and physical‐health symptoms, as well as the application in clinical settings, are discussed. © 2000 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. J Clin Psychol 56: 149–155, 2000.
This study investigated the relationships between boredom proneness, mood monitoring, mood labeling, and tendency to experience flow; and explored some qualitative, phenomenological aspects of boredom. College students (N = 170) responded to an anonymous questionnaire containing the Boredom Proneness Scale (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986), the Mood Awareness Scale (Swinkels & Giuliano, 1995), a measure of flow proneness, and questions about the experience of boredom. As predicted, Boredom Proneness was positively correlated with mood monitoring, negatively correlated with mood labeling, and negatively correlated with flow. Respondents provided interesting information about their perceptions of boredom, its causes, and their strategies for coping with and planning for boring situations. A majority of participants described positive aspects of boredom, and 10% volunteered that they were never bored.
Self-esteem and empathy were correlated with measures of narcissism. As in previous research, narcissism constructs defined both 'healthy' and 'unhealthy' self-functioning; and the apparent influence of one kind of operationalization became more obvious when partial correlations controlled for its covariance with the other. Specifically, 'adaptive' narcissism predicted higher levels of self-esteem and more adjusted forms of interpersonal sensitivity whereas 'maladaptive' narcissism displayed an opposite pattern. The existence of 'healthy' forms of narcissism, the effects of partialling, and linkages of indices of the narcissistic personality disorder with grandiosity were among the effects conforming with Kohut's psychoanalytic psychology of the self.
In contemporary culture, narcissism is an important and common personality trait. This trait is very significant for the meaning
people experience in their lives. This article deals with an inquiry into the relationship between narcissism and the meaning
of life among pastors. Narcissism is further specified into several dimensions (centripetal narcissism, centrifugal narcissism,
isolation and self-satisfaction) and the significance of these dimensions is examined for two central dimensions of the attribution
of meaning (frame of reference and fulfilment). The article discusses the significance of the relationship between narcissism
and meaning for the professional performance of pastors.
The effects of boredom proneness on different a.spects of anger and aggression were examined. Undergraduate students (N = 293) com- pleted the Boredom Proneness Scale, the Aggre.tsion Quexlionnaire. and lhe Anger E.xpres.sion Scale. Mtdtivariate analy.ies of covariance indicated thai high boredom proneness total scores were related to greater overall Aggression and Anger scores. Individuals high in boredom proneness had significani ty greater scores on the Hostility suhscale ofthe Aggression Questionnaire, as well as greater scores on alt three subscales on the Anger Expression Scale (Anger-In. Anger- Out, and Anger-Control). Additional MANCOVAs and regression anah- ses indicated ihal the Boredom subscales of Internal and E.xternai Stimulation have differential effects on anger and aggression compared to total BPS scores. The results suggest that boredom proneness mav be a contributing factor in anger and aggression, and illustrate the impor- tance of considering the facets (suhscates) of this construct. Implica- tions for diagnostic purposes and use in therapeutic settings are dis- cussed.
—Null hypothesis testing of correlational predictions from weak substantive theories in soft psychology is subject to the influence of ten obfuscating factors whose effects are usually (1) sizeable, (2) opposed, (3) variable, and (4) unknown The net epistemic effect of these ten obfuscating influences is that the usual research literature review is well nigh uninterpretable Major changes in graduate education, conduct of research, and editorial policy are proposed Recently, I read an article in the Psychological Bulletin summarizing the research literature on a theory in personology. I had some interest in it both for its intrinsic importance and because the theorist is an old friend and former academic colleague. The reviewer seemed scrupulously fair in dealing with the evidence and arguments, and I do not believe any reader could discern even faint evidence of bias pro or con. The empirical evidence on this theory has now accumulated to a considerable mass of factual reports and associated theoretical inferences, so we are not dealing with a recently advanced conjecture on which the evidence is sparse in amount or confined to too narrow a fact domain. Despite this large mass of data and the scholarly attributes of the reviewer, upon completing the reading I found myself puzzled as to what a rational mind ought to conclude about the state of the evidence. Given all these facts and arguments based upon them, pulled together by a reviewer of competence and objectivity, am I prepared to say that my friend X's theory has been refuted, or strongly corroborated, or is in some vague epistemic region in between? If, taken as it stands, the theory seems to have been refuted, is it nevertheless doing well enough considering the whole fact domain and the plausible explanations of some seeming predictive failures, that we should continue to investigate it and try to patch it up (i.e., does it seem to have enough verisimilitude to warrant occupying psychologists with amending it so its verisimilitude may increase)? Or, is the state of the evidence such a mess conceptually and interpretatively that perhaps the thing to do is to give it up as a bad job and start working on something else?
This study investigated the relation between two types of narcissism and boredom in a group of 106 women undergraduates. As expected, MMPI-based measures of overt and covert narcissism both correlated positively with the Boredom Proneness Scale (BPS) (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986) and its subscale measuring a need for challenge and excitement. Only Overt Narcissism, which is characterized by extroversion and rebelliousness, correlated with the BPS subscale measuring feelings of restlessness and impatience in response to external constraints on behavior. Only Covert Narcissism, which is characterized by a sense of inner depletion, correlated with BPS subscales measuring difficulties in keeping oneself interested and entertained (lack of internal stimulation), feelings of meaninglessness, and the perception that time is passing by slowly.
Marital infidelity is one of the most difficult problems to treat in psychotherapy. Although this topic has received theoretical, empirical, and clinical attention, an explanatory model of infidelity's (EMI) contributors that considers universal, lifelong involuntary, and volitional processes, has not been examined. In this model, we recognize how early appearing phenomena, such as habituation/dishabituation, perception, quality of attachment, deficits in executive functions and empathy, and short-term mating strategies may contribute to this risk. We link the selected early processes to problems associated with marital infidelity, such as boredom, perception of opportunities, unmet emotional needs, impulsivity, deficits in empathic responding, and habitual casual sex. We examine relevant supporting evidence, and end by recommending that clinicians consider these universal, lifelong processes in the treatment of infidelity.
Studied the relationship between boredom proneness, Type A behavior, and sensation seeking among 210 undergraduates (aged 18–63 yrs), using the Boredom Proneness Scale (BPS) of R. Farmer and N. D. Sundberg (see record
1986-23428-001), the Jenkins Activity Scale, and the Sensation Seeking Scale. Boredom proneness and Type A behavior possessed similarities and differences. Inpatient behavior exhibited under situations imposing constraint and those lacking in external stimulation were common to both Type A and boredom prone Ss; however, these Ss differed in perceptions of time and capacity for generating internal stimulation. Boredom proneness and sensation seeking were similar in regard to need for a varied, novel, and exciting environment. Results provide partial construct-related validity evidence for the multidimensionality of the BPS. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Examined the gender and cultural differences of boredom in 232 male and 342 female college students in Australia, Hong Kong, Lebanon, and the US with the Boredom Proneness (BP) Scale. An analysis of variance (ANOVA) showed a significant main effect of culture. A gender effect was also significant. Australian and US Ss were similar in their BP levels. Lebanese Ss followed by the Hong Kong Ss reported the highest amount of BP. Within all cultural groups males scored higher than females and significantly so in the US and Australia. Reasons for cultural and gender differences are explored. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
It was hypothesized that a positive relationship would be found between narcissism and sensation seeking. 35 female and 29 male undergraduates were given both the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI) and Form IV of the Sensation Seeking Scale. For both sexes, scores on the NPI correlated significantly with scores on the Disinhibition subscale of the Sensation Seeking Scale. Boredom Susceptibility was correlated with Narcissism for males, while scores on the General and Experience Seeking subscales correlated significantly with Narcissism for females. If disinhibition were a social form of sensation-seeking, the correlations with Narcissism for both sexes would be accounted for. Results support the construct validity of the NPI and provide evidence for regarding Narcissism as a dimension of personality. (12 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
This study investigated the relationships between boredom proneness, mood monitoring, mood labeling, and tendency to experience flow; and explored some qualitative, phenomenological aspects of boredom. College students (N= 170) responded to an anonymous questionnaire containing the Boredom Proneness Scale (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986), the Mood Awareness Scale (Swinkels & Giuliano, 1995), a measure of flow proneness, and questions about the experience of boredom. As predicted, Boredom Proneness was positively correlated with mood monitoring, negatively correlated with mood labeling, and negatively correlated with flow. Respondents provided interesting information about their perceptions of boredom, its causes, and their strategies for coping with and planning for boring situations. A majority of participants described positive aspects of boredom, and 10% volunteered that they were never bored.
Positive and negative implications of two types of college-age narcissism on psychosocial functioning at midlife were studied in a longitudinal sample of women. Both types were scored with self-report measures when the women were, on the average, age 21. Throughout the first half of their adult life, high scorers on covert narcissism presented themselves as lacking in confidence and having low morale; high scorers on overt narcissism described themselves as wanting admiration, being independent, and being forceful. Positive outcomes associated with covert narcissism included the development of insight and of a differentiated sense of the self and, in the case of overt narcissism, entailed an involvement in high-status and creative work careers. At midlife, high scorers on covert narcissism experienced negative affect and feelings of being neglected, whereas high scorers on overt narcissism experienced family conflict and problems with impulse control. The personality characteristics associated with both types of narcissism remained stable from the early 20s to early 50s.
Surprisingly, the Leadership/Authority, Superiority/Arrogance, and Self-Absorption/Self-Admiration factors of the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI) can predict adjustment. In the present project, these apparently healthier forms of narcissism correlated directly with optimism and inversely with pessimism; and for more clearly pathological measures of narcissism like the NPI Exploitativeness/ Entitlement factor and the O'Brien (Psychological Reports, 61, 499–510, 1987) Multiphasic Narcissism Inventory, these relationships were reversed. These data therefore revealed that the apparently more adaptive aspects of narcissism may be related to optimistic ‘illusions’ about the self which social cognitivists have linked with mental health. They also suggested that narcissistic phenomena may be relevant to the claim that there is an ‘optimal margin of illusion’ beyond which problematic psychological consequences may begin to appear.
Inverse correlations of the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI) with shame theoretically reflect a defensive self-esteem or a healthier form of narcissism that helps define a continuum of self-functioning. In the present study, the NPI correlated directly with self-esteem; and inverse associations with shame were reduced or eliminated when self-esteem was entered into multiple regressions before the NPI. The defensive self-esteem hypothesis predicts that the NPI and self-esteem should interact in predicting shame, but this did not occur. Other measures of narcissism like the O'Brien (1987) Multiphasic Narcissism Inventory and the Pseudoautonomy Scale were associated with lower self-esteem and greater shame. Overall, these data supported the hypothesis that self-report measures of narcissism help define a continuum of unhealthy to healthy self-functioning.
Several theorists have argued in favor of a distinction between overt and covert narcissism, and factor analytic studies have supported this distinction. In this paper I demonstrate that overt narcissists report higher self-esteem and higher satisfaction with life, whereas covert narcissists report lower self-esteem and lower satisfaction with life. I also present mediational models to explain why overt narcissists are relatively happy and covert narcissists are relatively unhappy. In analyses using both partial correlations and structural equation modeling, self-esteem consistently mediated the associations between both types of narcissism and happiness, whereas self-deception did not. These results further demonstrate some of the self-centered benefits associated with overt narcissism and some of the strong psychological costs associated with covert narcissism.
Participants completed self-report scales of boredom, emotional awareness and external orientation. Structural equation modeling indicated that boredom, emotional awareness and external orientation are distinctly measurable but correlated – the bored individual is unaware of emotions and externally-oriented. Furthermore, although the bored person typically complains that the external world fails to engage them, the present findings suggest the underlying problem may be in the person’s inability to consciously access and understand their emotions. The present findings and accompanying literature review challenge the simplistic notion that boredom is never more than a trivial annoyance resulting from an under-stimulating environment.
Student boredom within the school system has been widely studied and shown to be linked to various negative consequences such as diminished academic achievement, school dissatisfaction and truancy. However, little attention has been given to the issue of boredom within higher education and the current study aims to redress this balance. Two hundred and eleven university students completed questionnaires aimed at assessing contributors, moderators and consequences of their boredom. Results reveal that 59% of students find their lectures boring half the time and 30% find most or all of their lectures to be boring. The consequences of being bored included students missing future lectures and there was also a significant association between level of boredom and grade point average. The most important teaching factor contributing to student boredom is the use of PowerPoint slides, whilst the personality trait Boredom Proneness was the most important factor moderating the experience of boredom. Implications for future research and for teaching staff are outlined.
This article reports a study of the relation between narcissism as a personality characteristic and the cultural dimension of individualism/collectivism. Participants from a more collectivistic society (Poland; n = 167) were compared with participants from a more individualistic society (The Netherlands; n = 156). Two dimensions of narcissism were distinguished: overt and covert. The cultural tendency for narcissism was measured by comparing average scores on both types of narcissism in both countries, as well as by the meaning that overt and covert narcissism seems to have for psychological well-being. More specifically, the correlations were compared among both types of narcissism and depression and meaning of life. In the Polish sample, the average score on covert narcissism was higher. In the Dutch sample, on the other hand, depression and meaning of life were significantly related to covert narcissism.
Psychosomatic theorizing about obesity holds that obese individuals eat to cope with anxiety and other emotional states. On the basis of the demonstrated unpleasantness of boredom, it was hypothesized that obese would eat more food when confronted with a boring task than with an interesting task. Food consumption of normals would not be influenced by the task. Sixty female subjects were pre-loaded with food until they reported being full. Each subject then engaged in either a boring or an interesting task. Consumption of available food while performing the task was measured. Self-report questionnaires indicate that the respective tasks produced boredom and interest as desired. The results indicate that the obese consumed significantly more food than normals, and that boredom markedly increases food consumption for both obese and normals. The predicted interaction between weight and task was not found.
Three observer-based narcissism scales were developed from factor scores based on a California Q-set (CAQ) narcissism prototype. Each of the three scales--Willfulness, Hypersensitivity, and Autonomy--correlated with observer and self-report narcissism measures in the derivation sample of 105 women and a cross-validation sample of 175 men and 175 women. California Psychological Inventory (CPI), Adjective Check List (ACL), and Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI) correlates and partner ACL ratings suggested that the Willfulness scale represents self-assuredness, rebelliousness, and exhibitionism characteristic of overt or phallic narcissism. The correlates of the Hypersensitivity scale included depression and introversion along with rebelliousness and hostility, indicative of covert narcissism. The Autonomy scale was correlated positively with creativity, empathy, achievement-orientation, and individualism, and thus assesses a healthy variant of narcissism.
On the basis of the existing data and his own clinical study, the author provides an overall systematization of emotional features of narcissistic personality disorder. The division of narcissistic emotions into primary and secondary, positive and negative, is ultimately determined by the internal (two-level) personality structure and the success or lack of success in functioning of narcissistic individuals. The author introduces the novel idea of pessimistic mood as characteristic of decompensated narcissistic patients and analyzes it in some detail.
On the basis of the authors' own research it is suggested boredom may be viewed as having cognitive and affective components. The cognitive component is subjective monotony and the affective component is a high level of frustration. An attempt is made to integrate the evidence supporting this view of boredom with other evidence from the literature to present an integrated model of boredom in which the roles of personality, situational and task characteristics influencing boredom are outlined. Psychophysiological changes occurring during the performance of boring tasks are examined. It is argued that the nature and extent of changes in heart rate and heart-rate variability are not a consequence of boredom but of a task feature (mental load). It is concluded that no clear psychophysiological component of boredom can be detected at present.
Boredom is defined as a unique psychophysiological state possessing interrelated and inseparable emotional, motivational, perceptual and cognitive concomitants. Practical consequences of boredom are reviewed, including diminished performance efficiency, general life satisfaction and health. Finally, the outline of a theoretical model is presented.
This study developed a Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 (MMPI-2) portrait of narcissism using the Narcissistic Personality Inventory and 5 narcissism scales derived from the MMPI-2 with a nonclinical sample of 283 subjects. Correlational analyses revealed a divergent pattern of relationships among the 16 narcissism measures and MMPI-2 scales, with 1 set of narcissism scales correlating positively with MMPI-2 mania (Ma) and a second set correlating positively with MMPI-2 depression (D), psychasthenia (Pt), feelings of inferiority (Sc), social introversion (Si), and other measures of distress. A principal-components analysis of the 6 narcissism scales produced 2 orthogonal factors, 1 suggesting Grandiosity and the other Depletion. High scorers on the Grandiosity factor were equally well characterized by a 98/89 or 96/69 MMPI-2 profile with an average F, whereas high scorers on the Depletion factor were best represented by an 87/78 profile with an elevated F. Profile analyses of high scorers on the narcissism scales indicated that a 98/89 MMPI-2 profile with an elevated F score is the best overall representation of the narcissistic personality in nonclinical samples. Results supported 3 alternative interpretations, including a narcissistic continuum, narcissism as a pathological defense against depression and rage, and 2 forms of narcissism, 1 grandiose and overt and the other depleted and covert.
The relationship between boredom proneness and health-symptom reporting was examined. Undergraduate students (N = 200) completed the Boredom Proneness Scale and the Hopkins Symptom Checklist. A multiple analysis of covariance indicated that individuals with high boredom-proneness total scores reported significantly higher ratings on all five subscales of the Hopkins Symptom Checklist (Obsessive-Compulsive, Somatization, Anxiety, Interpersonal Sensitivity, and Depression). The results suggest that boredom proneness may be an important element to consider when assessing symptom reporting. Implications for determining the effects of boredom proneness on psychological- and physical-health symptoms. as well as the application in clinical settings, are discussed.
The current study investigated the relationship between a measure of trait boredom, Boredom Proneness, and vigilance performance on a variation of Mackworth's original clock test. Performance, assessed as Sensory Efficiency, was negatively correlated with Boredom Proneness scores early in the vigil but not during later trials. The results suggested that the trait of Boredom Proneness is predictive of performance on monotonous tasks within the first 10-min. block of trials; however, no differences in performance occurred on subsequent blocks, suggesting that as state boredom increases, differences between individuals diminish, e.g., a ceiling effect. The authors discuss the importance of examining Boredom Proneness as a multidimensional construct. Practical implications for these results are presented, particularly in terms of using Sensory Efficiency as a measure of performance during vigilance tasks.
Depression is the leading cause of disease-related disability among women in the world today. Depression is much more common among women than men, with female/male risk ratios roughly 2:1.
Recent epidemiological research is reviewed. Implications are suggested for needed future research.
The higher prevalence of depression among women than men is due to higher risk of first onset, not to differential persistence or recurrence. Although the gender difference first emerges in puberty, other experiences related to changes in sex hormones (pregnancy, menopause, use of oral contraceptives, and use of hormone replacement therapy) do not significantly influence major depression. These observations suggest that the key to understanding the higher rates of depression among women than men lies in an investigation of the joint effects of biological vulnerabilities and environmental provoking experiences.
Advancing understanding of female depression will require future epidemiologic research to focus on first onsets and to follow incident cohorts of young people through the pubertal transition into young adulthood with fine-grained measures of both sex hormones and gender-related environmental experiences. Experimental interventions aimed at primary prevention by jointly manipulating putative biological and environmental risk factors will likely be needed to adjudicate between contending causal hypotheses regarding the separate and joint effects of interrelated risk factors.
This research presents a review of the psychometric measures on boredom that have been developed over the past 25 years. Specifically, the author examined the Boredom Proneness Scale (BPS; R. Farmer & N. D. Sundberg, 1986), the job boredom scales by E. A. Grubb (1975) and T. W. Lee (1986), a boredom coping measure (J. A. Hamilton, R. J. Haier, & M. S. Buchsbaum, 1984), 2 scales that assess leisure and free-time boredom (S. E. Iso-Ahola & E. Weissinger, 1990; M. G. Ragheb & S. P. Merydith, 2001), the Sexual Boredom Scale (SBS; J. D. Watt & J. E. Ewing, 1996), and the Boredom Susceptibility (BS) subscale of the Sensation Seeking Scale (M. Zuckerman, 1979a). Particular attention is devoted to discussing the literature regarding the psychometric properties of the BPS because it is the only full-scale measure on the construct of boredom.
We analyzed previous exploratory factor analytic structures on the Boredom Proneness Scale (BPS; Farmer & Sundberg, 1986) using confirmatory factor analysis in structural equation modeling in LISREL 8 (Jöreskog & Sörbom, 1993). These analyses indicated that 2 factors were generally consistent across 6 exploratory models. Items that had significant loadings on these two factors (N = 12; 6 for each factor) indicated a lack of Internal Stimulation and External Stimulation. In further analysis on these 12 items using LISREL, we found a much improved fit and provided support for a short form version of the original BPS. We also found the shortened version to be invariant across gender. We discuss implications for the more precise measurement of boredom proneness and the use of the scale in applied settings.
The aim of this study was twofold: (a)to measure the alternate form reliability of the Narcissistic Personality Inventory, and (b)to determine its construct validity by correlating it with the four scales of the Eysenck Personality Questionnaire (EPQ). The alternate form reliability was .72. The Extraversion and Psychoticism scales of the EPQ were positively and significantly correlated with the narcissism measure, and the Lie scale showed a significant negative correlation. The Neuroticism scale showed a nonsignificant relationship with narcissism. In addition, the combined Extraversion and Psychoticism scales produced[ a Multiple R with the narcissism measure that accounted for significantly more of the variance in narcissism than did either measure alone.