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1309
American Behavioral Scientist
Volume 52 Number 9
May 2009 1309-1326
© 2009 SAGE Publications
10.1177/0002764209332548
http://abs.sagepub.com
hosted at
http://online.sagepub.com
Author’s Note: I would like to acknowledge the help of Debra Larkin, Peter Freund, Glenn Muschert,
and Raymond Calluori, who edited earlier versions of this article.
The Columbine Legacy
Rampage Shootings as Political Acts
Ralph W. Larkin
John Jay College of Criminal Justice, the City University of New York
The purpose of this article is to explore how the Columbine shootings on April 20,
1999, influenced subsequent school rampage shootings. First, school rampage shoot-
ings are defined to distinguish them from other forms of school violence. Second,
post-Columbine shootings and thwarted shootings are examined to determine how they
were influenced by Columbine. Unlike prior rampage shooters, Harris and Klebold
committed their rampage shooting as an overtly political act in the name of oppressed
students victimized by their peers. Numerous post-Columbine rampage shooters
referred directly to Columbine as their inspiration; others attempted to supersede the
Columbine shootings in body count. In the wake of Columbine, conspiracies to blow
up schools and kill their inhabitants by outcast students were uncovered by authorities.
School rampage shootings, most of which referred back to Columbine as their inspira-
tion, expanded beyond North America to Europe, Australia, and Argentina; they
increased on college campuses and spread to nonschool venues. The Columbine shoot-
ings redefined such acts not merely as revenge but as a means of protest of bullying,
intimidation, social isolation, and public rituals of humiliation.
Keywords: Columbine; rampage shootings; school violence; bullying
I
n the 1980s and 1990s, Americans witnessed a new and disturbing social phenom-
enon: school rampage shootings executed by disturbed and alienated present or
former male students who had decided to settle grudges against peers, teachers, or
administrators with bullets and sometimes bombs. Such shootings seemed to culmi-
nate with the Columbine High School massacre on April 20, 1999, which had a toll
of 15 dead and 23 wounded. Although school rampages have abated somewhat,
numerous serious conspiracies have been uncovered. Rampage shooters have cho-
sen other venues, such as shopping malls and churches. In addition, rampage shoot-
ings have spread from North America to the Western world and from secondary
schools to university campuses. In this article, evidence will be presented on how
the Columbine shootings have attained a mythical existence and have influenced
subsequent rampages.
1310 American Behavioral Scientist
Rampage Shootings
What is a school rampage shooting? Muschert (2007b) described rampage shoot-
ings as “expressive non-targeted attacks on a school institution” (p. 63). Newman
(2004) defined rampage shootings as follows:
Rampage shootings are defined by the fact that they involve attacks on multiple parties,
selected almost at random. The shooters may have a specific target to begin with, but
they let loose with a fusillade that hits others, and it is not unusual for the perpetrator to
be unaware of who has been shot until long after the fact. These explosions are attacks
on whole institutions—schools, teenage pecking orders, or communities. (pp. 14-15)
To further specify a school rampage shooting, I offer the following defining
qualities: (a) A student or a former student brings a gun to school with the intention
of shooting somebody, (b) the gun is discharged and at least one person is injured,
and (c) the shooter attempts to shoot more than one person, at least one of whom was
not specifically targeted. These specifications are in consonance with those of
Newman (2004). The advantage of operationalizing the definition of rampage shoot-
ings makes it easy to distinguish them from other forms of assaults on schools and
allows for classification based on the specific behaviors of the shooters. Muschert
(2007b) included faculty, administration, and staff in his definition; however, for the
purposes of this article, school employees will be excluded to distinguish school
shootings from workplace shootings.
The specification of at least one injury is to distinguish rampage shootings from
incidences where a desperate student brings a gun to school and discharges it as an
attention getting device. It also excludes specifically targeted shootings, such as
those that occurred at Thomas Jefferson High School in Brooklyn, New York, in
1991 and 1992, in which students in two separate incidences brought guns to school
to settle a conflict they had with another student (Moore, Petrie, Braga, &
McLaughlin, 2003). Also excluded are incidences such as the 1988 school shootings
in Pinellas Park High School, Florida, and in 2005 at Campbell County High School
in Jacksboro, Tennessee, in which boys brought guns to school to show them off to
peers without the intention of shooting anybody. When confronted by school author-
ities, a weapon was discharged, killing an assistant principal and injuring others
(Journey, 1989; Lampe, 2005). Also excluded from the analyses are all shootings
related to gang violence and school invasions.
Research Methods
A database was built beginning with lists generated by academic researchers
(Moore et al., 2003; Newman, 2004; Vossekuil, Reddy, Fein, Borum, & Modzeleski,
Larkin / The Columbine Legacy 1311
2000). In addition, lists generated by various media outlets (Bower, 2001; Dedman,
2000) and Internet sites of violent school incidents were examined.
1
All documented
school violence incidents were examined to see if they fit the definition of a school
rampage shooting specified above. Once identified as a potential rampage shooting,
the Internet was searched for information, including, where available, archives of
local and regional newspapers. Potential rampage shootings were entered into an
Excel database. All cases in the database were verified through media reports. In
some of the more celebrated cases, books had been written about the events, which
were read. In most cases, several sources were available describing the assaults on
the school. It must be noted that different researchers and reporters used a variety of
criteria in defining a rampage shooting, resulting in somewhat different lists among
researchers and reporters. Incidences were winnowed down to a list of 55 rampage
shootings worldwide engaged in by 57 shooters (Jonesboro and Columbine each had
two shooters). The list begins with Charles Whitman at the University of Texas in
1966 and ends with Pekka-Eric Auvinen in Finland in November 2007.
In addition, several researchers (Daniels et al., 2007; Newman, 2004; Trump,
2006) supplied lists of “near misses” and “thwarted attempts” post-Columbine. This
researcher also compiled a list of media reports of uncovered plots. Criteria were
established to identify serious attempts from those in which there was no evidence
of serious intent by the perpetrators. The culling of these lists resulted in the sample
described later.
Although in nearly all cases data were able to be triangulated from several
sources, in many cases, subsequent reports were based on an original news report,
such as an Associated Press dispatch. Therefore, in some cases, although there were
several reports, the data source was singular. The validity of the listings is based on
the establishment of an objective definition and applying criteria from that definition
to all incidences. However, the data are limited by virtue of lack of corroborative
data and the lack of verifiability of some Internet sources.
The Cultural Significance of Columbine
Of all the rampage shootings, Columbine stands out as a cultural watershed. First,
it was the second-most-covered emergent news event in the decade of the 1990s
(Muschert, 2002), outdone only by the O. J. Simpson car chase. Second, at the time,
it was the deadliest school rampage shooting in history. Third, Dylan Klebold and Eric
Harris were themselves quite media savvy. Harris posted his writings on the Internet,
developed “wads” (shooting environments) on the Internet for Doom video game play-
ers, and constructed the Trench Coat Mafia Web site. There he posted rants, essays,
descriptions of vandalism that were perpetrated by him and several friends, hate lists,
death threats, and other miscellaneous documents. He and Dylan recorded their lives
1312 American Behavioral Scientist
on video. They taped themselves testing their weapons in the Colorado mountains and
made a film in which they starred as professional hit men who were hired by a bullied
student to kill his “jock” persecutors. They recorded the so-called basement tapes, in
which they revealed the reasons for the shooting, said goodbye to their parents, and
vented their theories of revolution. Fourth, the shootings changed behaviors of school
officials, police departments, students, and would-be rampage shooters.
2
In the months following the Columbine shootings, many suburban and rural
middle and high schools hardened their environments, strengthened their security
forces, installed metal detectors and surveillance cameras, and instituted “zero-
tolerance” antiviolence policies (R. W. Larkin, 2007). The American Civil Liberties
Union was swamped with cases in which students were suspended or expelled for
expressing sympathies with the Columbine shooters, joking about the Columbine
shootings, or venting disapproval of administration security policies. Schools and
police departments—including Columbine High School and the Jefferson County
Sheriff’s Department—increased cooperation and shared information about students
who had confrontations with the law. Students who had heretofore ignored or disre-
garded threats of violence by their peers have become more willing to report them.
This phenomenon has been called “the Columbine effect” by the media (Cloud,
1999). The Columbine rampage has become a cultural script for many subsequent
rampage shooters. For some, it was a record to be exceeded (e.g., Port Huron,
Michigan); for others, it was an incitement (e.g., Conyers, Georgia; Fort Gibson,
Oklahoma); for others, it was emulated in their own rampages (e.g., DeAnza
College; New Bedford High School; Red Lake, Minnesota); for still others, it was a
tradition to be honored in their own attacks (e.g., Virginia Tech). Table 1 lists differ-
ences in rampage shootings prior to and following Columbine.
In the basement videotapes, Eric Harris opined that their actions would “kick-
start a revolution” of oppressed students who had been victimized and bullied by
their peers (Gibbs & Roche, 1999). Although they did not kick-start a revolution,
Klebold and Harris established a new paradigm by which all subsequent rampage
Table 1
Characteristics of Pre-Columbine and Post-Columbine Rampage Shootings
Characteristic Pre-Columbine Post-Columbine
Motivation Personal revenge
Unknown and unarticulated
Personal revenge
Revenge in the name of a collectivity
Notoriety
Desire to make a statement
Memorialize Columbine
Surpass Columbine in body count
Media awareness Several influenced by media Use of media to gain attention
Thwarted attempts Rare if any Many
Student responses to threats Code of silence Willingness to report
Larkin / The Columbine Legacy 1313
shootings must be measured. As shown in Table 1, motivations have become more
complex and influenced by Columbine; rampage shooters have attempted to influ-
ence the media rather than merely be influenced by them. A plethora of thwarted
attempts were reported post-Columbine, whereas they were absent from the media
before. Students have shown a greater willingness to report threats by their peers,
leading to a greater number of thwarted attempts.
Pre-Columbine School Rampage Shootings
Columbine provided a vocabulary and the rationale future rampage shootings. Prior
to Columbine, even though revenge was the overwhelming rationale, perpetrators
oftentimes were uncertain of their motivations or could not articulate them clearly. For
example, Michael Carneal thought that shooting students in the prayer group at Heath
High School would give him credibility among the Goth students (Newman, 2004).
Because the Goths did not take him seriously, Carneal felt compelled to shoot stu-
dents; otherwise, his fate would be sealed as a blowhard nerd who could not follow
through on his threats. The motives of Kip Kinkel were never adequately ascertained
(Lieberman, 2006). In 1998, he killed his parents in their Springfield, Oregon, home
and the next day invaded the cafeteria of his high school, killed 4 students, and
wounded 25 others. Kip was a member of the football team; other students identified
him as a member of the leading crowd. Many students at Thurston High School feared
him for his sharp tongue and his aggressiveness. The rampage in the cafeteria may
have been part of a psychodrama generated by family conflicts. Both of his parents
were teachers, and his father formerly taught at that school.
Pre-Columbine rampage shootings focused on perceived injustices, petty hatreds,
perceived female rejections of male advances, misogyny, and revenge for bullying
and public humiliation (Moore et al., 2003; Muschert, 2007b). Motivations were
personal. The closest to a political rationale that pre-Columbine shooters articulated
were the justifications of Luke Woodham and Marc Lépine. Woodham wrote a
“manifesto,” a five-page rant that described his feelings of alienation, isolation, and
persecution and his experiences of ridicule and humiliation (Bellini, 2001). In it, he
stated, “People like me are mistreated every day. I do this to show society ‘push us,
and we will push back’” (p. 127). Lépine shot women as revenge for the feminist
movement (Sourour, 1991). These two cases are the only known attempts by ram-
page shooters to put their motives in a larger context. Neither of these legitimations
generated much interest; in the case of Lépine, it was used as evidence of his insan-
ity. Therefore, Columbine became the new paradigm.
Post-Columbine Rampage Shootings
Of the 12 documented school rampage shootings in the United States between
Columbine in 1999 and the end of 2007, eight (66.7%) of the rampagers directly
1314 American Behavioral Scientist
referred to Columbine. Table 2 contains a listing of the post-Columbine rampage
shootings in chronological order by the perpetrator’s age, racial-ethnic background,
location, school, number of victims killed and wounded, whether the perpetrator
committed suicide, and how he was influenced by Columbine. All rampage shooters
were male. Ages ranged from 13 (Seth Trickey) to 62 (Biswanath Halder), with a
median of 17. Of note is that during the year and a half between January 2002 and
June 2003, the 2 rampage shootings that occurred were on college campuses; all 3
post-Columbine college campus rampage shootings were conducted by minority
students, whereas only 2 secondary school rampages were conducted by minority
students (John Wiese, Native American, and Alvaro Castillo, Latino). Of the 9 sec-
ondary school rampage shootings between Columbine and the end of 2007, 7
(77.7%) showed Columbine influences.
Columbine influenced subsequent rampage shootings in several ways. First, it
provided a paradigm about how to plan and execute a high-profile school rampage
shooting that could be imitated. Second, it gave inspiration to subsequent rampage
shooters to exact revenge for past wrongs, humiliations, and social isolation. Third,
it generated a “record” of carnage that subsequent rampagers sought to exceed.
Fourth, Harris and Klebold have attained mythical status in the pantheon of outcast
student subcultures. They have been honored and emulated in subsequent rampage
shootings and attempts. In all cases, perpetrators either admitted links with
Columbine or police found evidence of Columbine influences.
Shootings are identified in the table as “imitated” when the perpetrators copied
aspects of the Columbine shooting in their own attempts. Imitations were evident in
the attacks in Conyers, Georgia; Fort Gibson, Oklahoma; East Greenwich, New
York; Red Lake, Minnesota; Hillsborough, North Carolina; and Virginia Tech
University. Perhaps the most imitative shooting was by Jeffrey Weise at Red Lake
Senior High School in Minnesota. This particular rampage shooting had several
copycat earmarks. First, under the names Todesengel and NativeNazi, he posted
rants and expressed admiration of Adolf Hitler on neo-Nazi Internet sites (Benson,
2005). Hitler was lionized by Eric Harris on his Trench Coat Mafia Web site.
Second, he wore a duster of similar style to those worn by Klebold and Harris
(Wilogoren, 2005). Third, prior to shooting a fellow student, Weise asked him if he
believed in God. This last act was a reference to one of the myths that emerged from
the Columbine shootings that Cassie Bernall was asked whether she believed in God,
to which she responded “yes” before she was shot. Although there was no evidence
that this confrontation actually occurred, it became an article of faith within the
evangelical community and was reported as fact nationwide for several months
before it was debunked (Cullen, 1999b; Muschert, 2007a; Watson, 2002).
In numerous cases, students admitted studying or becoming obsessed with the
Columbine shootings, which was identified as “study.” The Conyers, Georgia,
shooter was obsessed with Columbine and studied it prior to his rampage (Sack,
Table 2
Post-Columbine School Rampage Shootings, United States (N = 12)
Date Name Gender Age Race-Ethnicity Location School Killed Wounded Suicide Columbine Influenced
5/20/1999 T. J. Solomon Male (M) 15 White Conyers, GA Heritage High School 0 6 No Imitated
12/6/1999 Seth Trickey M 13 White Ft. Gibson, OK Fort Gibson Middle
School
0 4 No Studied and Imitated
3/5/2001 Charles Andrew
Williams
M 15 White Santee, CA Santana High School 2 13 No Referenced
3/22/2001 Jason Hoffman M 18 White El Cajon, CA Granite Hills High
School
0 5 Yes No evidence
1/16/2002 Peter Odighizuwa M 46 Nigerian Grundy, VA Appalachian School
of Law
3 3 No No evidence
5/9/2003 Biswanath Halder M 62 Indian Cleveland, OH Case Western Reserve
University
1 1 No No evidence
9/4/2004 Jon William
Romano
M 16 White East Greenbush,
NY
Columbia High
School
0 1 No Imitated and
referenced
3/21/2005 John Wiese M 16 Native
American
Red Lake, MN Red Lake Senior High
School
10 7 Yes Studied and Imitated
3/14/2006 James Scott
Newman
M 14 White Reno, NV Pine Middle School 0 2 No Studied
8/30/2006 Alvaro Rafael
Castillo
M 18 Hispanic Hillsborough,
NC
Orange High School 0 1 No Studied, referenced,
and imitated
4/16/2007 Cho Seung-Hui M 23 Korean Blacksburg, VA Virginia Tech
University
33 28 Yes Imitated and
referenced
10/10/2007 Asa Coon M 14 White Cleveland, OH Success Academy 1 5 Yes No evidence
1315
1316 American Behavioral Scientist
1999). The shooters in Reno, Nevada, and Hillsborough, North Carolina, intensively
studied the Columbine shootings during the weeks prior to their rampages (Blythe,
2004; Rocha, 2007).
Columbine was “referenced” when perpetrators identified the shootings as an
inspiration; referred to Columbine before, during, or after the attack as a target to be
exceeded; or described their own shooting as an homage to Columbine. References
were found to the Columbine shootings in the shootings at Fort Gibson, Oklahoma;
East Greenwich, New York; and Virginia Tech. In the weeks prior to the shooting in
Santee, California, the shooter claimed that he was going to “pull a Columbine” on
his school (McCarthy, 2001). The shooter in Hillsborough, North Carolina, sent an
e-mail confession to the principle of Columbine High School prior to his rampage
(Rocha, 2007). In his manifesto, the Virginia Tech shooter praised the Columbine
killers as martyrs to the cause of the downtrodden (Kleinfield, 2007).
Emergent Phenomena
The significance of the Columbine shootings needs to be explained in light of
three emergent phenomena: (a) the dramatic increase of rampage shootings interna-
tionally, (b) the expanding contexts of rampage shootings, and (a) the large number
of foiled attempts. Rampage shootings since Columbine have gone international,
with school shootings modeling Columbine in Canada, Sweden, Bosnia, Australia,
Argentina, Germany, and Finland (Table 3). Prior to the Columbine shootings, the
only other country to have experienced rampage shootings was Canada, with two in
1975, in Brampton and in Ottawa. In 1989, Mark Lépine targeted women in the
École Polytechnic massacre in Montréal. He killed 14 women and wounded 27
before committing suicide.
Of the 11 rampage shootings outside the United States, 6 had direct references to
Columbine. The shooting at W. R. Myers High School in Taber, Alberta, Canada,
occurred 8 days after Columbine. The shooter, who had been fascinated by
Columbine, carried a sawed-off .22-caliber rifle to school under a winter coat
(McGee & DeBernardo, 1999). When he was asked by other students who were talk-
ing about Columbine if he had a gun under his coat, he pulled the rifle out and began
shooting (Lampe, 2000). In 2002, Robert Steinhäuser attempted and achieved a
death toll greater than Klebold and Harris in a rampage shooting in Erfurt, Germany,
which would be his claim to fame (Gasser, Creutzfeldt, Naher, Rainer, & Wickler,
2004; Mendoza, 2002). Unlike Klebold and Harris, his major targets were teachers;
he killed 13 in revenge for being expelled from the school. Sebastian Bosse, who
bombed and shot up his school in Emsdetten, Germany, kept a diary in which he
praised Eric Harris (“Gunman Praised,” 2006).
Larkin / The Columbine Legacy 1317
In November 2007, Pekka Eric Auvinen killed 8 students and staff and wounded
12 at Jokela High School in Tuusla, Finland, before committing suicide. Auvinen
was an outcast at his high school who was harassed and bullied by his peers (DeJong,
2007). He wore a T-shirt during his rampage that said “Humanity is Overrated,”
mimicking Klebold and Harris’s wearing of T-shirts that sent messages. Klebold’s
T-shirt stated, “Wrath,” and Harris’s said, “Natural Selection.” Auvinen, in imitation
of Eric Harris, claimed that he was an advocate of natural selection and that he had
the right to rid the world of unfit human beings. He also claimed that he was a revo-
lutionary against enslaving, corrupt, and totalitarian regimes. Auvinen discussed the
Columbine shootings on YouTube.com with Dylan Crossey, who was arrested for
planning a rampage shooting at Plymouth-Whitemarsh High School in the suburbs
of Philadelphia (MacAskill, 2007).
Changing Contexts
The Columbine shootings changed the venue of rampage shootings. Rampage
shooters beyond high school age attacked shopping malls in Tacoma, Omaha, and
Table 3
Post-Columbine School Rampage Shootings, Outside United States (N = 11)
Date Gender Age
Race-
Ethnicity Location School Killed Wounded Suicide
Columbine
Influenced
4/28/1999 Male (M) 14 White Taber,
Alberta
W. R. Myers High
School
1 1 No Imitated
10/5/2001 M 19 White Sundsvall,
Sweden
Vaestermalms
High School
1 1 No
2/19/2002 M 22 White Freising,
Germany
Economics school 4 1 Yes
4/26/2002 M 19 White Erfurt,
Germany
Johann Gutenberg
High School
16 7 Yes Imitated
4/29/2002 M White Vlasenica,
Bosnia
Vlasenica High
School
2 1 Yes
10/21/2002 M 36 Chinese Melbourne,
Australia
Monash University 2 5 No
7/2/2003 M 16 White Coburg,
Germany
Realschule II
(High School)
1 1 Yes
9/28/2004 M 16 Hispanic Argentina Islas Malvinas
School
3 5 No Imitated
10/13/2006 M 25 White Montreal,
Canada
Dawson College 2 19 Yes Referenced
11/20/2006 M 18 White Emsdetten,
Germany
Geschwister
Scholl School
1 8 Yes Imitated and
referenced
11/7/2007 M 18 White Tuusula,
Finland
Jokela High
School
9 12 Yes Imitated and
referenced
1318 American Behavioral Scientist
Salt Lake City (“Omaha Gunman,” 2007). The shooter in Tacoma claimed that he
did not want to hurt anybody and that he was seeking media attention and wanted to
be heard (“Ex-Girlfriend,” 2005). Similarly, the shooter in the Westroads Mall in
Omaha thought that his act would make him famous (“Omaha Gunman,” 2007;
“Westroads Mall Shooting,” 2007). The shooting at Trolley Square in Salt Lake City
had no visible relationship to Columbine.
In December 2007, Matthew Murray was rejected as a missionary from an evan-
gelical organization known as Youth With a Mission. He shot and killed two persons
at its headquarters in Arvada, Colorado; on the next day, he killed himself after a
rampage attack on the New Life Church, an evangelical megachurch in Colorado
Springs, where he killed two more (Meyer, Migoya, & Osher, 2007; “Killer’s Rant,”
2007). During his rampage, Murray posted a rant online under the heading
“Christianity this is YOUR Columbine,” in which he plagiarized Eric Harris’s rants.
Failed Attempts
The problem with reported thwarted attempts is the ability to determine whether
the plots were serious or they were student fantasies, police overreactions, or media
hyperbole. Therefore, to be verified as a serious attempt, two criteria needed to be
met: (a) Perpetrators had to have actually amassed weaponry, and (b) evidence of an
attack plan had to have been uncovered. To illustrate the difficulties, Daniels et al.
(2007) compiled a list of 30 thwarted rampage shootings between 2001 and 2004.
Of those threats, only 2 met the criteria. Similarly, of the 12 “near misses” reported
by Newman (2004) in the wake of Columbine, 6 met the criteria of a serious threat.
For example, Newman listed a plot in Anaheim, California, that occurred on May 19,
1999, less than a month after Columbine. Police working on a student tip uncovered
a cache of weapons and Nazi paraphernalia collected by two eighth graders (Gottlieb
& Kandel, 1999). However, there was no evidence that they had planned a shooting.
No charges were filed.
Although students have made thousands of threats, compiled hit lists, dreamed
Columbine fantasies, and accumulated arsenals, they cannot be verified as rampage
shooting attempts. This researcher has compiled 11 planned school rampage shoot-
ings that were thwarted in the days before they were to be executed. These 11 were
selected because there was evidence indicating that the perpetrators actually planned
to carry them out, despite the protestations of their defense attorneys. Verified
attempts are listed in Table 4.
All 11 reported attempts had earmarks of the Columbine shootings. For example,
the students at Hollins Woods Middle School not only imitated the Columbine
shooters; they wanted to have a greater body count (Associated Press, 1999). The
prospective shooter at De Anza College created a Web site memorial to Klebold and
Larkin / The Columbine Legacy 1319
Harris (Fayle, 2001; Gaura, Stannard, & Fin, 2001). One of the striking differences
between reported thwarted attempts and actual shootings after Columbine is that all
of the actual shootings were committed by individuals. Of the 11 reported thwarted
shootings, only 4 were planned by individuals; the others were conspiracies that
numbered between three and five students. As with actual shootings, perpetrators
were overwhelmingly male, with the singular exception of a female in the conspir-
acy in New Bedford, Massachusetts (Butterfield & McFadden, 2001).
Reported thwarted attempts typically took their inspiration from Columbine. One
or more students hatched a plan of attack on their school. In each case, with the pos-
sible exception of the De Anza College attempt, the motivation was to exact revenge
against the jocks and/or “preps” that had bullied and humiliated them. In the case of
Al DeGuzman at De Anza College, a 2-year institution in California’s Silicon Valley,
his motivation was more complicated. It involved a generalized hatred toward peers
because of his isolation and a desire to commit suicide by police fire (Gaura
et al., 2001).
Potential rampagers would begin collecting a cache of weaponry that they would
use in their attacks. In many cases, the weaponry clearly imitated that used by
Klebold and Harris in Columbine (Smith, 2001). With the singular exception of the
Port Huron, Michigan, attack, students had assembled large arsenals that included
shotguns, semiautomatic weapons, bombs, and stores of ammunition. In the Port
Huron case, students had stolen a single gun and were planning to use it to steal other
weaponry (Bower, 2001).
The incidences at Port Huron, Michigan (Bower, 2001), and Hoyt, Kansas (Gale
Group, 2001), were uncovered by anonymous tips from uninvolved students. More
typical have been conspirators who have revealed themselves electronically. The
Table 4
Post-Columbine Reported Thwarted School Shootings (N = 11)
Date Number Gender Age Location School
5/13/1999 4 Male (M) 14 Port Huron, MI Holland Woods Middle School
10/29/2000 5 M 14-16 Cleveland, OH South High School
1/30/2001 1 M 19 Cupertino, CA DeAnza College
2/6/2001 3 M 16-17 Hoyt, KS Royal Valley High School
2/8/2001 3 M 14-15 Fort Collins, CO Preston Junior High School
2/14/2001 1 M 18 Elmira, NY Southside High School
11/24/2001 5 4 M, 1 female 15-17 New Bedford, MA New Bedford High School
4/19/2004 1 M 17 Malcolm, NE Malcolm High School
9/27/2004 1 M 18 Macomb, MI Chippewa Valley High School
4/21/2006 5 M 16-18 Riverton, KS Riverton High School
11/13/2007 1 M 14 Philadelphia, PA Plymouth-Whitemarsh High School
1320 American Behavioral Scientist
incident in Elmira, New York, was revealed when the perpetrator sent a suspicious
text message to a female friend, who then alerted authorities. Others have revealed
themselves on the Internet. Internet boasts thwarted the plans of the Riverton,
Kansas, shooters (Kabel, 2006); the Chippewa Valley High School attempt
(Kamarenko, 2004); and the Plymouth-Whitemarsh High School plans in the
Philadelphia suburbs (“Police,” 2007). The attempted shooting at Malcolm, Nebraska,
was uncovered by school authorities (Agence France Presse, 2004). The New
Bedford, Massachusetts, attempt was revealed by the female participant (“Girl
Arraigned,” 2001), who was afraid that her favorite teacher might be hurt.
Conclusion
Most rampage shootings are a form of retaliatory violence; they are revenge for
perceived past wrongs. Columbine gave new meaning to school rampage shootings,
especially to disaffected outcast students not only in America but throughout Western
society. Rampage shootings were no longer the provenance of isolated, loner stu-
dents who were psychologically deranged. Columbine raised rampage shootings in
the public consciousness from mere revenge to a political act. Klebold and Harris
were overtly political in their motivations to destroy their school (R. W. Larkin,
2007). In their own words, they wanted to “kick-start a revolution” among the dis-
possessed and despised students of the world (Gibbs & Roche, 1999). They under-
stood that their pain and humiliation were shared by millions of others and conducted
their assault in the name of a larger collectivity. Klebold and Harris identified the
collectivity—outcast students—for which they were exacting revenge. That is what
distinguishes Columbine from all previous rampage shootings.
The Columbine massacre, because of its spectacular and unprecedented nature,
evoked a public awareness that included an address to the country by the president
of the United States. It generated a national debate on numerous issues: school vio-
lence, gun control, bullying, child rearing, parental responsibility, school climates,
video games, violent media, societal permissiveness, race, and religious values, to
name the most obvious (Muschert, 2002). Muschert’s (in press) data clearly show
that the focus of media coverage of the Columbine shootings was on the why rather
than the what of the shootings. The Columbine shootings opened a huge gap in the
hegemonic ideology that major media attempted to fill. They violated assumptions
about the peacefulness of suburban schools and communities. Earlier school shoot-
ings raised the issue; Columbine brought it to a head. Such planned violence was
unheard of even in urban ghettos. The shootings also raised issues about the mental
and moral state of the perpetrators. Prior to the shootings, they were average teenag-
ers; afterward, they became evil, mentally unbalanced monsters; psychopaths; and
instruments of the devil (Cullen, 2004).
Larkin / The Columbine Legacy 1321
The function of the news media was to “normalize” the Columbine shootings
(Croteau & Hoynes, 2002). An event that was shocking, “senseless,” and seemingly
incomprehensible to the public had to be explained. Within the evangelical commu-
nity, the Columbine shootings exemplified their persecution and were defined as the
intrusion of Satan into human affairs (Cullen, 1999a; Epperhart, 2002; R. W. Larkin,
2007; Porter, 1999). However, the rest of America had to be pacified. The problem
was that the perpetrators appeared to be “normal.” Blame could not be attributed to
broken families, because the Klebold and Harris families were intact and the parents
were caring about their children. It could not be attributed to drugs because toxicol-
ogy screenings on both boys came back negative. Therefore, the media focused on
their prior brush with the criminal justice system and Eric Harris’s use of Luvox for
depression, his declared hatred for other races and religious groups, and his admira-
tion for Adolf Hitler. Harris was identified as the more culpable leader and Klebold
as the desperate, socially isolated follower (Muschert, 2002). Contextual issues, such
as bullying and the cult of the athlete, that pervaded Columbine High School were
raised by some journalists (Adams & Russakoff, 1999) and dismissed by others
(Cullen, 2004). Bullying and alienation were ignored by the evangelical community
and relegated to secondary status by the corporate media, which adopted psycho-
logical pathology as the major explanation (Muschert, 2002).
After it was reported that Klebold and Harris had made the basement tapes to
explain their motivations, the media clamored for a viewing. The sheriff of Jefferson
County allowed major media journalists to view the tapes at a one-time-only presen-
tation. A synopsis was then published in the December 20, 1999, issue of Time
magazine (Gibbs & Roche, 1999). Consequently, the motivations and intentions of
Klebold and Harris became subjects of intense debate on the Internet. Many of those
who were blogging did not accept the corporate media’s definition of the situation.
Neo-Nazi sites posited a Jewish conspiracy because of Klebold’s Jewish roots; how-
ever, many others spoke sympathetically of Harris and Klebold and viewed them as
martyrs to the cause of outcast students who had been victimized by their higher
status peers (D. G. Larkin, 2000). Students arrested in “Columbine-style” rampage
shooting conspiracies began emulating the behavior of Klebold and Harris shortly
after the publication of the Time article (“3 Charged,” 2001).
As an immediate consequence of the spectacular worldwide news coverage of the
Columbine massacre, within days, students were phoning in bomb hoaxes to their
schools, drawing up enemies lists, issuing death threats, and bringing guns to school
to shoot their peers (“Summary,” 1999). Most of the thwarted rampages were con-
spiracies among a number of students who had grievances against the school. These
grievances centered on bullying, harassment, and the usual predatory violence
directed against outsider students. Prior to Columbine, there was no evidence of
conspiracies to bomb and shoot up one’s school.
1322 American Behavioral Scientist
One of the cultural scripts that is a consequence of the Columbine shootings is
that the shooters engage in their rampages to “make a statement.” The body count,
almost always innocent bystanders, exists primarily as a method of generating media
attention. This was certainly the case in the most deadly rampage shootings of John
Wiese at Red Lake and Cho Seung-Hui at Virginia Tech. It was also the case in 2007
with Robert Hawkins, who killed nine at the Westroads Mall in Omaha, Nebraska,
and Matthew Murray, who attempted two rampage shootings on consecutive days in
Colorado at Youth With a Mission and the New Life Church, both institutions of the
evangelical community.
Killing for notoriety is the second outcome of the Columbine shootings. The
media awareness of Klebold and Harris is discussed in detail elsewhere (R. W.
Larkin, 2007). When a rampage shooting occurs in a community, it is overwhelmed
by media (Lieberman, 2006; Muschert, 2002; Newman, 2004). The extent of media
attention seems to be closely related to body count. The most spectacular shootings
in Paducah, Jonesboro, Springfield, and Columbine and at Virginia Tech were char-
acterized by media feeding frenzies in which news outlets oftentimes competed with
police and emergency medical services for space and attention from victims. Local
residents in Paducah and Jonesboro told stories of reporters who invaded their pri-
vacy, misrepresented themselves, and used various ruses to interview traumatized
citizens (Newman, 2004). In the postmodern world, news has become entertainment.
Tragedy has been converted to sensation and sensation is operationalized into view-
ership, Nielsen points, and market share, which is then materialized in advertising
revenues. The communities in which rampage shootings occur are victimized twice:
first by the shootings themselves and second by the media who rampage through
their communities to get the story (Altheide, 2004). The sensationalism of a rampage
shooting can provide headlines for 3 days of news cycles; Columbine was still head-
line news 3 weeks after the shootings, primarily because of copycat phenomena
(Muschert, 2002).
Social structural and cultural characteristics that have led to rampage shootings,
such as the toleration of predatory behaviors on the part of elite students, the lioniza-
tion of winners and the punishment of losers, the male ethic of proving one’s mas-
culinity through violence, the easy availability of assault weapons to just about
anyone, and the media fascination and exploitation of violence, go far beyond the
communities that experienced rampage shootings. Rampage shootings can occur in
almost any community. Violence down the social system, especially in America’s
high schools, is redefined as “fun” or “boys being boys” (Lefkowitz, 1997).
Researchers have documented (Boney-McCoy & Finkelhor, 1996; Boulton &
Hawker, 1997; Dukes & Stein, 2005; Kilpatrick et al., 2003) the deleterious conse-
quences that the daily rituals of humiliation and bullying have on the victims.
Klebold and Harris, in their spectacular assault on Columbine High School, gave
Larkin / The Columbine Legacy 1323
voice to outsiders, to loser students, to those left out of the mainstream, to the vic-
tims of jock and “prep” predation. Although there have been grassroots attempts to
reduce violence in schools, since Columbine, the federal government has made
assault weapons easier to obtain (Lawrence, 2004), and states have adopted more
punitive juvenile justice sentencing guidelines (Mears, 2002). To a persecuted and
angry student who wishes to attack his school and community, such social policies
are an invitation and a dare. To such a student, payback consists of killing convenient
targets, making a statement, and dying in a blaze of glory.
Notes
1. For more detailed information, the author can be contacted at rlarkin@cuny.jjay.edu.
2. Many of the facts reported on the Columbine shootings come from R. W. Larkin (2007).
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Ralph W. Larkin received his bachelor’s degree at the University of California, Santa Barbara, in ele-
mentary education and taught elementary school for 5 years. He received a master’s degree in educational
psychology at California State University, Northridge, in 1966. In 1970, he was awarded his PhD in
sociology of education from the University of California, Los Angeles. He is presently employed as an
adjunct professor at John Jay College of Criminal Justice. He is the author of three books: Suburban Youth
and Cultural Crisis (Oxford University Press, 1979), Beyond Revolution: A New Theory of Social
Movements (with Daniel Foss; Bergin & Garvey, 1986), and Comprehending Columbine (Temple
University Press, 2007). He has also written on education, youth, sociology of religion, social movements,
and rampage shootings.
