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The Advocacy Coalition Framework: An Assessment
... No MCD, para entender como se formam os grupos de atores e as suas interações, assim como suas respostas às outras variáveis do modelo apresentado na Figura 1, deve-se compreender o subsistema de políticas públicas (Oliveira & Sanches Filho, 2022). Uma definição de subsistema de políticas públicas é a de "conjunto de atores individuais ou coletivos, de organizações públicas e privadas, que está ativamente preocupado com determinada questão de política pública e que regularmente tentam influenciar as decisões nesse domínio" ( Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, 1993a, 1999. ...
... Partindo da premissa de que os atores no subsistema podem estar organizados em coalizões, estas podem ser definidas como atores que coordenam ações em um determinado período de tempo, com a intenção de converter as suas crenças em resultados concretos, no subsistema político em que atuam (Araújo, 2013, Guerra et al., 2016, Weible et al., 2019. Esse conjunto de pessoas pode ser oriundo de diversas posições e o seu agrupamento é realizado por meio da convergência de crenças (Oliveira & Sanches Filho, 2022 O MCD apresenta o sistema de crenças organizado em três partes, numa ordem decrescente de resistência às mudanças, tal como mostra a Figura 4 (Araújo, 2007;Sabatier, 1998;Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, 1993a;Vicente, 2015 de Sabatier e Jenkins-Smith (1993b, 1999 Os elementos desse sistema são: • Núcleo duro (deep core) -axiomas normativos e ontológicos fundamentais; • Núcleo político (policy core) -posições mais importantes sobre a política pública, concernentes às estratégias básicas, às opções programáticas e à teoria de ação, para se atingir os valores do deep core, no âmbito do subsistema; • Aspectos instrumentais (secondary aspects) -decisões instrumentais, as medidas e as informações necessárias para implementar o policy core (Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, 1999). O deep core é comum a vários subsistemas de políticas públicas e, portanto, fundamenta a ação de coalizões de defesa em diferentes áreas. ...
... Partindo da premissa de que os atores no subsistema podem estar organizados em coalizões, estas podem ser definidas como atores que coordenam ações em um determinado período de tempo, com a intenção de converter as suas crenças em resultados concretos, no subsistema político em que atuam (Araújo, 2013, Guerra et al., 2016, Weible et al., 2019. Esse conjunto de pessoas pode ser oriundo de diversas posições e o seu agrupamento é realizado por meio da convergência de crenças (Oliveira & Sanches Filho, 2022 O MCD apresenta o sistema de crenças organizado em três partes, numa ordem decrescente de resistência às mudanças, tal como mostra a Figura 4 (Araújo, 2007;Sabatier, 1998;Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, 1993a;Vicente, 2015 de Sabatier e Jenkins-Smith (1993b, 1999 Os elementos desse sistema são: • Núcleo duro (deep core) -axiomas normativos e ontológicos fundamentais; • Núcleo político (policy core) -posições mais importantes sobre a política pública, concernentes às estratégias básicas, às opções programáticas e à teoria de ação, para se atingir os valores do deep core, no âmbito do subsistema; • Aspectos instrumentais (secondary aspects) -decisões instrumentais, as medidas e as informações necessárias para implementar o policy core (Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, 1999). O deep core é comum a vários subsistemas de políticas públicas e, portanto, fundamenta a ação de coalizões de defesa em diferentes áreas. ...
O trabalho apresenta um estudo sobre a política de incorporação de tecnologias na saúde suplementar, a partir da atualização do rol de procedimentos e eventos de saúde na Agência Nacional de Saúde Suplementar, no período de 2007 a 2016, com base no modelo de coalizão de defesa. O trabalho foi desenvolvido a partir de análise documental pública nas atas de reunião da agência. Os resultados mostram que a política de incorporação de tecnologias no sistema de saúde suplementar possui vários atores políticos com interesses diversos e, muitos deles, conflitantes. Nessa gama de atores, duas coalizões são identificadas: médicos e operadoras de planos de saúde, aqui identificadas como assistencialista e liberal, respectivamente. O trabalho conclui que a coalizão assistencialista obteve mais êxito na sua defesa política, possivelmente, por uma convergência de valores com as diretrizes da agência.
... Regarding ACF theorizing on a possible EU impact on policy change, it is pivotal to clarify whether the EU level counts as being internal or external to the policy subsystem under analysis (Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, 1999). Therefore, we start by summarizing ACF scholars' suggestions on how to define EU member states' policy subsystems before we deal with ACF's policy change hypotheses in greater detail. ...
... To capture this legal autonomy, Sabatier introduces a third option (to keep both territorial levels separate or analyze one undifferentiated subsystem). He suggests conceptualizing the different government levels as "multiple nested subsystems representing different territorial units" (Sabatier, 1998: 115;Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, 1999). Staying with the example of economic policy, we consequently find two policy subsystems: one for French economic policy and one for EU economic policy, with some actors being active in both subsystems. ...
... For instance, does the analysis of nested policy subsystems differ from that of policy subsystems that are not nested? And if so, how? Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith (1999) introduce a promising starting point to address this question. According to them, any policy subsystem includes "actors at all levels of government active in policy formulation and implementation" (Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith,1999: 119), and for EU member states, they explicitly refer to the EU as one level of government. ...
Most policy process frameworks were developed in the US but are also applied to (Western) Europe. However, policy processes, the relevant actors, and the institutional setting differ substantially. Hence, the question arises if certain concepts that are important in the European context are missing from the frameworks and if the frameworks have been adapted to take these concepts into account. We discuss the three frameworks most widely applied to Europe, the Advocacy Coalition Framework, the Multiple Streams Framework, and the Punctuated Equilibrium Theory, and focus on three concepts that seem particularly relevant in shaping European policy processes, namely political parties, macro-level institutions, and Europeanization. It turns out that all three frameworks have something to say about all three concepts, although some voids remain. Nonetheless, the adaptations that have been suggested make all three frameworks applicable to European countries and promise substantial explanatory capacity also in these contexts.
... Public policies are defined as decisions ''of a government or an equivalent authority'' (Weible 2014, p.4) that are ''designed to achieve defined goals and present solutions to societal problems'' (Knill and Tosun 2020, p. 13) and encompass ''sets of value priorities and causal assumptions about how to realize them'' (Sabatier 1988, p. 131). These fundamental positions expressed in, e.g., laws, regulations, and national programs, reflect the policy core beliefs, i.e., positions on value priorities, problems, and solutions, of the most powerful advocacy coalition (Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith 1999). Since the structure of advocacy coalitions-their policy core beliefs, resources, and power-may differ across levels, we can encounter policy incoherencies. ...
... This study is based on ideas and concepts developed within the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF). The ACF was originally constructed to better understand and explain policymaking associated with societal problems characterized by goal conflicts, polarized opinions, and interactions across multiple levels of the political system (Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith 1999;Sabatier and Weible 2019). The framework has been frequently applied in studies of environmental policy processes in different contexts and in different parts of the world (cf. ...
... The policy subsystem, which is delineated by the specific policy issue, the actors involved, and territorial boundaries, constitutes the basic unit of analysis (Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith 1999), and the advocacy coalitions are key entities in the framework, since the policy output is considered to reflect the beliefs of the dominant, i.e., most influential, coalition (Sabatier 1988;Weible et al. 2020). As mentioned in the introduction, these coalitions are composed of various actors, such as elected politicians and public officials with formal decision-making authority, but also representatives of interest organizations, industries, and even scientific institutions. ...
Our study explores governing of European eel in Sweden. The paper aims to analyze and tentatively explain the degree of policy coherence between different political levels and discuss implications for management. The study focuses on the Advocacy Coalition Framework and a qualitative methodology. Results show that EU and Swedish eel fishery policies are based on partly different beliefs about prioritized groups, problem descriptions, and policy preferences. Swedish policy is more considerate of fishery, attentive to the problems of hydropower, and hesitant toward fishery closures, than is the EU. These differences can be understood by the positions and power of the two advocacy coalitions competing for influence at the national level. National decisions align more with the coalition that includes fishery organizations, the Swedish Board of Agriculture, and coastal municipalities than with the beliefs of the coalition involving environmental—and sport fishing organizations and the Swedish Environmental Protection Agency.
... Therefore, the ACF was chosen as the main component of the theoretical approach of this thesis. The ACF has been revised several times to meet the needs of studying different political systems and societies (Sabatier 1998;Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith 1999;Sabatier and Weible 2007;Jenkins-Smith et al. 2018;Henry et al. 2022). ...
... The ACF builds on the following premises ( Figure 2): 1) policymaking related to a certain policy domain in specific region occurs within a policy subsystem which is formed by actors representing different levels of government, private sector, non-governmental organizations, science, and media, and the policymaking within that subsystem which is influenced by factors stemming from the broader political and socioeconomic contexts; 2) the actors' behavior is based on heuristics in decision making defined by the actors' tri-partite belief systems, and thus, policies and programs produced within a subsystem are considered as translations of those beliefs; 3) actors are considered to cooperate within advocacy coalitions with other actors who share similar values (policy-core beliefs) related to the policy domain; 4) policy change can occur either through a process of policy learning based on new knowledge, or as a response to external or internal shocks affecting the subsystem, and the identification of policy changes requires a time perspective of at least ten years (Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith 1999;Sabatier and Weible 2007;Jenkins-Smith et al. 2018;Henry et al. 2022). ...
... The belief structure of each actor comprise three levels: a) deep core beliefs consisting of fundamental normative beliefs, which are typically very stable, b) policy core beliefs, which are fundamental beliefs related to a certain policy domain, and c) secondary beliefs, including technical aspects related to a certain policy domain, which are the most easily adjusted based on new information (Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith 1999;Sabatier and Weible 2007). ...
Forests are essential for maintaining the living conditions on Earth, providing livelihoods and wellbeing for a significant proportion of humanity, while also having the potential to address the existential challenges we are facing. This study explored the composition of the Finnish forest policy subsystem and analyzed the type of policies it has produced under different national and international political influences within a 22-year time frame, from 1994 to 2015. The main aims were to identify the predominant coalitions involved in the policy processes and to analyze the role of international influences and discourses in the Finnish forest policy subsystem. Furthermore, the study examines the related sustainability framings and discusses the implications of the analyzed forest policies for the sustainability of forestry and social equity. The analytical approach was guided by three main policy process-related theories. Firstly, the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) was used to unpack and critically examine the composition and value basis of the Finnish forest policy subsystem. Secondly, the ACF was combined with the Four Pathways of International Influences framework to analyze and identify how international influences affect the Finnish policy subsystem. Finally, Critical Discourse Analysis was applied to discover how Finnish forest policies are formulated, which influences guide them, and how international sustainability discourses are reflected in them. These theories also guided the data collection and analysis. The data consisted of expert interviews and policy documents and was examined using qualitative content analysis. Based on the analysis, the Finnish forest policy subsystem consists of three coalitions: the private forestry coalition, the forestry administration coalition, and the environmental coalition. The first two derive their policy core beliefs from the forestry paradigm and promote the economic utilization of timber, whereas the environmental coalition derives its beliefs from the environmental paradigm and promotes the safeguarding of forest nature. The results of the dissertation indicate that Finnish forest policy has been inclined to favor the approach adopted by the private forestry and forestry administration coalitions by emphasizing the economic utilization of timber resources. This approach seems to stem from the importance of the export-dependent Finnish forest industry to the national economy. In addition, the results show that international influences have diffused into the Finnish forest policy development process through three different pathways, namely international rules, international norms and discourse, and markets. More specifically, legally binding international rules and non-legally binding international norms and discourse were regarded as equally important. In the 1990s, the rise of environmental consciousness and related regulation gave the environmental coalition the leverage to influence Finnish forest policy. However, the influence of the environmental coalition was only temporary. In the 2010s, the bioeconomy narrative applied by the private forestry coalition and the forestry administration coalition re-emphasized the economic utilization of forests to the detriment of environmental aspects. The future of the Finnish forest sector depends on how it will reconcile – or fail to reconcile – the contradictory paradigms of environmental protection and forest utilization. Policy changes toward a sustainable future would require changes in the discourse and the discursive space, together with more open public discussion.
... The ACF was developed by Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith in the 1990s and addresses questions related to coalitions, learning, and policy change (Sabatier, 1988;Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, 1993, 1999Sabatier & Weible, 2007). The ACF assumes that coalitions within a subsystem try to impact the policy process through interaction and cooperation. ...
... However, in this paper I focus on coalition behavior and coordination patterns, as well as beliefs in nascent subsystems, which I will address next. Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith (1999) distinguish between mature subsystems, which have been in existence for a decade or more, and nascent subsystems, which are in the process of formation. In a nascent subsystem an issue has only recently emerged on the public agenda, with little history of public policy outputs, little or no serious consideration in public decision-making forums, and where advocates have only recently become active (Stritch, 2015, p. 438). ...
... In a nascent subsystem an issue has only recently emerged on the public agenda, with little history of public policy outputs, little or no serious consideration in public decision-making forums, and where advocates have only recently become active (Stritch, 2015, p. 438). These nascent subsystems can be characterized by fluidity of beliefs and patterns of coordination (Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, 1999;Weible et al., 2020). The literature on nascent subsystems is still limited, but authors studying them reflect mostly on the process of coalition formation and belief patterns (e.g. ...
This paper aims to understand coalition building between national and international actors in the context of an emerging subsystem. In applying the Advocacy Coalition Framework to the case of Uruguay, where a new field of social policy – the National Care System – was introduced in 2015 after a process involving different national actors from academia, civil society, politics, and administration, but also United Nations agencies, the paper explores the role of these international organizations in coalition building, and examines how a dominant coalition of national and international actors shaped the development of the new system. Using interview data and documents, the findings suggest that the involvement of international organizations in the coalition was based on shared beliefs and personal and institutional relationships. While powerful opposing coalitions were absent due to the nascent nature of the subsystem, the dominant coalition was able to influence the policy’s introduction based on their beliefs regarding gender equality and rights.
... The research includes the analysis of the use of scientific evidence or other kinds by the federal bureaucracy (Pinheiro, 2020;Koga et al., 2020), of institutional changes over time (Mahoney and Thelen, 2010), and the lessons derived from these processes (Sabatier, 1988;Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith, 1999;Sabatier and Weible, 2007). A view on advocacy coalitions along the lines of the advocacy | 253 coalition framework (ACF) continues the author's research on the application of this theoretical framework to environmental policy in Brazil (Araújo, 2007;2013;Capelari et al., 2020). ...
... The moderate model presented by the author is epistemologically compatible with the public policy subsystem view presented by Sabatier and partners in the ACF (Sabatier, 1988;Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith, 1999;Sabatier and Weible, 2007). The different players, individual and collective, public and private, who act systematically over the years trying to influence decisions on a given public policy issue are driven by beliefs, which also reflect different types of interests. ...
... Overall, the interviewees' narrative sought to highlight both the progressive use of technical information and scientific evidence, from the perspective of EBPPs (Pinheiro, 2020), and the gradual implementation of improvements in the agency's performance, predominantly framed as layering in the typology of Mahoney and Thelen (2010). It also evidenced the concern to highlight the lessons learned in this progressive evolution, in line with the ACF (Sabatier, 1988;Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith, 1999;Sabatier and Weible, 2007), for example, in the references to remote enforcement actions, which complement the field operations, or the work with indigenous firefighters, which shows an alignment of the agency with socio-environmentalism, consistent with the findings of Araújo from 2003 (Araújo, 2007;2013). ...
O uso de evidências como subsídio à atuação governamental não é tema novo no debate sobre a produção e legitimação da ação do Estado. Nas últimas décadas, no entanto, o movimento das políticas públicas baseadas em evidências (PPBEs) tem intensificado a defesa de que mais e melhores evidências sejam produzidas como instrumentos capazes de orientar a produção de políticas públicas. Esta publicação almejou ilustrar essa multiplicidade de recursos para produção de inferências com contribuições que mobilizam tanto estudos qualitativos como quantitativos ou mistos, além de experimentais. Ao longo da publicação, cada capítulo adota métodos distintos, como é de se esperar a partir dos variados objetos de análise.
... Within the social enterprise strategic action field there are diverse actors, represented by the incumbents and challengers, who hold divergent deep core beliefs, which influence their perspectives on the field and its overarching objectives, making the application of the framework appropriate (Weible et al., 2011;Sotirov & Memmler, 2012). These actors seek to turn their core preferences into binding policy, responding to shifting external conditions and increasing knowledge of the field itself (Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, 1999). The combination allows for an examination of the governance units as being 'policy brokers' who are expected to mediate these rivalries through negotiation and compromise to develop rules and policy (Sabatier, 1998). ...
... Incumbents, lacking expertise within their own pool of actors, rely on notable actors who can bridge institutional voids, rewarding them privileged access to resources to enable them to carry out their duties (Fligstein & McAdam, 2011). However, rather than simply being adjudicators charged with facilitating the functionality of the field, the social enterprise incubators developed their own visions and preferred policy preferences, which often challenged the incumbents' own vision (Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, 1999). Incubator managers noted environmental weaknesses within the strategic action field, caused by the incumbents, including funding gaps, government interference, and a lack of professionalisation: Governance units ability to effect change upwards is evident in the creation of new laws which addressed these problems and formalised the norms and rules of the social enterprise strategic action field. ...
As command economies transition toward economic liberalisation, the underdevelopment of market-supporting institutions often creates institutional voids at the microscale. Drawing on Fligstein and McAdam’s (2011) theory of strategic action fields, this paper examines the emergence of ‘Institutional Fiefdoms’: socially constructed spaces of collective action where incumbents, typically the state, rely on politically aware social actors to develop policy and provide governorship within these voids. The governance units within an institutional fiefdom are drawn from the challenger base of the strategic action field, moving into the middle position to influence and shape how the field evolves. Leveraging their social and political capital, they can design policy and processes that contradict state-held ideologies by positioning it appropriately within the legal-institutional context, and ensuring economic and political objectives are met. By developing support mechanisms that reinforce the structure and stability of the field, governance units can enforce desired behaviours among challengers, whilst maintaining their own central position and autonomy. Importantly, governance units can establish new institutional norms, influencing the wider state infrastructure, for example, through the creation of new laws. This paper is focused in two contexts, which have undergone economic liberalisation; rapidly, in the case of the Republic of Poland’s Shock Therapy, and gradually, in the case of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam’s Doi Moi. The paper focuses specifically on the changes that impacted the nonprofit sector, in particular, social enterprises. The findings contribute to our theoretical understanding of field governance mechanisms, as well as how governance units themselves emerge, operate, and express their agency. We position institutional fiefdoms as being defined by rule complexity, new or novel institutional norms being established, and the embedding of the field’s social order.
... The ACF is a contemporary meso-level framework in the policy realm, intended to expand policy analysis by incorporating a greater range of processes than other frameworks (4,50,52,(174)(175)(176)(177)(178). The framework provides a method to examine the behavior and attitudes of numerous policy stakeholders by clustering them into advocacy coalitions, formed by a range of stakeholders with common values, beliefs, and perceptions of policy issues, and who establish levels of coordination over time (179). ...
... Flaws aside, however, the ACF is considered a practical and widely accepted structure for analysing the complete policy process (50,52). The ACF meets key criteria for the purpose of analysing policy change (179) and is a valid approach within the arena of policy process research (181,253). To reiterate Houlihan (4), the ACF is consequently a "valuable starting point for the development of analytical frameworks capable of illuminating the sport policy area" (4). ...
This paper reviews some mainstream meso-level policy analysis frameworks widely applied in sport. There is, however, an absence of consensus for an established framework for analysing sport policy in general and, instead, techniques emanating from other fields of study have been relied upon. The resultant approach to sport policy analysis is inconsistent, multidimensional, and lacks unanimity, leading to calls for a sport-specific framework. This research outlines how meso-level frameworks have been applied in sport policy and issues linked to sustainability from a grassroots policy perspective. A narrative literature review provides an overview of prevalent approaches, namely Institutional Analysis, the Multiple Streams Framework, Policy Network Theory, and the Advocacy Coalition Framework. Aspects of applying these models to sport policy—including some key advantages and disadvantages—are outlined, especially the issue of conventional top-policy processes, the impact on policy implementers at grassroots level, and the potential for bottom-up policy influence. The article examines the four frameworks in the context of praxes in sport, noting the overall importance of a meso-level approach to sport policy analysis and that arriving at an holistic and inclusive accord has merit.
... P. A. Hall (1993), for example, proposed three different "orders of change" resulting from policy learning: first-order changes indicating small adjustments in a policy, second-order changes altering policy instruments and, third-order changes amending the basic goals of a policy. Additionally, Sabatier and Weible (2007) leads to minor policy change (Pierce et al., 2020;Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, 1999), with some exceptions (e.g., Bandelow et al., 2019). 21 Second, moving from these general classifications to a more specific understanding, Heikkila and Gerlak (2013) investigated different types of learning products, which hint at various forms of policy changes. ...
... Policy core beliefs, on the one hand, are strong but low to medium levels of uncertainty might still exist, leading to a medium likelihood of change. Secondary beliefs, on the other hand, vary between normal to high levels of uncertainty with a high likelihood of change (Nohrstedt et al., 2023;Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, 1999). ...
Policy learning is a crucial mechanism for policy change. Yet, there is still uncertainty about the conditions under which learning actually leads to change. This article clarifies the causal chain from policy learning to policy change in two steps. First, it develops a so-called “Learning Product Framework” which distinguishes three central features of learning products: policy belief change, policy preference change, and policy output change. Second, it presents a “Typology of Causal Pathways between Learning and Change”, leading to four different learning-induced policy changes. In the first pathway, policy beliefs have changed, but preferences and outputs remain unchanged, resulting in policy stability rather than policy change. In the second pathway, policy beliefs and preferences have changed, but the output has not been altered, also leading to policy stability. In the third pathway, beliefs, preferences, and outputs have changed, but they are not aligned, resulting in “Non-Congruent Policy Change”. Only in the fourth pathway are all three features aligned and fulfilled, leading to “Congruent Policy Change”. This conceptual clarification confirms previous findings that policy learning alone is not sufficient for policy change. It demonstrates the combination of cognitive, behavioral, and social mechanisms needed for learning-induced policy change.
... One of the most important cases for exploring the application of frameworks or theories outside of its original context can be found with the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF). The ACF was developed by Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith (1999), in the context of the U.S. democratic governing system marked by pluralistic struggles among interest groups and government entities to influence public policy. This back-drop offered a number of causal preconditions to support the ACF's theoretical foci on competing advocacy coalitions, policy-oriented learning, and policy change (Li;Weible, 2021). ...
... The main features pointed out by Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith (1999) are: i) The participation of actors with formal institutionalized authority; ii) Public opinion, in support of the coalition; iii) Information; iv) Mobilization of troops; v) financial resources; and vi) Experienced leadership. 14 de 18 ...
Na cadeia de gestão de resíduos, os integrantes mais frágeis continuam a ser os catadores. Estando presentes em diferentes economias, são o resultado da estratificação social e da falta de oportunidades de emprego. Com o surgimento das primeiras cooperativas de catadores da América Latina, o governo e a sociedade brasileira voltaram suas atenções para um grupo antes marginalizado. Por meio do modelo de Coalizão de Defesas, este estudo visa compreender o papel das principais coalizões envolvidas no desenvolvimento de processo decisório, como isso afeta a sociedade e para projetos futuros, como inserir a parte social nas decisões políticas que às vezes optam por ideias tecnocráticas. A pesquisa analisou um processo de formulação de políticas ao longo de uma década. Foram realizadas entrevistas com pessoas envolvidas na gestão de resíduos em uma das principais capitais mundiais quando se trata de associativismo e cooperativismo: Belo Horizonte, Brasil. As crises econômicas no Brasil nas duas primeiras décadas do século XXI e o processo de impeachment que alterou o repasse de recursos de programas federais para os catadores tiveram grande influência no processo em análise.
... The political behavior of subsystem actors, such as stakeholders, is guided by their policy beliefs, including deep core beliefs and policy core beliefs (Sabatier, 1988(Sabatier, , 1998Jenkins-Smith, 1993, 1999;Sabatier and Weible, 2007). Deep core beliefs constitute general normative assumptions regarding elements like the human nature, the roles of the state and the market, or the relative priority of fundamental values (Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith, 1999;Sabatier and Weible, 2007). In contrast, policy core beliefs pertain to the application of deep core beliefs to a specific policy domain, such as forest policy. ...
... Policies can be analyzed in terms of belief systems (Pierce et al., 2017), since they represent the translation of policy beliefs of subsystem actors who won past policy processes (Pierce and Weible, 2016). For significant policy change to occur, shifts in policy core beliefs are necessary (Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith, 1999). ...
... P. A. Hall (1993), for example, proposed three different "orders of change" resulting from policy learning: first-order changes indicating small adjustments in a policy, second-order changes altering policy instruments and, third-order changes amending the basic goals of a policy. Additionally, Sabatier and Weible (2007) leads to minor policy change (Pierce et al., 2020;Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, 1999), with some exceptions (e.g., Bandelow et al., 2019). 21 Second, moving from these general classifications to a more specific understanding, Heikkila and Gerlak (2013) investigated different types of learning products, which hint at various forms of policy changes. ...
... Policy core beliefs, on the one hand, are strong but low to medium levels of uncertainty might still exist, leading to a medium likelihood of change. Secondary beliefs, on the other hand, vary between normal to high levels of uncertainty with a high likelihood of change (Nohrstedt et al., 2023;Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, 1999). ...
Policy learning is a crucial mechanism for policy change. Yet, there is still uncertainty about the conditions under which learning actually leads to change. This article clarifies the causal chain from policy learning to policy change in two steps. First, it develops a so-called “Learning Product Framework” which distinguishes three central features of learning products: policy belief change, policy preference change, and policy output change. Second, it presents a “Typology of Causal Pathways between Learning and Change”, leading to four different learning-induced policy changes. In the first pathway, policy beliefs have changed, but preferences and outputs remain unchanged, resulting in policy stability rather than policy change. In the second pathway, policy beliefs and preferences have changed, but the output has not been altered, also leading to policy stability. In the third pathway, beliefs, preferences, and outputs have changed, but they are not aligned, resulting in “Non-Congruent Policy Change”. Only in the fourth pathway are all three features aligned and fulfilled, leading to “Congruent Policy Change”. This conceptual clarification confirms previous findings that policy learning alone is not sufficient for policy change. It demonstrates the combination of cognitive, behavioral, and social mechanisms needed for learning-induced policy change.
... One of the most important cases for exploring the application of frameworks or theories outside of its original context can be found with the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF). The ACF was developed by Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith (1999), in the context of the U.S. democratic governing system marked by pluralistic struggles among interest groups and government entities to influence public policy. This back-drop offered a number of causal preconditions to support the ACF's theoretical foci on competing advocacy coalitions, policy-oriented learning, and policy change (Li;Weible, 2021). ...
... The main features pointed out by Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith (1999) are: i) The participation of actors with formal institutionalized authority; ii) Public opinion, in support of the coalition; iii) Information; iv) Mobilization of troops; v) financial resources; and vi) Experienced leadership. 14 de 18 ...
In the waste management chain, the most fragile actors remain the waste pickers. Being present in poor and rich economies, they are the result of social stratification and lack of employment opportunities. With the emergence of the first waste picker cooperatives in Latin America, the government and Brazilian society turned their attention to a group previously considered criminal. Through the Advocacy Coalition Framework model, this study aims to understand the role of the main coalitions involved in the development of an environmental plan, how it affects society and for future projects, how to insert the social part in political decisions that sometimes opt for technocratic ideas. The research analysed a policy-making process over an entire decade. Interviews were conducted with those involved in the waste management in one of the world's leading capitals when it comes to associativism and cooperativism: Belo Horizonte, Brazil. The economic crises in Brazil in the first two decades of the 21st century and the impeachment process that changed the transfer of funds from federal programs to waste pickers had a great influence on the process under analysis.
... Due to the B&B's theoretical limitations regarding a "change over time" analysis, our framework includes the borrowed concept of "policyoriented learning" to answer our third research question on governance longevity and replicability. Stemming from another public policy theory, the Advocacy Coalition Framework (Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith, 1999), this concept is defined as changes of thought and behavior resulting from experience and/or new information that come from the attainment or revision of policies (Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith, 1999). ...
... Due to the B&B's theoretical limitations regarding a "change over time" analysis, our framework includes the borrowed concept of "policyoriented learning" to answer our third research question on governance longevity and replicability. Stemming from another public policy theory, the Advocacy Coalition Framework (Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith, 1999), this concept is defined as changes of thought and behavior resulting from experience and/or new information that come from the attainment or revision of policies (Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith, 1999). ...
This paper analyses the unique hybrid governance of Brazil’s Amazon Soy Moratorium (ASM) in regulating soybean production in the Amazon, where private actors have created a state-like ban on commodity production to reduce deforestation that goes beyond national law. Despite existing research regarding impact assessment, the study aims to fill knowledge gaps in explaining the ASM’s alliance-building processes, its longstanding maintenance, and its potential for regulatory replicability. Informed by the application of the Baptist and Bootlegger political economic theory of regulation and empirical data from qualitative interviews and document analysis, we provide an actor-centered explanation of the design, adoption, and maintenance of the ASM over a19-year timeframe. Our results show how NGOs and businesses had opposite motivations and negotiated their roles to form a successful strategic alliance, reinforced by the inclusion of third parties (e.g., technical and governmental actors) to assist in its monitoring and transparency. Developed as an exclusive private market regulation, the ASM agreement, however, relies on a policy mix: private and public actors play a role in implementation, which includes assisting and relying on existing public policies, instruments, and official data. This policy mix was necessary for the ASM’s noteworthy hybrid and long-term governance. Its successful formation in 2006 was enabled by factors including an economic crisis, foreign pressure linked with national enforcement failure, and, most importantly, the Amazon scope. Our analysis shows who gains or loses from the regulatory design. Furthermore, we shed light on the biggest regulatory spillover, to the Cerrado, where the failed attempt at replicability emphasizes the regulatory uniqueness of the ASM. The study concludes with a discussion of what will help or hinder the ASM’s longevity, providing lessons for similar regulatory mechanisms on forest-risk agricultural production, such as EU’s recent Regulation on Deforestation-free Products.
... For community sport in Australia, such a scenario can, in turn, create a degree of tension for the actors involved in the policy process [28,47,48,53,54]. From a policy process standpoint, friction occurs due to the variation in primary value priorities that influence the policy process [55] and the different social contexts and local conditions that affect the decisions of stakeholders involved in policy [56,57]. ...
... A particular focus of the ACF is the bottom-up influence of the policy process, viewed as crucial because it allows the synthesis of bottom-up input with a more traditional top-down approach to policy creation [108,112,113]. The ACF aims to synthesize top-down and bottom-up aspects of policy [114] and includes practical evidence, technical information, and the subsequent influence on the policy creation and implementation process [55,115]. The ACF comprises two brief distinctions: (i) a top-down process, meaning to commence with a macro-policy directive; and (ii) a bottom-up process, meaning to start with an analysis of actors involved with policy implementation, while understanding that actors often have to manipulate policy to address local conditions [116]. ...
... In understanding policy integration, the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF), as proposed by (Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, 1999), offers insights into how coalitions of stakeholders with shared beliefs and policy preferences navigate within political systems to influence policy outcomes. This framework delineates how these coalitions interact, compete, and collaborate, influencing policy agendas and decisions within governmental structures. ...
... The framework elucidates the dynamics between advocacy coalitions-groups of stakeholders sharing beliefs, resources, and policy preferences. The ACF emphasizes how these coalitions compete and collaborate within the policy process, influencing policy change and implementation (Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, 1999). Within environmental policy integration, ACF helps understand how diverse advocacy coalitions with differing beliefs and priorities engage in policy debates. ...
em>This study delves into the multifaceted domain of Green Governance, aimed at integrating environmental policies into public decision-making processes. Grounded in qualitative research methods utilizing secondary data, the investigation unfolds key insights derived from various thematic domains. The exploration begins by uncovering the foundational elements crucial to Green Governance, unveiling key components and imperatives for effective environmental policy implementation. Stakeholder perspectives emerge as pivotal, shaping policy realities and influencing the trajectory of environmental initiatives. The study navigates through theoretical perspectives, shedding light on the intricacies of policy integration into public decision-making, drawing from diverse lenses such as the Advocacy Coalition Framework and Institutional Theory. Additionally, the research meticulously explores various governance models, dissecting collaborative and network-based approaches and elucidating their distinguishing features and comparative advantages in integrating environmental policies. Findings underscore the significance of collaboration, adaptive structures, stakeholder engagement, and inclusive decision-making in crafting effective green governance frameworks. Ultimately, this research culminates in a comprehensive understanding of Green Governance, providing insights vital for policymakers, practitioners, and stakeholders.</em
... We classified every belief captured as a policy core belief. These policy core beliefs included policy preferences about the location of the route and the relative priority of renewable energy and problem perceptions such as about the impacts of the views of the route (Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, 1999, pg. 133) 5 . ...
This paper builds on the burgeoning literature of emotion analyses in the policy process by examining how emotions are used and portrayed in locating a contentious renewable transmission line in Southern California, US. Using the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) as the theoretical guide, this paper finds evidence that actors experience similar emotions about beliefs to those within their coalition and dissimilar emotions about beliefs to actors in rival coalitions. This trend holds for diffuse (positive/negative) and most, but not all, discrete (e.g. anger, dismay, affinity) emotions expressions. Negative emotions also tend to define coalitions more strongly while positive emotions have varied patterns. The conclusion lays out future research directions to further our understanding of emotions and beliefs in policy and politics.
... Anti-gender beliefs have been classified into deep core and policy core beliefs following Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith's (Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, 1999) and Weible et al.'s (Weible et al., 2020) categorizations. Seven deep core beliefs were deductively derived from the literature on anti-gender mobilizations (specifically, Garbagnoli, 2016;Graff & Korolczuk, 2022;Kuhar & Paternotte, 2017) and include fundamental views about human nature, normative orientations regarding society, moral and ethical principles, and ontological axioms. ...
As one of the most established theoretical approaches to public policy, the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) has moored most of its theoretical arguments around a textbook policy conflict consisting of two or more advocacy coalitions in a mature adversarial policy subsystem within an advanced polyarchy. This article steps beyond the textbook by introducing deep core coalitions marked by compounding intersectional identities operating at the macro-system. It offers two illustrations of deep core coalitions, one bound by their collective transgender identity and the other by their collective traditionalist identity. Finally, this article concludes with a discussion of what it means for a research program to embrace a diverse research agenda, such as through better linkages with other theoretical approaches, launching more comparative research designs, or, as done here, focusing on a new type of advocacy coalition operating at the macro-system.
... Second, policy entrepreneurs are defined by "their willingness to invest their resources -time, energy, reputation and sometimes money -in the hope of a future return" . And third, "policy subsystems are defined by a geographic scope, a substantive issue, and a population of hundreds of active stakeholders from all levels of government, multiple interest groups, the media, and research institutions (Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, 1999)" Weible and Sabatier (2005). ...
... A more detailed understanding of these interactions has been presented in theories of policy networks that today play a central role in studies of the policy process. While there is no universal consensus regarding the composition, operating logic or even relevance of policy networks (see for example the exchange between Marsh & Rhodes, 1992;Marsh & Smith, 2000and Dowding, 1995, 2001, key scholars in the field have presented rather similar conceptions of their general organizational and operative features (Dowding, 1995(Dowding, , 2001Marsh & Rhodes, 1992;Marsh & Smith, 2000;Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, 1999;Thatcher, 1998). Here, we draw from the comprehensive summary by Rhodes (2008) that provides a sufficient level of detail for our purposes. ...
... This highlights the need for a robust ecosystem backing pandemic measures. COVID-19 produced many examples of the influence of advocacy coalitions composed of civil society and health professionals, both supporting and opposing public health measures (Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith, 1999). Scientific knowledge can be rejected because of competing interests (especially the economy) and/or the absence of unambiguous evidence on specific measures (Salajan et al., 2020). ...
Our paper examines the political considerations in the intersectoral action that was evident during the SAR-COV-2 virus (COVID-19) pandemic through case studies of political and institutional responses in 16 nations (Australia, Belgium, Brazil, Ethiopia, India, New Zealand, Nigeria, Peru, South Africa, South Korea, Spain, Taiwan, Thailand, Vietnam, UK, and USA). Our qualitative case study approach involved an iterative process of data gathering and interpretation through the three Is (institutions, ideas and interests) lens, which we used to shape our understanding of political and intersectoral factors affecting pandemic responses. The institutional factors examined were: national economic and political context; influence of the global economic order; structural inequities; and public health structures and legislation, including intersectoral action. The ideas explored were: orientation of governments; political actors’ views on science; willingness to challenge neoliberal policies; previous pandemic experiences. We examined the interests of political leaders and civil society and the extent of public trust. We derived five elements that predict effective and equity-sensitive political responses to a pandemic. Firstly, effective responses have to be intersectoral and led from the head of government with technical support from health agencies. Secondly, we found that political leaders’ willingness to accept science, communicate empathetically and avoid ‘othering’ population groups was vital. The lack of political will was found in those countries stressing individualistic values. Thirdly, a supportive civil society which questions governments about excessive infringement of human rights without adopting populist anti-science views, and is free to express opposition to the government encourages effective political action in the interests of the population. Fourthly, citizen trust is vital in times of uncertainty and fear. Fifthly, evidence of consideration is needed regarding when people’s health must be prioritized over the needs of the economy. All these factors are unlikely to be present in any one country. Recognizing the political aspects of pandemic preparedness is vital for effective responses to future pandemics and while intersectoral action is vital, it is not enough in isolation to improve pandemic outcomes.
... Applied to public policy issues, this theory is illustrated by the concept of "advocacy coalition framework (ACF)" (Sabatier 1998;Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith 1999). The ACF suggests that stakeholders engage in a coalition on the basis of a common ideology and that the coalition is stable over the long term. ...
This article analyses the role of the economic coalition in improving the bargaining power of countries in the African region at the World Health Organisation (WHO), using data from the World Health Assembly (WHA) from 2010 to 2019. The study is based on the observation that this region’s bargaining power is the weakest in the organisation. This bargaining power is obtained by linearly combining two simple indices (calculated using the Shapley–Shubik method). He therefore analyses two ways of improving this indicator: a coalition of countries by regional grouping within the meaning of the WHO, then a reconfiguration of this coalition on the basis of economic unions. The results show that by forming intra-regional alliances, Africa increases its bargaining power and gains an average of two places on the podium. This position is even better when coalitions are formed on the basis of economic unions. This leads to an increase in this region’s bargaining power of twice that of the initial coalition, and also improves its position on the podium.
... Outside of the integration literature, it is worth noting that crises also play a key role in epistemologies of social change, for instance, as contingent events, that is, events that alter pathdependent patterns of historical change (Pierson, 2000). More concretely, often in public policy literature, crises are often conceptualized as "external shocks" that shift policy solutions from incremental to substantive (Jenkins-Smith and Sabatier, 1999;Klein, 2007;Nohrstedt and Weible, 2010). ...
In the wake of the 2008 global financial crisis, Iceland launched a bid to join the European Union. Joining the EU was presented domestically as a key to economic recovery and as a preventative measure against future economic distress. The bid itself was framed within a rapidly shifting political landscape, set against a backdrop of spreading economic malaise across Europe, accompanied by economic bailout plans and austerity measures. Several aspects of the bid's ultimate failure demonstrate the importance of identities and narratives around national independence and European integration. Most saliently, widespread perceptions about what it would mean to join the EU, particularly around sensitive notions of sovereignty, proved insurmountable to the more economistic rationale of the pro-EU campaign. The Icelandic bid thus presents a distinct opportunity to drill down into the complex relationships between austerity economics, popular politics, and the European integration project, with significant policy implications. To better understand the emergence of the bid and its failure in sociopolitical terms we assess different conceptual frameworks, including functionalist, intergovernmentalist, and post-functionalist approaches and theoretical perspectives on crisis and contentious politics. We also include voices of Icelandic citizens from civil society and government collected in research interviews between 2012 and 2018. Overall, our comparative theoretical approach and original case data sharpen an emphasis in the social sciences and policy research on the importance of cultural narrative and identity as key determinants of EU integration.
... Like other theories of the policy process PAC generally assumes that actors are self-interested and instrumentally rational (Baumgartner & Jones, 1993;Kingdon, 1995;Ostrom, 1990). It also borrows several assumptions from social psychology: Individuals weigh losses more than gains (and remember defeats more than victories), use belief systems to filter perceptions, and overemphasize the influence and nastiness of their opponents (Lord, Ross, & Lepper, 1979;Quatrone & Tversky, 1988;Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, 1999). These all strengthen in group cohesion and external group antipathy. ...
... More recent research has focused on combining the micro elements of the bottom up approach and the macro elements of top down approaches to benefit from the strengths of both approaches and enable different tiers of government to interact regularly (Elmore, 1985;Goggin et al., 1990;Matland, 1995;Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith, 1999;O'Toole, 2000;Fullan, 2007). ...
... Table 1 presents the results from the interviews for deep core beliefs. Deep core beliefs emerged in the interviews in four of the illustrative components from Jenkins-Smith and Sabatier's (1999). Prominent themes from the anti-abortion access coalition interviews include beliefs that abortion is evil and unnatural, and that opposition to abortion is driven by values (justice, compassion, human rights) and by sociocultural identities (Christianity, womanhood, motherhood). ...
Although abortion policy is often discussed as a black-and-white conflict characterized by polarization and a lack of compromise, this study explores the validity of such a presupposition by asking how advocates articulate their belief systems about abortion policy and in what ways—if at all—are those beliefs shared within and across coalitions and create fissures within and between coalitions? Applying the Advocacy Coalition Framework, we interviewed advocates, representing both pro-abortion-access and anti-abortion-access perspectives, about their beliefs, coalition allies, and opponents in Colorado. The result reveals nuanced belief systems that address competing conceptions of morality, gender, and life with a tendency toward deep core beliefs. This paper contributes to the ACF literature by highlighting a policy issue not often raised by ACF scholars, bridging morality policy and abortion policy literature with more mainstream policy process research, and surpassing simple “pro-life vs. pro-choice” dichotomies to reveal complex belief systems about abortion.
... PP., que implican generar sistemas de integridad institucional bastante sofisticados. Este proceso de cambio se explicaría mejor desde el marco de las coaliciones promotoras que los anteriores, pues presenta ideas muy consolidadas, un sistema estable cultural y constitucionalmente, la llegada de un nuevo gobierno de coalición con programas de reformas ambiciosas, unos policy brokers activos y coaliciones protransparencia y anticorrupción más sólidas aún que en 2015 (Sabatier, 1988;Sabatier y Jenkins-Smith, 1999). ...
Discussions on how to prevent corruption are now at the heart of the most influential international organizations and research centers. The best ideas in this field are spreading rapidly through all organizations. This fact has combined with the European response to the economic crisis triggered by COVID-19 to generate a new process of change in Spanish anti-corruption policies. The European Union has created the Next Generation Funds (NGEU) to help the member states hardest hit by the pandemic-related crisis not only to recover from it, but also to put in place the necessary reforms to strengthen their resilience to face similar crises in the future. Given that the management of these funds, according to European regulations, is strongly conditioned not only to ensure their effective and efficient use, but also to avoid any risk of corruption, fraud and conflict of interest, all organizations (public and private) that will have any responsibility in the use of this money are obliged to develop solid control schemes that minimize such risks. This fact represents a unique opportunity for the Europeanization and improvement of Spanish anti-corruption policies. This work analyzes, comparatively with previous anti-corruption reforms, the model of change that this reform represents. It also describes the general lines of hard and soft regulation approved on this matter in Spain, as well as the implementation that the ministries most affected by the management of NGEU are carrying out of the control systems promoted by the EU. This work evaluates its positive, but also the negative ones derived from a vertical, abrupt, and accelerated model of change.
This essay examines academic freedom in Chile under the 1980s Pinochet military dictatorship. While much has been written on the topic, the literature is fragmented and difficult to access owing to the diverse range of stakeholders involved. Historians have tended to explore single cases, actors, and institutions to highlight struggles with the Chilean dictatorship. Bringing their stories together and assessing them collectively, however, sheds new light on this episode of academic freedom. It captures collaboration among students, faculty, and the public across multiple settings that has not yet been adequately explored by existing literature. Through an analysis of secondary and primary sources—including monographs, journal articles, government reports, newspaper articles, and Spanish-language publications—this essay traces a collaborative turn during the dictatorship that occurred separately among students, faculty, and the public as well as between those groups. It thus offers insight into the Chilean experience during the 1980s and the cooperative efforts to protect academic freedom.
Tuntutan peningkatan upah minimum di Indonesia menjadi fenomena yang menarik untuk dikaji dalam studi kebijakan publik. Gerakan buruh terus menuntut atas perbaikan upah minimum. Sementara perusahaan mengharapkan upah yang rendah agar mendapatkan keuntungan besar. Disisi lain, pemerintah harus menjamin pemenuhan lapangan kerja bagi masyarakat, dan menjaga angka pengangguran terus menurun. Kerangka kerja advokasi merupakan suatu konsep perubahan kebijakan dalam sub-sistem kebijakan yang dilakukan oleh aktor atau stakeholder yang terlibat dalam kebijakan. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis kebijakan penetapan upah minimum dalam kerangka kerja advokasi dengan menggunakan metode penelitian kepustakaan. Terdapat empat sub-sistem kebijakan penetapan upah minimum di Indonesia, yang meliputi: (a) kelompok asosiasi (pengusaha); (b) asosiasi serikat buruh; (c) pemerintah, dan (d) perguruan tinggi. Keempat aktor ini dikategorikan sebagai internal sub-sistem kebijakan. Aktor-aktor ini memiliki peran dan fungsi masing-masing yang saling berinteraksi satu dengan lain dalam kebijakan penetapan upah minum di Indonesia. Permasalahan upah minimum dapat diselesaikan apabila diberikan ruang untuk berkontribusi dan dialog terbuka antar aktor dalam penetapan kebijakan. Peran aktor penengah seperti pemerintah dan perguruan tinggi harus dioptimal perannya dalam proses penetapan upah minimum. Sehingga masing-masing harapan dari aktor terakomodir dalam penetapan kebijakan upah minum di Indonesia.
Turkey, the first country to sign the Istanbul Convention, an international human rights treaty on violence against women, also became the first to withdraw from it. This study investigates the dynamics underlying these contradictory policies adopted during the Justice and Development Party (AKP) era. Employing the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF), the study reveals that the paradoxical policy change regarding the Convention was predominantly driven by factors external to the policy subsystem, including a shift towards a more centralised, conservative, and top-down approach to policy-making, along with a departure from the Europeanization axis. This analysis contributes to understanding how the macro-political context surrounding policy subsystems can lead to radical changes on the same policy issue.
This article advances a new and important perspective on networks, focusing on political conflicts rather than the mainstream focus on positive aspects such as trust, collaboration and cooperation. The aim of the research is to provide insights into the factors that intensify competition, and propose strategies that can mitigate its effects, thereby enhancing network coordination. It uses the case of local fracking policy networks in the US. Drawing on a range of policy theories, the research findings advance our understanding of the underlying factors contributing to dysfunctional political competition within adversarial policy networks and offer practical insights into their coordination.
Este artigo tem como objetivo principal identificar a influência de atores e ideias na conformação da Política Nacional de Habitação Social durante o período de 1987 a 2021. Como referencial teórico, empregou-se o Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF). O estudo, de tipo qualitativo, utilizou-se de um vasto conjunto de dados analisados através da Análise de Conteúdo e auxílio do software NVivo®. Como resultado, foram identificadas três coalizões de defesa influentes no subsistema da política: Coalizão da Moradia Popular (CoMP), Coalizão Desenvolvimentista da Construção Civil (CoDCC) e Coalizão da Financeirização da Moradia (CoFM). A CoMP, apesar de alcançar importantes vitórias durante os anos de 1987 a 2005, com a consolidação de suas crenças nos processos decisórios desse período, passou por progressivo enfraquecimento, de 2009 a 2021, não reunindo capacidade de influência suficiente para alterar a lógica econômico-financeira, associada a crenças defendidas pela CoDCC e CoFM, que majoritariamente definiram os processos decisórios seguintes.
Este estudo foca no aprendizado político resultante da aliança transnacional entre o Observatório Interamericano de Biopolítica (OIB) e a organização espanhola Hazte Oír, que contribuiu para a atual configuração do movimento antigênero no Brasil. A pesquisa adota a hipótese de que a mentoria da Hazte Oír proporcionou ao OIB um aprendizado político significativo, refletindo-se no fortalecimento de suas capacidades de advocacy e na consolidação de sua posição como um think tank influente no debate sobre sexualidade e gênero no contexto de 2013 a 2022. Utilizando o arcabouço da Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF), o estudo analisa as dinâmicas de ação do OIB, focando especialmente na interação entre os atores envolvidos e na evolução de suas táticas. A metodologia qualitativa empregada baseia-se na análise de um corpus diversificado de fontes documentais, incluindo artigos de jornais, documentos oficiais e material de audiências públicas. As conclusões indicam que o aprendizado político adquirido por meio dessa parceria não apenas fortaleceu as capacidades do OIB, mas também o posicionou como um agente central na promoção de uma agenda conservadora no Brasil.
Resumen: Se estudia por qué algunos países tienen políticas más estrictas para el control del tabaco que otros. Se analizaron tres casos que confirman dos hipótesis del marco de las coa-liciones promotoras (acf por sus siglas en inglés). En todos los casos, las políticas se inten-sificaron, en gran medida, debido a las perturbaciones externas de tipo normativo (petn); además, sólo en Uruguay se intensificaron las políticas debido a las perturbaciones externas por cambios de gobierno (pecg). Para las petn los factores que permitieron el cambio en las políticas fueron la durabilidad y la coordinación interna dentro de la coalición minoritaria; mientras que, para las pecg, fue la posición de la nueva coalición gobernante y su capacidad para cambiar la política por sí sola. Cabe notar que petn fue más importante para España y la pecg fue más relevante para México y Uruguay. Esto debería investigarse a fondo para determinar si existe una relación entre los efectos de las perturbaciones externas y el contex-to de cada país. Palabras clave: tabaco, marco institucional, política de salud, grupos de intereses, cambio social. Abstract: This article studies why some countries have more stringent policies for tobacco control than others. Three cases were studied that confirm two hypotheses of the advocacy coalition framework (acf). First, in all cases the policies intensified, to great extent, due to external perturbations of a normative type (epn). Second, only in Uruguay did the policies * Miguel Adolfo Guajardo Mendoza es investigador en el Centro de Investigación y Docencia Econó-micas (cide), Carretera México-Toluca 3655, Lomas de Santa Fe, 01210, Ciudad de México. Tel: (55) 53 22 77 00. Correo-e: miguel.guajardo@cide.edu. orcid: http://orcid.org/0000-0003-2967-7958. José Ramón Gil-García es director de Investigación en el Centro para la Tecnología en el Gobierno
Este trabajo explora de qué forma un acercamiento basado en el estudio de la legitimación del poder puede ofrecer una mejor comprensión de la estabilidad y el cambio de políticas públicas, a través de una adaptación del modelo de David Beetham para estudio de la legitimidad en ciencias sociales y del uso del modelo de los regímenes de política pública de Carter Wilson. Con su posterior desarrollo podría asociarse dentro de los marcos y teorías ‘sintéticos’ sobre el proceso de las políticas públicas, y dentro de ellos, los que explícitamente explican la estabilidad y la dinámica del cambio. Se advierte al autor que este modelo enfatiza lógicas reactivas de cambio sustantivo, y que la dinámica de las políticas puede también ocurrir como un proceso de tipo proactivo, que está fuera del alcance de este acercamiento. Como primer paso brindamos un esbozo de esfuerzos de construcción teórica en la literatura para explicar el policy change, luego describiremos nuestra propuesta de enfoque centrada en el estudio de la legitimación del poder. Finalizaremos con algunas relexiones sobre el necesario diálogo entre propuestas teóricas de cara al futuro.
In countries that practice Islamic law by constitutional mandate, women's lives are severely affected both in the public and private spheres. Consequently, the different feminist movements struggle to impose the gender perspective with varying results depending on the context. In this sense, it is possible to affirm that the role of Sharī’a in a national legal system depends not only on governance issues but on the level of acceptance or rejection of discriminatory measures and the alliances built to defend or contest them. In this article, a socio-legal study on the fight for equality in Sudan is featured based on the feminist theory and the advocacy coalition framework. In addition to contributing to the understanding of women’s agency in African Islamic countries, it illustrates the complexities and challenges faced within the framework of the promotion and defense of the rule of law at the international level
The policies related to lifelong learning are policies that are strongly internationalized in their formulation. In this paper, we focus on the "transfer" of policies and related programmes from the European level to the national level. We explore the turning points in the evolution of these policies at the European and national level and the existence and characteristics of possible policy transfer. In the introduction of this paper, we briefly explain the broader context in which lifelong learning policies are developed and then we describe the methodology of research and conclude with the central research question of this paper. In the next part, we discuss and analyze the theoretical notion of "policy transfer". We are going to discuss its definition, the categories of policy transfer, the types of what is being transferred, and the manner and prerequisites of a possible successful transfer. Then we will focus on international organizations and their role in the promotion of education policies (in our case, lifelong learning policies). The European Union (EU) will be at the centre of this analysis. Finally, we intend to present a timeline of the lifelong learning policies that have been promoted and established during the last decades at two levels: the European and the national (Greek) level. Based on these data, we are going to conduct an initial analysis using the theoretical tool of "policy transfer" and produce conclusions about the individual characteristics of lifelong learning policy transfer between EU and Greek policy subsystems.
Sexual harassment continues to occur with an increasing number of victims. Chemical castration has been proposed as a solution, but it has sparked debates among experts and the public. This study examined the arguments for and against chemical castration in online media. It used the Discourse Coalition Framework and the Discourse Network Analysis approach to map this debate. The analysis included 84 statements from 32 news articles published on Detik.com between January 2016 and December 2022. The study revealed changes in the online discussions of chemical castration. The discourse shifted from the focus on norms and the purpose of punishment to the nature of punishment and its purpose. Subsequently, a discourse coalition emerged between the actors regarding chemical castration. The actors sought support from one another to support their respective positions. The discourse also changed along with groups of diverse views. Some rejected the law, arguing that it contradicts religious principles and does not guarantee a deterrence effect. Meanwhile, those who supported chemical castration continued to strengthen their arguments. In general, this study can be a reference for addressing sexual harassment.
The chapter highlights the role of institutions, values, power, structure, and contexts in the policy system. The discussion on policy theories underscores how these have shaped the thinking in the policy system. The theories provide useful insights and pointers, which can be utilized for policymaking. It covers field studies to understand the policymaking process and policy implementation. They reveal key concerns like the lack of systemic understanding of the system and problem, the mismatch between micro-level insights and macro-level concerns, the lack of rigor to carry out analyses, and the want for evidence-based decision-making. In addition, the complexity dimension in the social and economic systems is not comprehended. It underlines the deficiencies in the efficacy of the delivery system for implementation. It identifies reasons such as inadequate system capacity, lack of citizen focus, and higher transaction costs and low process efficiency in availing public services. It accentuates why implementation matters, emphasizes the need for a robust delivery mechanism, and recommends critical determinants for success.
The topic of alternative farming practices for sustainable development has gained significant attention in recent years as global concerns over soil nutrient loss, environmental degradation, climate change, and the limitations of industrial agriculture have been widely researched. Traditional farming practices in countries like China, India, and the USA have long incorporated principles of sustainability, and these approaches hold valuable lessons for modern agriculture.
In Canada, in the early 2000s, the decriminalization of cannabis for recreational use seemed imminent. Between 2003 and 2005, three government decriminalization bills were introduced in the Canadian House of Commons, but none were adopted, and decriminalization efforts were abandoned. Subsequently, Canada went beyond decriminalization and legalized recreational cannabis in 2018. This paper examines why the Canadian decriminalization efforts failed, using the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) and ACF policy change theory. Three ACF-based hypotheses to explain the failed reform attempts are developed and investigated, but none are empirically supported. A fourth hypothesis is developed using information processing insights from Punctuated Equilibrium Theory (PET) but adapted to the ACF. This hypothesis is empirically supported showing that Canada’s decriminalization efforts failed, despite a supportive advocacy coalition, favourable conditions in the cannabis policy subsystem and favourable conditions in the Canadian political system, because its systemic advocates did not give it priority relative to other issues from other subsystems. This finding has implications for ACF policy change theory, identifying a necessary condition for major policy change that has been potentially overlooked, and illustrates the potential for cross-fertilization between PET and ACF theories of policy change.
The European Union largely influenced the development of supranational audiovisual spaces in Latin America. The central idea in the creation of RECAM in Mercosur, and Ibermedia, in Ibero-America, were to transfer the EU media policy model. However, to what extent these policies are following the EU model beyond rhetorics remains unclear. Therefore, the PhD thesis aims to critically investigate this relationship, assess what the interests, dynamics, and outcomes of it were, and to reflect on the adequacy of this idea.
The PhD adopts a holistic approach drawing from the political economy of communication to answer the main research question: Can we observe a policy transfer on media policy from the EU to RECAM and Ibermedia and does that make sense at all? To this end, the research builds on a framework encompassing policies, people, and power to investigate the policy process in an ex-ante and a posteriori stage.
The results are presented in five published articles where we combined different theories and methods going from a macro to micro perspective. We applied triangulation of the data in all articles through different methodologies, such as literature review, qualitative document analysis, expert interviews, and participant observation. The findings revealed that the EU media policy model was not transferred to RECAM or Ibermedia. Moreover, the PhD thesis illuminated the challenges of media policy transfer, exposing its inadequacy for a dialogue
between the EU and Latin America.
The research reflected on the specificities of Latin American audiovisual policies and on the role of media policies in promoting societal interest. Based on theoretical and empirical consideration, the PhD thesis provides policy recommendations for developing Latin American audiovisual spaces and contributes to recognizing the cultural dimension of audiovisual products.
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