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Deceiver's Distrust: Denigration as a Consequence of Undiscovered Deception

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Although psychologists have long recognized the havoc that a discovered lie can wreak on a relationship, this study indicates that even an undiscovered deception can bring about negative consequences. An experiment explored one such consequence by examining the hypothesis that in a dyadic relationship, if one partner lies to the other, the liar will begin to perceive the recipient as less honest. Participants who were induced to lie to a partner in a believable and, in some conditions, damaging manner then rated the partner on a variety of traits, including honesty. The results indicated a significant reduction in perceived honesty of the recipient of the lie, particularly by participants who told damaging lies. An exploration into the underlying mechanisms of the effect suggested that deceiver's distrust operates through affective means, with the liars justifying their actions in a self-protection motivated version of the false consensus effect.
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... Consistent with this explanation, a phenomenon known as deceiver's distrust has been described, finding that senders who tell lies (vs. truths) perceive receivers to be less honest 25 . Similarly, there is support for a false consensus bias concerning deception in the discovery phase of dating 26 . ...
... Data distribution was assumed to be normal but this was not formally tested. Consistent with H1, participants' who rated themselves as relatively untrustworthy also reported reduced feelings of closeness with their partner, b = 0. 25 To test whether perceived partner trustworthiness mediated this relationship, we used MLmed 45 in SPSS to conduct a multi-level mediation model, nesting Level-1 variables within dyads. As predicted in H2, the indirect effect was statistically significant (ab = 0.18, 95% CI: 0.11, 0.25). ...
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Lies can have major consequences if undetected. Research to date has focused primarily on the consequences of deception for receivers once lies are discovered. We advance deception research and relationship science by studying the social consequences of deception for the sender—even if their lies remain undetected. In a correlational study of video conversations (Study 1; N = 776), an experimental study of text conversations (Study 2; N = 416), and a survey of dispositional tendencies (Study 3; N = 399), we find consistent evidence that people who lie tend to assume that others are lying too, and this impedes their ability to form social connections. The findings provide insight into how (dis)honesty and loneliness may go together, and suggest that lies—even when undetected—harm our relationships.
... Note: We have primarily relied on proximal outcomes to decide whether engaging in negative behavior is detrimental or beneficial to actors because relatively few studies have examined more distal outcomes that arise as a result of these proximal ones. For the moderators and distal outcomes, the initials in parentheses indicate the theoretical perspective into which the study was situated: A Feeling unconstrained-dishonest behavior (Gino & Wiltermuth, 2014) Inclusive behavior-ostracism (Legate et al., 2013) Task-oriented leadership behaviors-abusive supervision (Ju et al., 2019) Creativity-dishonest behavior (Gino & Wiltermuth, 2014) In-group bond-ostracism (Poulsen & Kashy, 2012;Wyer & Schenke, 2016;Zadro et al., 2005) Relational perspective Low connection desire-social rejection (Zhou et al., 2009) Distrust in target-lying (Sagarin, Rhoads, & Cialdini, 1998) Note: For most studies, it is straightforward to categorize a paper by one theoretical perspective, but for some papers we have to use our judgment as the theoretical perspective they have used is unclear or mixed. In addition, some papers have examined different types of negative behavior and used more than one theoretical perspective. ...
... Shu, Gino, and Bazerman (2011) showed cheating behavior caused actors to morally disengage from their behavior by, for example, justifying means with ends, distorting the consequence of cheating, and diffusing their responsibility. Similarly, Sagarin, Rhoads, and Cialdini (1998) found that actors who told a lie were likely to justify their lying behavior via creating a "false consensus" wherein they believed that lying was ubiquitous and everyone else, including whom they lied to, was also dishonest. ...
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Negative workplace behavior has received substantial research attention over the past several decades. Although we have learned a lot about the consequences of negative behavior for its victims and third-party observers, a less understood but equally important research question pertains to the consequences for bad actors: How does engaging in negative behavior impact one’s thoughts, feelings, and subsequent behaviors? Moreover, do organizational members experience costs or benefits from engaging in negative acts? We address these questions with an integrative review of empirical findings on various actor-centric consequences of a wide range of negative behaviors. We organize these findings into five dominant theoretical perspectives: affective, psychological-needs, relational, psychological-resources, and cognitive-dissonance perspectives. For each perspective, we provide an overview of the theoretical arguments, summarize findings of relevant studies underlying it, and discuss observed patterns and contradictory findings. By doing so, we provide a very tentative answer to our initial questions, contending that engaging in negative acts is a two-edged sword for actors and its costs seem to slightly prevail over its benefits. Nevertheless, we make this preliminary conclusion based upon an incomplete knowledge base. In order to further our understanding of actor-centric outcomes of negative behavior, we also identify several important research gaps and needed future research directions.
... This may also be the case for lying, where those who engage in more frequent dishonesty expect others to do so as well. In fact, those who lie also perceive others as more likely to be dishonest both in laboratory and day-to-day (Sagarin et al. 1998) contexts. This may also be the case in parent-child relationships, where parents who model and are more accepting of dishonesty may also perceive their children as being more dishonest. ...
... Future studies could continue to understand this by asking parents and adolescents to report on their own and each other's lie-telling as well as relationship quality to understand this relationship further. Parents' biases may also be harmful towards their relationship; their own dishonesty may lead to greater perceptions of dishonesty in their children, thus decreasing trust in their relationship (Sagarin et al. 1998). Another extension of this work applies to educating parents on effective methods of parenting about honesty. ...
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Previous studies suggest parents lack knowledge regarding child and adolescent lie-telling; however, no study to date has examined children’s and parents’ reports of lying within parent–child dyads. The current study examined parents’ knowledge of and influence on children’s and adolescents’ lie-telling. Parent–child dyads (N= 351) completed self-report surveys. Children (8–14 years, 52.3% children female) reported on prosocial and antisocial lie-telling. Parents (Mage = 41.68, 89.5% parents female) reported on their child’s lie-telling, as well as their own honesty-targeted parenting strategies and modeling of dishonest behaviors. Parents’ reports were unrelated to children’s and adolescents’ reports of prosocial and antisocial lie-telling. Additionally, parents’ honesty-targeted parenting strategies and modeling of dishonesty did not predict children’s lie-telling. Parents’ behaviors predicted their reports of children’s lie-telling, suggesting parents’ behaviors bias their reports. Parents’ biased perception of adolescents lie-telling may have negative implications for parent–child relationships.
... The act of lying to the GP may be at odds with principles governing close relationships in which lying can lead to disrespect of the other, decreased trust, and other negative relationship outcomes (McCornack & Levine, 1990;Sagarin, Rhoads, & Ciladini, 1998). However, GCs are keenly aware that rules governing relationship-maintenance in other relationships (e.g., their other GPs) no longer apply to their GPs with moderate and severe dementia. ...
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The first of three volumes, the five sections of this book cover a variety of issues important in developing, designing, and analyzing data to produce high-quality research efforts and cultivate a productive research career. First, leading scholars from around the world provide a step-by-step guide to doing research in the social and behavioral sciences. After discussing some of the basics, the various authors next focus on the important building blocks of any study. In section three, various types of quantitative and qualitative research designs are discussed, and advice is provided regarding best practices of each. The volume then provides an introduction to a variety of important and cutting-edge statistical analyses. In the last section of the volume, nine chapters provide information related to what it takes to have a long and successful research career. Throughout the book, example and real-world research efforts from dozens of different disciplines are discussed.
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Trust is an integral part of interpersonal relationships. Achieving trust is a goal in most relationships, although there are occasions when wariness and distrust are warranted instead. This chapter presents a new model of trust called the “Spiral Model of Trust” which incorporates concepts from a wide range of disciplinary perspectives. The theory’s propositions are meant to shed light on the extent to which trust, once established, remains relatively fixed, or spirals over time in response to the verbal and nonverbal behaviors of participants. Contexts for the application of the Spiral Model of Trust are explored.
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Since the emergence of developmental psychology, scientists and laypersons have been fascinated with children’s lie- telling because it is a lens through which to view a multitude of behaviors, including children’s developing cognitive, social, and moral abilities (Darwin 1877; Hall 1891; Stern, Stern, and Lamiell 1909; Hartshorne and May 1928). The scientific study of the development of lying began at the turn of the twentietth century, when the field of developmental psychology was just being established. However, a shift away from examining social influences and mental activity, and toward behaviorist principles meant that the investigation of deception lay dormant for nearly half a century. It is only during the last three decades, as cognitive and social explanations have regained acceptance among developmental scientists as playing a role in the development of intentional systems in children, that lying has become the focus of investigative efforts among researchers. The widespread prevalence of lying in everyday life (e.g., DePaulo et al. 1996) coupled with a strong emphasis on the promotion of children’s truthful behaviors in society has also made the topic of interest to parents, educators, and professionals who work with children in clinical and forensic settings. Despite its ubiquity in everyday life, lying is considered a negative and reprehensible behavior (Bok 1999). Given the social interpersonal implications including loss of trust and credibility, and increased risk of antisocial behavior associated with chronic lying (Stouthamer- Loeber 1986; Gervais et al. 2000), researchers are interested in how this behavior emerges and develops in children and the factors that influence its manifestation as a social strategy.
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We used Gilligan's (1982) morality of care theory to examine how grandchildren cope with having to deceive or lie to their grandparent with dementia. Data from interviews with thirteen young adults were analyzed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis. We found that a moral orientation shift toward a person-centered morality of care occurs gradually. Grandchildren struggle with concepts of moral goodness, importance of close others, and questions about self as a moral agent. We uncovered three antecedents of this shift (severity of dementia symptoms, valuing of the grandparent's welfare, and valuing of the relationship) and three outcomes (transformation of moral self, changed relationship with the grandparent, and changed family relationships). Implications of a morality of care in intergenerational dementia relationships are discussed. Abstract We used Gilligan's (1982) morality of care theory to examine how grandchildren cope with having to deceive or lie to their grandparent with dementia. Data from interviews with thirteen young adults were analyzed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis. We found that a moral orientation shift toward a person-centered morality of care occurs gradually. Grandchildren struggle with concepts of moral goodness, importance of close others, and questions about self as a moral agent. We uncovered three antecedents of this shift (severity of dementia symptoms, valuing of the grandparent's welfare, and valuing of the relationship) and three outcomes (transformation of moral self, changed relationship with the grandparent, and changed family relationships). Implications of a morality of care in intergenerational dementia relationships are discussed.
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The current article explores the impact that the discovery of deception has upon emotional intensity, negativity of emotional reaction, and relational stability for individuals involved in relationships. Drawing upon contemporary conceptualizations of emotion and cognition, several hypotheses and research questions were developed and tested in a sample of 190 subjects who had recently discovered the lie of a relational partner. The results suggest partial support for the model of emotion that is presented. Increases in relational involvement, importance attributed to the information that was lied about, and importance attributed to the act of lying were all positively associated with reported increases in emotional intensity. Increases in suspicion functioned to enhance reported emotional intensity for situations in which either the lie or the act of lying was judged as significant. From both quantitative measures and open‐ended responses, the importance of the information that was lied about emerged as the strongest predictor of relational termination. Implications of the current results for the study of deception and emotion are discussed.
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[Correction Notice: An erratum for this article was reported in Vol 103(1) of Psychological Bulletin (see record 2008-10686-001). The block quotation on page 73 should be attributed to Crocker (1981). The two sentences immediately preceding this quotation should read: 'Friendship groups typically exhibit a high degree of internal similarity with respect to members' beliefs, attitudes, values, and interests. Crocker (1981) reported the following:".] Ten years of research on the false-consensus effect (Ross, Greene, & House, 1977) and related biases in social perception (e.g., assumed similarity and overestimation of consensus) are examined in the light of four general theoretical perspectives: (a) selective exposure and cognitive availability, (b) salience and focus of attention, (c) logical information processing, and (d) motivational processes. The findings indicate that these biases are influenced by a host of variables and that no single explanation can account for the range of data. Instead, each theoretical perspective appears to have its own domain of application, albeit with some degree of overlap into other domains. The data further suggest that two or more specific mechanisms may operate simultaneously or in concert to produce assumed similarity and false-consensus effects. Discussion focuses on identifying the process or sets of processes operating in specific situations. We identify several gaps in the knowledge of mediating relationships and suggest directions for future research. We also discuss issues related to definition and measurement. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Hypothesized that senders who are highly motivated to lie successfully (vs those who are less highly motivated) would be more successful at controlling the verbal aspects of their communications but less successful at controlling the nonverbal aspects. In Study 1, 32 senders (16 male and 16 female undergraduates) randomly assigned to high vs low motivational conditions, answered 4 questions in front of 6 peers. They answered 2 of the questions truthfully and 2 deceptively. They were given time to plan in advance 1 truthful response and 1 deceptive response; the other responses were not planned. In Study 2, judges (64 undergraduates) rated the deceptiveness, spontaneity, and tenseness of the Study 1 messages in 1 of 4 conditions: verbal only, visual only, audio only (verbal plus vocal), and audiovisual. Consistent with the hypothesis, the lies of the highly motivated senders were less readily detected when only verbal cues were available but more readily detected in the conditions that included nonverbal cues. Lies that were planned were no more or less readily detected than lies that were not planned. However, planned responses—whether truthful or deceptive—were perceived as more deceptive, more tense, and less spontaneous by judges in both studies. (17 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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People often disagree in their judgments of the traits and the abilities of others. Three studies suggested that these differences arise because people activate and use their own particular behaviors as norms when evaluating the performances of others. In Study 1, 71% of participants reported comparing a target's behavior with their own behavior when providing judgments of that target. Participants also provided descriptions of their own behavior more quickly after judging another person's behavior, suggesting they had activated information about their own behavior when judging that of another (Studies 2 and 3). In all 3 studies, judgments of another's behavior tended to be egocentrically related to the participants' own behavior, particularly among those who displayed the strongest evidence of activation of self-information (Studies 1 and 2). Discussion centers on the generality of these findings and their implications for past and future research. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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: The study is based on the proposition that communication between and among persons is carried on at several levels at once. The activity of the other's eyes is an extremely important source of the expressive information one gathers and sifts in the process of forming impressions of others.
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This chapter focuses on theory of cognitive dissonance. The proliferation of research testing and extending dissonance theory results for the most part from the generality and simplicity of the theory. Although it has been applied primarily in social psychological settings, it is not limited to social psychological phenomena such as interpersonal relations or feelings toward a communicator and his communication. Rather, its domain is in the widest of places—the skull of an individual organism. The core notion of the theory is extremely simple: Dissonance is a negative drive state that occurs whenever an individual simultaneously holds two cognitions that are psychologically inconsistent. The very simplicity of the core of the theory is its greatest strength and most serious weakness. Many of the hypotheses that are obvious derivations from the theory are unique to that theory—that is, they could not be derived from any other theory. One of the intriguing aspects of dissonance theory is that it frequently leads to predictions that stand in apparent contradiction to those made by other theoretical approaches, most notably, to a general reward-incentive theory. The implication of the chapter is that dissonant situations are ubiquitous and that man expends a great deal of time and energy attempting to reduce dissonance. It should be obvious that man does many other things as well.
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Evidence from 4 studies with 584 undergraduates demonstrates that social observers tend to perceive a "false consensus" with respect to the relative commonness of their own responses. A related bias was shown to exist in the observers' social inferences. Thus, raters estimated particular responses to be relatively common and relatively unrevealing concerning the actors' distinguishing personal dispositions when the responses in question were similar to the raters' own responses; responses differing from those of the rater, by contrast, were perceived to be relatively uncommon and revealing of the actor. These results were obtained both in questionnaire studies presenting Ss with hypothetical situations and choices and in authentic conflict situations. The implications of these findings for the understanding of social perception phenomena and for the analysis of the divergent perceptions of actors and observers are discussed. Cognitive and perceptual mechanisms are proposed which might account for distortions in perceived consensus and for corresponding biases in social inference and attributional processes. (33 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)