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Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy
... There is a tendency for females to show care and support for one another. The most concise statement came from Joseph Buckminster, who stated that women were "accustomed to feel, of-tener than to reason" [6] (p. 16). Numerous examples in the animal kingdom also demonstrate this phenomenon. ...
... Similarly, Nancy Fraser points out that sisterhood can sometimes ignore economic inequalities among women. She insists that feminist solidarity must address class and economic justice to be genuinely inclusive [16] (p. 61). ...
... She states that " it is from their connections with each other that women draw the power they need to work transformations in their lives" [45] (p. 16). This observation sheds light on Tilo's revolt against spices and the confidence she develops at the time of living on the island, as well as when she becomes "Maya" in California. ...
This research article investigates the multifaceted concept of sisterhood within feminist theory and literature, emphasising its role as a symbol of the collective struggle against patriarchal oppression. It explores different aspects of women's shared experiences and collective action with various labels encompassing sister-friends, comadres (co-mothers, allomothers), sworn sisters, hermanas del alma (sisters of the soul), and numerous others. First-wave feminists popularised the term to promote unity among women, intending to address personal, political, and gender-related issues. This paper explores the theme of sisterhood in Chitra Banerjee Divakaruni Sister of My Heart and Mistress of Spices, examining how these novels serve as a powerful catalyst in female relationships. The analysis uncovers the profound significance that everyday objects and our surroundings can hold, symbol-ising the characters' emotional transformations and the unbreakable bonds of sisterhood through semiotics. Additionally, the analysis enhances our comprehension of the novels and provides a broader outlook on the emotional support and companionship in female friendships, emphasising their positive impact on women's overall well-being.
... Empirical research commonly finds that current socioeconomic inequalities have a profound impact on the political involvement of citizens, restricting the type of people engaging with new participatory and deliberative institutions (Ganuza and Francés, 2012;Alarcón and Font, 2014;Pape and Lim, 2019;Dacombe, 2021). Indeed, working-class people and other oppressed social groups have limited possibilities for everyday involvement which, according to some theorists, points to a contradiction between capitalist social dynamics and widespread active citizenship (Fraser, 1990;Meiksins Wood, 1995). The reproduction of political inequities remains a central question, especially for institutions aiming to promote inclusion (Isaac and Heller, 2003). ...
... To consider the extent to which participatory institutions are egalitarian in terms of social class, radical democratic theorists have drawn on concepts such as inclusion (Young, 2000), inclusiveness (Smith, 2009), participatory equality (Fung and Wright, 2003) and parity in participation (Fraser, 1990;. More recently, feminist-inspired work (Collins, 2017;Wojciechowska, 2019), Marxist political economics (Harting, 2023), critical race studies (Lupien, 2018) and Bourdieusian cultural critiques (Holdo, 2015) have addressed social inclusion and the difficulties popular sectors face participating in local government institutions. ...
... Research on participatory democracy often depicts social inclusion as the active political engagement of people from socially and politically oppressed groups. The basic divisions of capitalist societies (class, gender, race and culture) lead to marginalization and expulsion from institutional politics for vast numbers of citizens (Fraser, 1990;Young, 2000;Dryzek, 2001). As a result, the oppressed and exploited are often unrepresented in government. ...
This article discusses reproductionist perspectives that assume there is little local participatory institutions can do to address the underrepresentation and the domination of some social groups. While there is also empirical basis to be skeptical, the evidence suggests that, occasionally, the reproduction of class inequalities can be counteracted. This encourages us to consider the conditions that favor greater participation of working-class, economically and culturally disadvantaged people. Comparing evidence from various studies in a range of countries, the article argues that certain contextual factors and inclusion tools produce higher rates of mobilization and more egalitarian deliberations. Specifically, the article focuses on the effects of three conditions: a) special mobilization efforts; b) design choices and inclusion tools; and c) the broadening of the political subject through cultural mobilization. As well as reflecting on the shortcomings of these factors, a new research agenda for social equality in participation is also proposed.
... The critics stressed the elites' predominance in the bourgeois public sphere, excluding "subaltern counter public and women before their emancipatory mouvement; "bracketing inequalities" in the very idea of deliberation, with " universal reasonableness", that masked dominations: eg. Fraser, [1990Fraser, [ ]1992Vickery, 1993;Tétreault, 2001, and a non-liberal theory of public-sphere: Negt et al. 1993. 9 Benhabib, 1992; Garnham, 1993;Thompson, 1995;Adut, 2012;Tully, 2012;Friedland, & Kunelius, 2023. 10 Papacharissi, 2002Nathansohn & Zuev, 2013;VA. ...
... The critics stressed the elites' predominance in the bourgeois public sphere, excluding "subaltern counter public and women before their emancipatory mouvement; "bracketing inequalities" in the very idea of deliberation, with " universal reasonableness", that masked dominations: eg. Fraser, [1990Fraser, [ ]1992Vickery, 1993;Tétreault, 2001, and a non-liberal theory of public-sphere: Negt et al. 1993. 9 Benhabib, 1992; Garnham, 1993;Thompson, 1995;Adut, 2012;Tully, 2012;Friedland, & Kunelius, 2023. 10 Papacharissi, 2002Nathansohn & Zuev, 2013;VA. ...
... Hohendahl & Silberman, 1979;;Hauser, 1998;Janssen & Kies, 2005;Correia, & Maia, 2011;Iosifidis, 2011;Loader & Mercea, 2011;Tarta, 2011;Tassin 2013;VA. 2013a ;Fraser, 1990;Fraser, Nicholson, & Seidman, 1995;Fraser & Nash, 2014;Fabiani, 2014;Fischer & Jarren, 2024. 11 Berdal, 2004Bradwell & Reeves, 2008;Hennen, 2020. ...
... Mekânsallık, Harvey (2019a), Lefebvre (1991), Soja (2019) ve Massey (2005) gibi teorisyenler tarafından, toplumsal eşitsizlikler ve güç ilişkilerinin mekânsal yansımaları bağlamında incelenmiştir. Kamusal alan ise, Arendt (2011Arendt ( , 2017, Habermas (2014), Negt ve Kluge (1993 ve Fraser (1990) gibi düşünürler tarafından demokratik yaşamın vazgeçilmez bir unsuru olarak ele alınmıştır. Son yıllarda, Klinenberg (2018), Latham ve Layton (2019 gibi araştırmacılar, sosyal altyapı kavramını ve onun mekânsallıkla olan karmaşık ilişkisini incelemişlerdir. ...
... Habermas, kamusal alanların toplumsal bağları güçlendiren ve bireyler arasında güven inşa eden bir ortam olduğunu belirtir; bu süreç, bireylerin belirli bir mekâna aidiyet hissetmelerine katkı sağlar (Habermas, 2014). Fraser ise kamusal alanların toplumsal eşitlik ve adalet sağlama açısından kritik olduğunu vurgular (Fraser, 1990). ...
... Bu teorisyenler, kamusal alanların geçmiş deneyimleri ve kültürel mirası gelecek nesillere aktarma konusunda önemli bir araç olduğunu savunur. Arendt, 2011Arendt, , 2017Berktay, 2012;Fraser, 1990;Habermas, 1996Habermas, , 2014Negt ve Kluge, 1993Timur, 2017). ...
This article explores how spatial tools with the potential to revitalize the public sphere can be examined within the framework
of social infrastructure. It discusses how measurable dynamics
like social capital, sense of place, and collective memory can be
linked to public sphere norms and how new spatial tools can be
developed based on local needs. The importance of integrating local knowledge into spatial design processes is emphasized.
The article presents a theoretical framework examining the relationship between spatiality and the public sphere, investigating
how social infrastructure tools should be structured. Drawing on
phenomenological approaches, the study outlines design criteria,
emphasizing the potential for new spatial tools that can revitalize the public sphere through spatial dynamics in integrated urban planning and architecture. The study suggests that theaters
and other socio-cultural facilities can act as social infrastructure
tools, revitalizing the public sphere through participatory design
focused on spatial dynamics. It highlights the role of dynamics
such as social capital, sense of place, and collective memory in
increasing these tools' effectiveness. In conclusion, the study
focuses on spatial dynamics and phenomenological approaches
to show the potential for developing new spatial tools that
strengthen the public sphere. These tools are proposed as social
infrastructure mechanisms to improve the vitality and functionality of the public sphere. The article underscores the importance
of an integrated approach in architecture and urban planning,
demonstrating the possibility of creating diverse and functional
spatial tools for a more democratic and sustainable society
... Como indica Annie Ernaux (2022, 160) cuando pretende dar cuenta de la importancia del contexto de la contracultura para las mujeres, el futuro se convertía en el campo de acción; esto es, en el espacio para luchar por el derecho al aborto, por el control sobre sus propios cuerpos y por la libertad sexual. En este sentido, lo políticamente incorrecto, la estética subversiva y las acciones transgresoras, caminaban de la mano dentro del movimiento contracultural de Mayo de 1968 con el objetivo de abrir un horizonte alternativo al modelo del fordismo (Foucault, 1994). ...
... De esta manera, la vinculación con el espacio cultural de la derecha radical y de los grupúsculos cercanos al expresidente de los Estados Unidos, Donald Trump, han sido demostrados (Siapera, 2019: 28). Esta ciberviolencia contra las mujeres que, para algunas autoras (Lumsden y Morgan, 2017; Ging y Siapera, 2019) puede ser atendido a través del concepto de violencia simbólica de Pierre Bourdieu, busca que las mujeres desaparezcan del espacio público online, que dejen de existir como contrapúblicos (Fraser, 1990). ...
Introducción: Se investiga la estructura ideológica de la networking masculina en la que afloran discursos de odio y violencia contra las mujeres. Objetivos y metodología: mediante una metodología de naturaleza teórica, desde la hermenéutica y crítica de textos científicos, se identifica la lógica política, histórica y cultural que está detrás de emplear una retórica contracultural dentro de las subculturas masculinas que componen la manosfera. Asimismo, se profundiza en la crisis del ideal de la masculinidad como telón de fondo de la creciente reacción antifeminista en la red. Resultados: el uso de un lenguaje políticamente incorrecto, el empleo de una retórica contracultural, el odio visceral contra las mujeres y la crisis del ideal de la masculinidad domina la estructura ideológica de la networking masculina. Conclusiones: la evolución de la networking masculina presenta las características de una crisis del ideal de la masculinidad en consonancia con las transformaciones estructurales y superestructurales de las últimas décadas. El paso de la subcultura Pick Up Artist (PUA) a la hegemonía de los Incels muestra claramente este tránsito.
... O livro que cunhou o termo, Mudança estrutural da esfera pública: investigações sobre uma categoria da sociedade burguesa, de autoria de Jürgen Habermas (publicado em alemão em 1962 e traduzido para o inglês em 1989 2 ), pode ser considerado como uma das obras canônicas mais citadas e discutidas do nosso campo. Naturalmente, é também uma das obras que provocam debates mais intensos, em que os críticos destacam os modos como a esfera pública de Habermas excluiu mulheres (Fraser, 1992) ou pessoas da classe trabalhadora (Negt;Kluge, 1993Kluge, [1972), contestando sua crença em uma esfera pública unitária (Gitlin, 1998) ou questionando seu foco em um debate crítico-racional que desconsidera o papel da emoção (Mouffe, 2000). De certo modo, até mesmo as críticas a este "conceito essencialmente contestado" (Rauchfleisch, 2017) se tornaram parte do cânone. ...
... A noção habermasiana de esfera pública inspirou pesquisadores a refletirem sobre a existência uma esfera pública global ou transnacional no contexto das tecnologias de comunicação, como a televisão por satélite e a internet (Castells, 2008;Fraser;Nash, 2014;Sparks, 2001;Volkmer, 2014) Bhambra (2021, p. 81, tradução nossa 12 ), a modernidade não "surge da separação ou da ruptura, mas por meio das histórias conectadas e entrelaçadas da colonização europeia". Por isso, neste artigo, eu abordo como a esfera pública burguesa europeia de Habermas pode ser vista por meio de uma releitura situada no contexto da escravidão e do tráfico de pessoas escravizadas. ...
As discussões recentes sobre a “descolonização” da produção de conhecimento destacam a importância de centralizar perspectivas “das margens” – uma ação fundamental, mas insuficiente, na medida em que corremos o risco de manter o cânone intacto. O livro de Jürgen Habermas sobre a esfera pública burguesa é uma das obras canônicas mais citadas e discutidas nos Estudos da Mídia e da Comunicação. A partir do caso das cafeterias e dos jornais de Londres, este artigo defende um gesto de re-engajamento crítico com pensadores canônicos. Aborda-se como o surgimento de uma esfera pública burguesa na Inglaterra dos séculos XVII e XVIII pode ser vista por meio de uma releitura situada no contexto da escravidão e do tráfico de pessoas escravizadas. Evidencia-se que a raça não oferece meramente um outro “prisma” para examinar a esfera pública burguesa – ao contrário, a raça é aquilo que viabiliza sua existência e é constitutiva dessa esfera pública. A reprodução de silêncios canônicos por meio da continuidade da circulação de obras influentes traz certas implicações para os modos como conceituamos públicos racializados na contemporaneidade.
... The Shorter Oxford Dictionary entry for 'public' has two full columns totalling 44 cm of the printed edition (OED, 1993(OED, , 2404(OED, -2405. As noted elsewhere (Marginson & Yang, 2022;Brewis & Marginson, 2024), among the multiple meanings are four primary strands: (1) 'public' meaning state or government as in 'public sector'; (2) 'the public good' as a condition of universal welfare, well-being or beneficence; (3) public as a universal communicative population, as in 'public opinion' or 'the public sphere' (Fraser, 1990) and (4) 'public goods' as half of a dualism with private goods, as used in marginalist economics (Marginson, 2018;Samuelson, 1954). All of these meanings of 'public' in English connect with higher education, and the first and last embody the main Anglophone approach to policy. ...
... The 'public sphere' of Habermas (1989), Fraser (1990) and others is a more localised and purposive kind of participative and communicative public than the whole population. Habermas sources the original public sphere in late seventeenth century London with its network of broadsheets, salons and coffee houses in which people discussed matters of the day. ...
Anglophone societies in which the sovereign individual is primary vis and vis social relations, and policy focuses on economic competition and consumption in education, find it hard to grasp non-pecuniary outcomes in higher education. These include the self-formation of students as persons and collective goods like knowledge, technological capability, social inclusion, political connectedness, tolerance and global understanding. While other cultures generate insights into non-pecuniary outcomes, the paper focuses critically on meanings of ‘public’ in English: (1) public as state, (2) public good as universal well-being, (3) public as inclusive-communicative as in ‘public opinion’, (4) public and private goods in economics. None of these meanings of ‘public’ enables the resolution of the non-pecuniary outcomes of higher education. The paper tackles four central questions. First, why is there an undue emphasis on the individual and individualised pecuniary benefits, vis a vis social relations, in Euro-American and especially Anglophone societies? Second, can these societies strengthen public or common goods by augmenting the state in higher education? Third, what other practices of public and common might advance non-pecuniary outcomes? Fourth, how to advance collective outcomes beyond the nation-state? The paper finds that while Anglophone public good is constrained by the state in capitalist society, higher education’s role in the production and distribution of common good through primarily local networks, while also pressuring central states to provide support, offers a promising way forward.
... This Țigănie is consolidating a public sphere (Habermas 1991) of shared communication, understanding, and memory. Men rule this virtual space (Fraser 1990), although young women are finding ways to participate, and older women contribute significantly behind the scenes. This Roma public sphere fosters a more integrated public opinion, which is also crucial to the success of kris. ...
This paper examines the system of conflict resolution maintained by a Roma group that has migrated from the Romanian regions of Transylvania and Banat to over 16 countries in Western Europe and North America. The analysis is based on a long-term collaborative ethnography that enabled the detailed reconstruction of 76 conflicts that occurred between 2001 and 2022. Of these conflicts, 56 were resolved through kris hearings conducted by a tribunal of selected judges or krisoniere. This paper provides an initial analysis of this database, addressing four key aspects of the kris procedures: (1) How does this system work today within diasporic networks that rely heavily on digital technologies for transnational communication? (2) What is the profile of the judges or krisoniere and how do they work within the kris assemblies? (3) What types of conflicts does the system address and how are they linked to the socio-political organization of this diaspora? (4) How are kris resolutions enforced in the absence of political leadership or the coercive power of state institutions? This autonomous justice system, epitomized by the kris hearings, represents a form of embedded legal pluralism and network governance. Consensus within this social field is fostered by the goal of minimizing threat and violence while maintaining connectedness in the face of exclusion and discrimination.
... This risks relegating many communities to the margins, particularly when the publics are large. In contrast, a plurality of public spheres, which each represent smaller communities, can afford better representation of all communities (Fraser, 1990). In practice, if NLP and ML research is consulting a larger group, it can be useful to divide the group into smaller segments, for all voices to be heard. ...
... 56 Berman (1998); Schmidt (2008). 57 Blumer (1971); Fraser (1990); Baumgartner and Jones (1993). 58 Bell and Hindmoor (2014); Swedberg (2018). ...
This article introduces “epistemic business power” as a distinct facet of corporate influence. Epistemic business power refers to the strategic communication of firms to influence the perceptions and beliefs of policymakers, experts, media, and the public regarding which issues, goals, norms, methods, and instruments to be politically considered. Rather than influencing decision-making and policy formulation directly, this form of power enables firms to intermediate the anticipatory dynamics of structural forms of business power and shape issue salience as well as the definition and recognition of topics as political problems. The article explores the scope conditions of epistemic business power, detailing the interaction of material aspects, corporate communication and issue salience dynamics. Based on quantitative and qualitative content as well as reception analyses, ownership data and interviews, a case study of the world’s largest asset manager BlackRock illustrates how today’s finance capital can use epistemic channels with regard to fundamental questions about the role of state capacity and private enterprise in capitalist democracies. By foregrounding the political nature of corporate public relations, the conceptual endeavor and its empirical illustration contribute to a deeper understanding of corporate power and its multifaceted role in shaping politics in capitalist democracies.
... Social media platforms have the potential to be such spheres. However, hate speech on platforms often excludes marginalized groups from the dominant public sphere, leading them to form counterpublics-alternative spaces for expressing experiences and advocating for change (Fraser 1990). While online hate speech normalizes discriminatory behavior and increases societal polarization (Cialdini et al. 1990;Soral et al. 2020), counterpublics provide platforms for marginalized groups to organize, support each other, and engage in activism, fostering collective resilience and challenging discriminatory norms (Eckert et al. 2021). ...
In recent years, society has faced a polycrisis, characterized by intertwined challenges such as the climate crisis, global conflicts, and the COVID-19 pandemic. During these crises, digital platforms have been exploited to disseminate disinformation and hate, which can harm society. These issues contribute to societal polarization and erode trust within communities. To build resilient democracies, it is imperative to conduct research on false information and hate speech to identify mechanisms and evaluate countermeasures. This study aims to provide an overview of the current publicly funded research in these areas by examining projects supported by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF), the German Research Foundation (DFG), and the European Union (EU). The findings reveal several gaps in current research that need to be addressed by federal and international organizations to ensure the resilience of democratic societies.
... 151-153). Akin to the negative feedback loops in Systems Theory, these self-justifying feedback loops fortify the Global North's strangled hold on everything from decision-making, ADMS parameters, communicative strategies of the public sphere, to discussions on rationality and modernity (Adams-Prassl et al., 2023;Fraser, 1990;Leveson, 2020;Nygren et al., 2020;Quijano, 2007). Now, the question becomes: How does one break from these colonial spheres of influence? ...
As the line between governance, technology, and decision-making becomes ever-blurred, advocates and disparagers of Artificial Intelligence (AI) debate the impacts of its societal integration. Despite efforts to promote Fairness, Accountability, Transparency, and Ethics (FATE), vulnerable populations continue to be systematically marginalized and made “invisible” by the racialised, classed, and colonial institutions buttressing Algorithmic Decision-Making Systems (ADMS). To address these sociotechnical risks and acknowledge our privileged, Western “standpoint epistemology,” we employ a “metaparadigm perspective” to engage the literature and case studies through a critical theory lens. The cross-analysis of three case studies: Systems Theory, the United States’ “Blueprint for an AI Bill of Rights,” and predictive policing demonstrate that our current risk mitigation frameworks are incapable of addressing transhistorical injustices. Therefore, we call for operationalizing intersectional risk theory via the decolonial turn to address ADMS risks. On that note, we propose three algorithmic accountability recommendations. We theorize that through a reformulation of FATE principles to that of the algorithmic (decolonial) self , understanding power imbalances through marginalized risk discourses, and advancing intersectional ML decision-making practices, policymakers may be better positioned to enact equitable and just ADMS.
... A princípio situaremos o cenário que propiciou chegar às dimensões supracitadas. (Brullet, 2010;Fraser, 1992;Pateman, 1993 ...
Front to COVID-19 pandemic scenario experienced around the world, we were forced to produce relationship rearrangements to deal with the difficulties imposed by this moment and one of the great changes we had was the need for social distance to avoid the vírus spreading. Therefore, we bring to analysis the changes from the public to the private dimension of Brazilian men, aiming to understand how this change reverberated in their care practices for themselves and for the others. We had as a methodological reference the discursive practices to interviews analysis carried out with men who participate in a virtual therapeutic group. We conclude that in the pandemic context, these men had to deal with domestic care contextual, of children, of the other and of themselves in an unprecedented way, which sometimes led to distressing and challenging situations that required a re-signification of their forms of care and a change in the theme perception.
... El espacio de la ciudad comprendido como una relación de poder, construye también al género. No obstante, el diferencial de poder permite que algunas mujeres operen en las fisuras, actúen como contrapúblicos (Fraser, 1990) y construyan también sus espacios. A través del estudio de la posición de las mujeres en la ciudad se pueden inferir cuestiones relativas a la construcción cultural del género y los procesos de inequidad y resistencias que le son propios. ...
The following article explores the documentary value of maps for a gender approach to urban historiography. It takes part in the discussion about considering an expanded agenda of disciplines to make women’s space production visible in the past, proposing the use of cartographies as primary sources and tools. Different sources have been used to both identify and locate places in the city of Santiago de Chile that account for the position (in both a cultural and geodesic sense of the term) of women in the city. These have been organized into two main types that may be recognized in the sources: institutions (religious, educational, health, etc.) and individuals (people). The positions identified for both types show a correlation between gender and urban processes, such as capitalist modernization, social segregation in the city space, the construction of female role models and inequalities between men and women. Thus, it seeks to use space to answer Joan Scott’s (1986, 2008, 2010) question regarding the usefulness of gender as a category for historiographical analysis.
... The concept of counterpublics evolved as Nancy Fraser's response to Jürgen Habermas's notion of public sphere, which he described as a domain of social life where individuals come together to freely discuss and identify societal problems, and through that discussion influence political action (Habermas, 1991). Fraser, among other scholars, critiqued Habermas' public sphere for being overly centered on a bourgeois, male-dominated discourse; thereby introducing the idea of "counterpublics" or alternative publics where marginalized groups create their own public spheres to discuss issues relevant to them (Fraser, 2014). In this paper, it has been adapted to analyze how social media creates both a digital public sphere (where the bourgeoisie dominates the narrative) and a digital counter public (where marginalized voices, particularly those of rural communities, can participate-although on an unequal footing-in broader societal dialogs, advocate for change, and influence policy). ...
Introduction
The COVID-19 pandemic, as a holistic event of cultural trauma, significantly influenced social structures and behaviors globally. Under its impact, social movements leveraged digital platforms to sustain and amplify their causes, creating new forms of solidarity and resistance, and fostering a rise in digital and hybrid collective actions. Concurrently, social media thrived as a transformative tool for social change, revolutionizing communication, mobilization, and advocacy. Platforms like WhatsApp and X redefined traditional activism by enabling rapid information dissemination and facilitating global grassroots movements. This technological evolution has provided marginalized communities, including the indigenous peoples of Southern Africa, with a powerful voice. These communities face challenges such as land rights disputes, environmental degradation, and socioeconomic marginalization. Social media allows them to raise awareness, galvanize support, and engage with a broader audience beyond their geographical confines. The paper hypothesizes that social media plays a multifaceted role in supporting indigenous movements, by not only providing a platform for activists to organize and advocate, but also enabling engagement with the general public and influencing the perspectives and actions of policymakers and other audiences. Through the lenses of rural or indigenous activists who leverage these digital platforms to drive change, audiences who consume and interact with digital content and feeds, and policymakers who are increasingly mindful of the power of social media narratives, this paper aims to understand the complex interplay of forces that shape the trajectory of digital indigenism (indigenous digital activism).
Methods
The paper employs a mixed-methods approach to investigate the influence of social media on social movements among indigenous communities in Southern Africa. The methodology incorporates (a) netnography and in-depth interviews to explore the experiences and strategies of indigenous activists, (b) the counterpublics framework to understand the formation and dynamics of indigenous digital activism, and (c) the Technology-Media-Movements Complex (TMMC) as a theoretical anchor to analyze the interplay between technology, media, and social movements. The case study of the Community Leaders Network (CLN) of Southern Africa is used to contextualize the findings.
Results
Findings reveal that indigenous activists recognize the power of social media in amplifying their voices but use these platforms out of necessity rather than preference. They find social media solutions often misaligned with their contextual needs, citing concerns over platform constraints, privacy issues, cultural insensitivity, superficial engagement metrics, and breaches of consent. Additionally, they reckon that the global emphasis on social media engagement can divert focus from essential field activities that directly benefit local communities, causing social media fatigue. It was also revealed that trying to convey practical information to an audience with preconceived notions is incredibly time-consuming and often feels like an endless loop for indigenous activists. Subsequently, they expressed a desire for platforms that consider users’ mental well-being in their architectural design and incorporate cultural and linguistic practices, suggesting a preference for digital environments that are more aligned with values and modes of communication that contrast with western models.
Discussion
The results underscore social media’s complex role in indigenous movements, highlighting its empowering potential while also presenting significant challenges due to algorithms and platform dynamics. While the ability to share stories, disseminate information about rights abuses, and mobilize support has significantly transformed social movement dynamics in rural communities, social media’s potential for advocacy and mobilization is tempered by challenges that can limit their effectiveness. The findings highlight a pressing need for social media innovations that resonate with indigenous cultural identities, ensuring that their narratives are disseminated in a manner that faithfully preserves their authenticity. The paper discusses the implications of these findings for policymakers, activists, audiences and technology developers, emphasizing the importance of creating digital spaces that are culturally sensitive and supportive of indigenous activism.
... Importantly, such a broad-based discourse must also meet the fundamental requirement of including and giving a voice to all affected groups and facilitating the emergence of an all-inclusive public sphere: dedicated efforts are needed to overcome structural inequalities and deeply engrained hierarchies that demarcate public spheres, in order to pave the way for more inclusive, issue-based discursive representations (Fraser, 1990). This includes convenings in diverse geographies (such as Asia, Latin America, and Africa) to ensure cross-cultural dialogues and public deliberations and to overcome the current dominance of mainly North American and European views. ...
... Los esfuerzos teóricos por redefinir, problematizar y cuestionar los límites del espacio público han sido variados (Carmona, 2014;Cordero & Antón, 2014;Fraser, 1990;Mitchell, 1995;Villarino, 2012), y es una de las problemáticas centrales de la Geografía Humana. El espacio público es un espacio definido tanto a través de reglas y convenciones legalmente estipuladas como por aquellas construidas social o culturalmente (Valera, 1999). ...
Las condiciones fundacionales de lo público (de)limitan su ámbito de acción y de interpelación. A lo largo del tiempo, numerosos colectivos han problematizado este marco y han tratado de reformular su inserción en él a través de acciones colectivas. Para explorar sus inconsistencias, alternativas y puntos de fuga, se toma el vector de género. Tras describir el régimen de lo público, la investigación se mueve al espacio público, que, como extensión territorializada del reino de lo público, presenta en su concepción clásica los mismos limitantes que lo público. En un intento de desbordar ese espacio público institucional, los colectivos y movimientos sociales han creado sus propios espacios, como altavoces y lugares para visibilizarse. El artículo se focaliza en cómo los Centros Sociales, como experimentos espaciales e infraestructurales, reinventan el encuentro público produciendo un espacio público. Para ello, se adentra en la disidencia que practican desde el proyecto feminista La Eskalera Karakola y el desafío que lanzan contra el actual espacio público y la inserción de las mujeres en ese espacio público y, por ende, en el reino público. En suma, el artículo lanza una reflexión que contribuya al debate sobre el espacio público y sus posibles múltiples acepciones. Palabras clave: Espacio público; centros sociales; feminismo; encuentro; medio urbano.
QUEBRAS NA CONTINUIDADE DO ESPAÇO PÚBLICO: O CASO DA ESKALERA KARAKOLA. As condições fundadoras do público (des)limitam o seu âmbito de ação e interpelação. Ao longo do tempo, numerosos grupos problematizaram este quadro e tentaram reformular a sua inserção nele através de ações coletivas. Para explorar as suas inconsistências, alternativas e pontos de fuga, toma-se o vetor género. Após descrever o regime público, a pesquisa passa para o espaço público, que, como extensão territorializada da esfera pública, apresenta na sua concepção clássica as mesmas limitações do público. Na tentativa de ir além desse espaço público institucional, grupos e movimentos sociais criaram os seus próprios espaços, como altifalantes e locais para se tornarem visíveis. O artigo centra-se na forma como os Centros Sociais, enquanto experiências espaciais e infraestruturais, reinventam o encontro público ao produzir um espaço público. Para isso, investiga-se a dissidência praticada pelo projeto feminista La Eskalera Karakola e o desafio que lançam contra o espaço público atual e a inserção das mulheres nesse espaço público e, portanto, na esfera pública. Em suma, o artigo lança uma reflexão que contribui para o debate sobre o espaço público e os seus possíveis múltiplos significados. Palavras-chave: Espaço público; centros sociais; feminismo; encontro; ambiente urbano.
BREAKS IN THE CONTINUITY OF THE PUBLIC SPACE: THE CASE OF LA ESKALERA KARAKOLA. The founding conditions of the public (de)limits its scope of action and interpellation. Over time, numerous groups have problematized this framework and have tried to reformulate their insertion into it through collective actions. To explore its inconsistencies, alternatives and vanishing points, the gender vector is taken. After describing the public regime, the research moves to the public space, which, as a territorialized extension of the public realm, presents in its classic conception the same limitations as the public. In an attempt to go beyond that institutional public space, groups and social movements have created their own spaces, as loudspeakers and places to make themselves visible. The article focuses on how Social Centers, as spatial and infrastructural experiments, reinvent the public encounter by producing a public space. To do this, it delves into the dissidence practiced by the feminist project La Eskalera Karakola and the challenge they launch against the current public space and the insertion of women in that public space and, therefore, in the public realm. In short, the article launches a reflection that contributes to the debate on public space and its possible multiple meanings.
This Element endeavors to enrich and broaden Southeast Asian research by exploring the intricate interplay between social media and politics. Employing an interdisciplinary approach and grounded in extensive longitudinal research, the study uncovers nuanced political implications, highlighting the platform's dual role in both fostering grassroots activism and enabling autocratic practices of algorithmic politics, notably in electoral politics. It underscores social media's alignment with communicative capitalism, where algorithmic marketing culture overshadows public discourse, and perpetuates affective binary mobilization that benefits both progressive and regressive grassroots activism. It can facilitate oppositional forces but is susceptible to authoritarian capture. The rise of algorithmic politics also exacerbates polarization through algorithmic enclaves and escalates disinformation, furthering autocraticizing trends. Beyond Southeast Asia, the Element provides analytical and conceptual frameworks to comprehend the mutual algorithmic/political dynamics amidst the contestation between progressive forces and the autocratic shaping of technological platforms.
In diesem Beitrag wird anhand von Praxisbespielen beleuchtet, wie queere Sexualaufklärung in Sozialen Medien aussieht. Zu diesem Zweck wird erläutert, wie queere Sexualaufklärung aussehen sollte, damit queere Jugendliche von ihr profitieren und warum diese Art der Aufklärung nicht in Schulen stattfindet. Abgeschlossen wird der Beitrag mit Überlegungen darüber, welche Implikationen diese Erkenntnisse für die pädagogische Praxis haben können.
This study investigates the complex dynamics of squatting in Brussels, examining its influence on shaping solidarity norms and practices in urban settings. Through activist-ethnography conducted within squats, we identify a recurring pattern: the (re)production and negotiation of mobile commons. Analyzing three squatting instances, we emphasize their role as not only spaces for commons (re)production but also platforms for migrants’ and activists’ social becoming. We argue that squats are not mere shelters but dynamic spaces where negotiation and social transformation occur, challenging conventional humanitarian assistance models. Ultimately, this research highlights the significance of (re)producing alternative dwelling infrastructures for illegalized migrants in shaping the urban commons and thereby impacting everyday urban politics of solidarity.
In this article the Special Economic Zones “SEZ” are analyzed according to a new social vision linked to conflicts arising from policy problems and other negative phenomena. Port areas are not always the site of economic development but also of lack of growth and increase in social disparities, which occur on different dimensions. The article therefore raises a reflection on what problems can arise at a social and urban level if SEZs are not well built. For the development of SEZs we used the theory of change to identify necessary phases and solutions. The analysis focused on two fronts, one nationally Italian, and the other foreign. Starting with the most challenging international SEZs, where disputes have been most severe, we question whether the SEZ regulations in place today can prevent disputes and exclusions. Five sectors have been recognized as having more vulnerabilities due to SEZs. We conclude by outlining recommendations for improving the well-being of citizens and addressing social issues that may arise from Special Economic Zones (SEZs).
Democracy and Media in Europe: A Discursive-Material Approach is a theoretical reflection on the intersection of democracy and media through a constructionist lens.
This focus allows us to understand current political struggles over democracy, and over media’s democratic roles, with the latter ranging from the traditional support for an informed citizenry and the watchdog role, to the organization of agonistic debate and generating fair and dignified representations of society and its many (sub)groups, to the facilitation of maximalist participation in institutionalized politics and media. Moreover, the book’s reconciliation of democratic theory and media theory brings out a detailed theoretical analysis of the core characteristics of the assemblages of democracy and media, their conditions of possibility and the threats to both democracy and media’s democratic roles.
This short book provides in-depth reflections on the different positions that can be taken when it comes to the performance of democracy as it intersects with the multitude of media in the 21st century. As such, the volume will be of interest to scholars of media and communication and related fields in the social sciences.
The article analyzes how Russian independent media create a communicative memory of Russia's war against Ukraine after the full-scale invasion on February 24, 2022. Despite the condemnation of the war by all media outlets, the highest-rated ones ("Rain", "Popular Politics", "Navalny LIVE", and "Alive Nail") marginalize the testimonies of Ukrainian victims, replacing them with Russian news. The author draws attention to the fact that some ("Medusa" and "Doxa") mediatize the war using the testimonies of Ukrainians. In this way, they actualize their pain and losses for the Russian audience. In the language of memory studies, this situation can be explained as two conflicting forms of media memory. The first one reduces empathy for Ukrainian war victims and contributes to the self-victimization of Russians, while the second one opens up space for the formation of a common memory of the war. It is shown that although the first form is more convenient for the Russian audience of independent media, it makes it possible to push the experience of victims to the periphery of media memory, distancing them from the violence and suffering of "others". The resulting competition between victims is becoming one of the reasons for public conflicts between Ukrainians and Russian emigrants. The author concludes that in order to reduce the risk of these conflicts, overcome self-victimization, and make the war unleashed by Russia closer to anti-war Russians, independent media need to change their usual approaches to the production of media memory. It is necessary to pay more attention to Ukrainian testimonies, putting them at the heart of the common memory of the war.
Purpose
This article explores the ranging notions of a public library for all and the related conflicts on for all and the principle of neutrality in Norway and Denmark.
Design/methodology/approach
A document study of four profession magazines in a ten-year period is conducted, focusing on the problematizations of for all using the WPR approach: What’s the Problem Represented to be? Theories on public sphere and democracy frequently applied in Library and Information Science (LIS) are discussed in relation to the ranging notions.
Findings
The analysis shows that although for all is used as an argument by both advocates and opponents of the principle of neutrality, there are different notions of who constitutes for all . In total, five ranging notions of for all are identified and presented in a typology, to serve as a framework to understand the conflicts concerning neutrality and the public library for all .
Originality/value
The typology offers a new conceptual framework for understanding the nature of the conflicts and why they appear. The analysis indicates a need to discuss the use of for all in order to engage in more nuanced discussions of the democratic role of the public library.
Caste determines the life worlds of people in India in particular and South Asia in general. Historically, it is observed that caste has conditioned the nature of public spaces. Upper castes can appropriate the public spaces legitimized by caste ideology and practice. However, colonial and post-colonial India witnessed changes in the caste system due to its (modern) legal interventions. Paradoxically, caste persists in its crude and subtle forms. It has also acquired new forms in post-independent public spaces. Caste determines certain bodily dispositions within the so-called public spaces. The ambiguous nature of modernity and the weight of tradition have drastically transformed the public space. A socially regulated economy and public institutions are determining the people, space, and mobility of the castes, too. This article investigates the nature of the stigmatized labour of Dalit women sanitation workers (who come under the manual scavenging community) within diverse public urban spaces. It analyses the various questions related to the Dalit women sanitation workers who work in select public universities, urban housing colonies, and slums in Delhi, India. It probes the Dalit women sanitation workers’ day-to-day life in caste-ridden spaces of urban- “public” spaces. One of the central questions that needs to be addressed is whether the socioeconomic space of these Dalit women workers has changed in contemporary India. Why do Dalit women have to do stigmatized work in public spaces? How are purity and pollution reinforced in elusive ways? Thus, it initiates a critique of the Indian feminist understanding of public spaces. This article acts as a way to engage with the epistemic priority of women sanitation workers to problematize Brahmanic feminism in India. Can there be any social-political engagement with the public space in the case of Dalit women sanitation workers? At the level of theory, this article critiques the dominant-Habermasian idea of the public sphere and Nancy Fraser’s counter-public to reflect on conceptual practice grounded in the Dalit women sanitation workers and public space.
This article conceptualizes the critical online diasporic infosphere as an online space constituted by diasporic media, exile media, and overseas-based influencers who share an oppositional orientation toward the home state. The infosphere proffers a constant stream of critical information and perspectives to users in both the diaspora and the home country. Drawing upon theorizations of alternative media and counter-publicity, this study examines the role of the diasporic infosphere in sustaining a counter-public in a home country undergoing rapid autocratization. Analysis of an online survey in Hong Kong shows that a distinction between diasporic information sources and domestic information sources underlies people’s information consumption and sharing via social media. Consumption of diasporic information sources relates to lower levels of political trust, the pro-democracy stance, negative feelings about the contemporary political environment, and perceptions of legal and political risks. Consumption of domestic media sources relates to such variables in the opposite manner.
Drawing on interviews with 32 menstrual activists, this chapter analyses the discursive tactics that are used by the menstrual movement in Great Britain. It explores how this movement seeks to transform the mediation of menstruation as well as how menstrual activists advocate for social change via traditional and social media. The chapter explores various discursive strategies used by the 32 participants to alter the mediation of menstruation and, as a result, improve the lives of women and other people who menstruate. Tactics include using non-stigmatising language, speaking openly about menstruation, highlighting the intersectional nature of menstrual experience and promoting the inclusion of menstruating people of all genders and ethnicities. The chapter argues that, for menstrual activists, transforming the mediation of menstruation both on social media and in news media is a vital step towards destigmatising menstruation and reducing social inequalities in Great Britain. Furthermore, the chapter explores the influence of neoliberalism on menstrual activism as well as various points of disagreement and tension within the menstrual movement. This includes a lack of consensus about which discourses are the most effective for engendering social change.
This chapter argues that justice in digital society is not only personal and individual (see Chap. 6), but also collective, and that the collective nature and impacts of disclosure are important to victim-survivors. Drawing from qualitative interviews with victim-survivors who had disclosed their experiences online, this chapter advocates for looking beyond formal justice processes and carceral politics when considering potential avenues to justice in the aftermath of sexual violence (see Loney-Howes et al., Fem Leg Stud 32, 163–185, 2024). The discussion below examines whether alternative forms of justice occur in digital society—contending that meanings of informal justice are varied—both individually (see Chap. 6) and collectively. I conclude by examining this multiplicity, showing how informal justice is simultaneously an abstract impossibility and tangibly evident in the lives of both victim-survivors and the broader community.
Myths—symbolically dense narratives in wide cultural circulation that resist critical scrutiny—are often thought to be counterproductive to political discourse, but they are also ubiquitous in contemporary culture and society. Just two years apart, Jürgen Habermas and Hans Blumenberg developed contrasting visions of how we ought to respond to the myths in our society. By reconstructing their disagreement, this paper uncovers the distinctive challenge of balancing a commitment to political emancipation with the opacity of myths to critical reason. I argue for an alternative approach to myths than those in the theoretical mainstream, taking Blumenberg’s relatively neglected position as a starting point. Blumenberg invites us to pay closer attention to the cognitive needs that necessitate the generation of myths while simultaneously reminding us of our own creative agency to reinvent them.
Popular social media platforms in China, such as Bilibili, Douyin, and Xiaohongshu (REDnote), use machine learning algorithms to curate personalized feeds and enforce content moderation. But the opacity of such algorithms introduces socially consequential and often problematic mechanisms of classification. Given the playful resistance of queer individuals against a normative social environment, the interaction between algorithms and content creators warrants close examination. This study investigates how LGBTQ+ content creators navigate these algorithm-driven platforms, focusing on their negotiation of digital normativity to share non-heterosexual content and foster queer sociality in China. Avoiding the oversimplification of viewing algorithms and those implementing them as monolithic entities, I explore how content creators creatively manage to produce and distribute their work within the constraints of these platforms, and even by playing with these constraints. I collected data from an ethnography on algorithms, interviews, and an open-source investigation into recommendation algorithms, through a scavenge approach. I argue that LGBTQ+ content creators engage with algorithms in ways that are simultaneously non-conforming and non-confrontational. They imagine algorithmic effects, appropriate outcomes, and play with the opacity of machine learning to navigate three aspects of digital normativity in China: heteronormativity, Internet civilization, and commercialization. Empirically, I identified three strategies used to create and expand queer sociality within these constraints: camouflaging, filtering, and verticalizing. Theoretically, I introduce ‘workarounds’ as a framework that transcends the binary perspectives of conformity and resistance in discussions of authoritarian governance, algorithmic control, and user-platform interaction.
Kamusal alan ve mekân, akademik çalışmalara defalarca konu olmasına rağmen güncelliğini korumakta ve farklı bağlamlarda karşımıza çıkmaya devam etmektedir. Kamusallık kavramının tekrar önem kazanmasında sağ muhafazakâr ideolojinin yükselişi, alt ve orta sınıf üzerinde etkili olan ekonomik baskı ve son olarak küresel salgın nedeniyle yaşanan kapanma pratiği oldukça önemli ve etkin etmenlerdir. Söz konusu etmenler, bireylerin kamusal alan ve mekanlardaki varlıklarını, mekandaki etkileşimler üzerinden kendilerini inşa etmelerini doğrudan etkilemektedir. Etkileşimin önemli olduğu, hayatın sokakta da aktığı hatta akmasının o ülke yurttaşları arasındaki bağların kurulmasında etkili olacağı zamanlarda kamusal mekanlar makbul davranışların sergilendiği performans alanları olarak da işlev kazanırlar. Örneğin Osmanlı İmparatorluğu son döneminde yapılan imar planları ile meydana bağlanan sokaklar ve millet bahçeleri, Genç Cumhuriyet yıllarında Ankara’da inşa edilen geniş meydanlar, parklar ve gerek kamusal gerekse özel binalar “birliktelik” ve “karşılıklılık” inşa etmek amacındadır. Bu çalışmada kamusal mekân kavramına bu açılardan yaklaşılması hedeflenmiştir.
Este volumen colectivo se propone como un espacio de reflexión interdisciplinar, interregional e intergeneracional sobre el significado de la llamada crisis democrática, las narrativas que sustentan esa inestabilidad y la transformación de la democracia, así como de intercambio de experiencias que nos permitan pensar en resiliencia y resistencia. Su principal objetivo es dilucidar desde diferentes miradas disciplinares el significado de la noción de crisis con respecto a las democracias contemporáneas, para interrogar sus diversas causalidades y su manifestación discursiva en lo político, lo social y lo cultural. El libro está organizado en tres partes orientadas, respectivamente, a ofrecer un diagnóstico del estado actual de las democracias de la región, analizar los marcos interpretativos que empleamos en la caracterización de las crisis en América Latina y, finalmente, presentar experiencias y prácticas políticas que buscan responder a dichos desequilibrios. Sus diversas contribuciones parten de la necesidad de reconocer que la comprensión y respuesta a las crisis democráticas actuales no se limita a su dimensión institucional, sino que va a la par de una crisis de conocimiento, es decir, de un agotamiento de las epistemologías de las cuáles partimos para su análisis.
Colonialism--the policies and practices wherein a foreign body imposes its ways of life on local communities--has historically impacted how collectives perceive themselves in relation to others. One way colonialism has impacted how people see themselves is through nationalism, where nationalism is often understood through shared language, culture, religion, and geopolitical borders. The way colonialism has shaped people's experiences with nationalism has shaped historical conflicts between members of different nation-states for a long time. While recent social computing research has studied how colonially marginalized people can engage in discourse to decolonize or re-imagine and reclaim themselves and their communities on their own terms--what is less understood is how technology can better support decolonial discourses in an effort to re-imagine nationalism. To understand this phenomenon, this research draws on a semi-structured interview study with YouTubers who make videos about culturally Bengali people whose lives were upended as a product of colonization and are now dispersed across Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan. This research seeks to understand people's motivations and strategies for engaging in video-mediated decolonial discourse in transnational contexts. We discuss how our work demonstrates the potential of the sociomateriality of decolonial discourse online and extends an invitation to foreground complexities of nationalism in social computing research.
The Bhagavata Saptaham, a seven-day ritual during which professional scholars recite and interpret instructive verses from the Brahmanical text, the Bhagavata Purana, has accelerated in popularity over the last twenty years in Kerala. The reciters are predominantly Brahmin men, though recently some women and men of other castes have also gained popularity. Curiously, these followers are almost exclusively women from diverse caste groups.
My research examines the production of bhakti within the gendered and caste-marked space of the Saptaham, considering the wider context of Hindu nationalism, as well as the morphing of social life because of the permeation of digital publics in everyday life. Grounded in Novetzke’s (2007, 255) description of bhakti as a devotion that is both intimate and mediated by caste, gender, media, politics and markets, I seek to understand how bhakti is produced within the Saptaham public.
In delineating the same, I am interested in three broad themes: (i) political articulations and formations within ritual life, (ii) the fallacy of “castelessness”, and (iii) Brahmanical femininity. By studying this, I make the argument that rather than being realised through the internal world of the devotee, bhakti is produced within a Saptaham public, and is further used by right-wing forces to transform public life and assert Brahmanical Hindu domination.
Political satire is often believed to enrich the public sphere in ways distinct from traditional journalism. This study examines whether deliberative qualities of online political talk in response to satire differ from those in response to regular news or partisan news. The analysis focuses on four normative standards: interactivity, diversity, rationality, and civility. A manual content analysis of YouTube comments (n = 2,447) reveals that the public sphere surrounding political satire shows a notable strength: Less incivility, both in terms of impoliteness and intolerance. Surprisingly, aside from this, satire’s public sphere did not differ much from that of regular news. Comments on partisan news were more opinionated and ideologically diverse. These findings suggest that online political talk prompted by satire is not inferior to that of traditional news. Additionally, this study highlights how the presence of different normative standards is often interconnected.
The paper traces the emergence of the #JusticeForNaqib digital counterpublic that arose in response to the tragic killing of a young man from an ethnically marginalized Pakistani community. Drawing upon a corpus of tweets spanning a year, I elucidate how the stickiness of the hashtag #JusticeForNaqib is shaped by the circulation of diverse emotions, affective encounters with other sticky hashtags, and contact with past histories of oppression and resistance within the Pashtun community. Through a rhetorical analysis of tweets containing the hashtag #JusticeForNaqib, I demonstrate how the affective counterpublic not only provided a collective space for grieving the loss of another young Pashtun man but also enabled activists to challenge prejudicial discourses portraying Pashtuns as terrorists and to mobilize support for offline protests by circulating calls to action and fostering a space to commemorate the social movement's achievements. The study advocates for a deeper understanding of the affective dimensions of the digital counterpublic, particularly in the context of marginalized communities.
This article provides a narrative review on the concept of dialogue within STS and Deliberative Democracy academic literature. Through this review I find that dialogue has been used in unsystematic, conflicting and sometimes even misleading ways that conflate dialogue and deliberation. Dialogue is used flexibly as an epistemological standpoint, an interactional format, a tradition and format of public engagement, an interactional phenomenon and an idealised moment. I provide a characterisation and theorisation of dialogue that seeks to integrate critical and historical accounts of dialogue, while introducing analytical dimensions that can be leveraged for further research. By bridging STS and Deliberative Democracy, I advance a definition of dialogue as a public technology.
Feminist uses of the term ‘care’ actively contribute to ongoing debates about the kind of world we currently live in, as against the one we want to inhabit in the future – a contribution directed towards effecting positive change in the world. Unsurprisingly, the various ways feminists employ the term ‘care’ entail benefits and problems, as well as being the subject of intense debate. This paper aims to summarise and critically assess the main conceptual frameworks and associated debates within feminist perspectives on care. Analyses of care as labour, first- and second-generation feminist ‘ethics of care’, postmodern/poststructuralist and posthuman/new materialist uptakes and, finally, notions of ‘radical care’ are considered. In short, the paper explores the radical potential of care; specifically in feminist terms – that is, what is its potential for advancing progressive social change?
Also CSST Working Paper #42. http://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/51184/1/417.pdf
For Habermas's later use of the category of the public sphere, see Jiirgen Habermas, The Theory of Communicative Action For a itical secondary discussion of Habermas's later use of the concept, see Nancy FraserWhat's Critical about Critical Theory? The Case of Habermas and Gender
- Jiirgen Habermas
Jiirgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category ofBourgeois Society, tr. Thomas Burger with Frederick Lawrence (Cambridge MA: The M. I. T. Press, 1989). For Habermas's later use of the category of the public sphere, see Jiirgen Habermas, The Theory of Communicative Action, vol 2, Lifeworld and System: A Critique of Functionalist Reason, tr. Thomas McCarthy (Boston: Beacon Press, 1987). For a itical secondary discussion of Habermas's later use of the concept, see Nancy Fraser, "What's Critical about Critical Theory? The Case of Habermas and Gender, in Fraser, Unruly Practices: Power, Discourse and Gender in Contemporary Social Theory (University of Minnesota Press, 1989).