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The persistence of implicit behavioral associations for moms and dads
Abstract
While the concept of the “new involved father” has gained popularity in the media and academic circles, it is unclear to what extent behavioral expectations of moms and dads today reflect gender equality. Using a Go/No-Go Task, Study 1 examined implicit associations between behavioral images indicative of childcare versus the professional world with (a) parent roles (dads versus moms) and (b) gender categories (males versus females). Both evidenced strong persistence of traditional stereotypes. Moreover, females were more strongly associated with the role mom than males were with dad. In Study 2, individual variation in the strength of these implicit associations predicted differences in judgments of how best to resolve work—family conflicts along traditional stereotypic lines. Implicit associations tying mom to childcare and dad to the professional world likely contribute to greater experienced conflict for women than men in striving to be both a parent and a professional.
... We propose that parents' internalization of gender stereotypes linking mothers to caregiving and fathers to work (Morgenroth & Heilman, 2017;Park et al., 2010) can at least in part account for gender differences in guilt. The extent to which parents internalize these gender stereotypes and associate men more strongly with work and women with family might predict how guilty they feel in situations in which their work interferes with their family. ...
... While blatant gender stereotypes become less common (Dovidio et al., 2017), people all over the world still associate mothers more easily with family and fathers more easily with work than the other way around (Park et al., 2010;Project Implicit, 2022). Interestingly, even individuals who explicitly state that they strive towards gender equality are often found to more easily associate men with the role of breadwinner and women with the role of caregiver (Dovidio et al., 2001). ...
... Are they mere associations or do they indicate an unconscious attitude towards different social groups (Payne et al., 2017)? Although the debate about what implicit gender stereotypes actually are continues, there is ample evidence that shows that implicit stereotypes predict how individuals perceive and judge others (Denessen et al., 2020;Park et al., 2010). Meta-analytical research even shows that such implicit measures have higher predictive value on sensitive themes such as racial and gender stereotypes, (Denessen et al., 2020;Greenwald et al., 2009), because they prevent social desirable answers to a certain extent and can capture associations that participants are not fully aware of (Gawronski & De Houwer, 2014). ...
Gender stereotypes prescribe mothers, but not fathers, to prioritize their family over their work. Therefore, internalization of gender stereotypes may predict higher guilt among mothers than fathers in situations in which they prioritize their work over their family. Study 1 (135 mothers and 116 fathers) indeed revealed that the stronger fathers' implicit gender stereotypes (measured with a gender‐career implicit association task) the less guilt fathers reported in a fictitious work‐interfering‐with‐family situation. Although mothers on average reported higher guilt than fathers, this effect was not moderated by their implicit gender stereotypes. Study 2 (daily diary study among 105 mothers), however, did reveal evidence for the moderating effect of implicit gender stereotypes on working mothers' guilt. The stronger mothers' implicit gender stereotypes the more work–family conflict and guilt they reported on days that they worked long hours. These results show that implicit gender stereotypes shape how parents feel about their work–family choices.
... Gender stereotypes are also marked with psychological essentialism: men's and women's traits are perceived to be intrinsic to their categories; an immutable essence (Park, Banchefsky, & Reynolds, 2015). Moreover, media representations of gender roles and the modelling of inequalities in the division of labour continue to communicate that traditional gender roles are the norm (Park, Smith, & Correll, 2010). Gender stereotypes also remain at an implicit level, regardless of the endorsement of sexist attitudes (Park et al., 2010). ...
... Moreover, media representations of gender roles and the modelling of inequalities in the division of labour continue to communicate that traditional gender roles are the norm (Park, Smith, & Correll, 2010). Gender stereotypes also remain at an implicit level, regardless of the endorsement of sexist attitudes (Park et al., 2010). All this evidence points to stable traditional attitudes about men and women, despite gender equality being increasingly considered as an important social aspiration. ...
... However, the perception of mothers' traits has remained unchanged (Banchefsky & Park, 2016). Furthermore, the role of mother is more strongly associated with being female, as compared to the association between father and being male (Park & Banchefsky, 2018;Park et al., 2010). Therefore, implicit associations continue to favour the traditional link of parenthood with women and of professional work with men. ...
While the characteristics associated with fathers have taken on more maternal traits more recently, a similar shift has not been observed for maternal characteristics. The role of mother remains stereotyped, and those who do not adhere to this often face criticism. This study examines the impact of parental stereotypes on the cognitive processes associated with reading. A sample of 32 individuals read 24 experimental passages introducing a parent (mother or father) in a traditional or non-traditional role, and in a neutral or disambiguating context. Results show a significant interaction between the type of role and gender of the parent on reading times. Simple main effect tests revealed that for traditional roles, fixation durations were longer when the protagonist was a father than when the protagonist was a mother. There was no effect of role type for fathers, yet for mothers, fixation durations were longer when they were depicted in non-traditional roles than when they were depicted in traditional roles. This disruption of information processing of schema incongruent content suggests that mothers’ parenting stereotypes remain anchored in society and are more rigid than those of fathers, supporting the idea of a double standard in parenting roles.
... At the same time, women continue to value and embrace their identities as mothers. Yet many of the trait attributes and behaviors stereotypically associated with the ideal mom (e.g., affectionate, considerate, giving) are seemingly in direct opposition to those associated with the ideal professional (competitive, independent, ambitious; see Park, Smith, & Correll, 2010). At the extreme, the ideal professional is one who is accessible to his or her company/clients at all times, who can at the drop of a hat make him or herself available as needed. ...
... Although several scholars have noted that the attributes of the ideal mom are more at odds with those of the ideal worker than are the attributes of the ideal dad (Fuegen, Biernat, Haines, & Deaux, 2004;Ridgeway & Correll, 2004;Stone & Lovejoy, 2004; J. C. Williams & Cooper, 2004), we were unable to identify empirical work that speaks directly to this point. Previous research from our lab used an implicit task to assess overlap in the categories or roles of mom, dad, and professional (Park et al., 2010). The results clearly demonstrated stronger implicit associations between the roles dad and professional than mom and professional, whereas the roles mom and parent were more strongly associated than dad and parent. ...
... A GNAT block consisting of 100 trials was constructed sampling 20 items each from the categories Me (Me, I, Myself, Mine), Them (They, Them, Theirs, Their;Nosek, Banaji, & Greenwald, 2002), parent images, and professional images (see Figure 3), and 10 items each from names and images of birds as irrelevant distractors (see Park et al., 2010). Stimuli were sampled without replacement until all items in a given category were presented, and then sampling began again. ...
As stereotypes of social groups undergo change, group members gain access to previously denied social and cultural roles. Although such access is desirable, to the extent that the behavior, traits, and attitudes required to succeed in a new role are in opposition to those required to do well in a still-valued old role, conflict in the self-concept may ensue. Specifically, the individual must necessarily fall short in social comparisons of the self to the ideal group member in 1 or both roles, threatening self-integrity. Examining the specific case of oppositional identities between career and mom roles, we argue that women respond to this conflict by shifting back and forth between activation of whichever identity is relevant in a given situational context in a way that men do not. This shifting of self-associations is hypothesized to deplete scarce cognitive resources, interfering with performance on a task that requires executive function capacity. In addition, to the extent the identities are viewed as trading off against one another, failure in 1 domain may be responded to by activating the alternate identity in an effort to restore self-integrity, again in a way that is not true for men. These hypotheses are explored across 4 studies, utilizing both college students in the midst of formulating—and working parents in the midst of negotiating—these identities.
... However, these interaction effects were not significant for fathers' reported coparenting quality. Park et al. (2010) argued that despite trends toward increasingly egalitarian division of labor between women and men in parenting roles, stereotyped experiences persisted regarding parental identity and parenting experiences, and there continued to be stronger implicit effects of parental identities in women than men (Park et al., 2010;Hodges and Park, 2013). Our findings seemed to align with this argument that mothers were more susceptible to the influences of their own and their partners' caregiving identity. ...
... However, these interaction effects were not significant for fathers' reported coparenting quality. Park et al. (2010) argued that despite trends toward increasingly egalitarian division of labor between women and men in parenting roles, stereotyped experiences persisted regarding parental identity and parenting experiences, and there continued to be stronger implicit effects of parental identities in women than men (Park et al., 2010;Hodges and Park, 2013). Our findings seemed to align with this argument that mothers were more susceptible to the influences of their own and their partners' caregiving identity. ...
Our study investigated the contribution of caregiving identity in the association between marital satisfaction and coparenting quality in fathers and mothers from a sample of opposite-sex couples of young children living in different areas of the United States. We conducted nested Actor-Partner Interdependence Models and moderation tests to examine potential differences between fathers and mothers in associations between marital satisfaction and coparenting quality, as well as the role of caregiving identity in the association. Results confirmed gender differences in the association between marital satisfaction and coparenting. Both mother’s and father’s caregiving identity interacted with their own marital satisfaction, but these interactions only impacted the coparenting quality reported by mothers. Additionally, caregiving identity in fathers and mothers was associated with the coparenting quality reported by their spouses. Our study highlighted the important role of caregiving identity in understanding the relation between marital satisfaction and coparenting quality in the intrafamilial processes of couples with young children.
... Meanwhile, Park, Smith, and Correll (2010) examined not explicit but implicit stereotypes and showed that fathers are strongly associated with professional images and mothers, with childcare images. Moreover, explicit prejudice predicts deliberative behaviour, whereas implicit prejudice predicts spontaneous behaviour (Dovidio, Kawakami, Johnson, Johnson, & Howard, 1997). ...
... In the second study, the Go/No-go Association Task (GNAT, Nosek & Banaji, 2001) was conducted as a study on judgment based on Park et al. (2010). On the computer, the participants were presented with items from a number of different categories and instructed to press a button (go) whenever an item from one of two focal categories (e.g. ...
In this sixth volume, a committed set of authors explore the Psychology field, therefore contributing to reach the frontiers of knowledge. Success depends on the participation of those who wish to find creative solutions and believe in their potential to change the world, altogether, to increase public engagement and cooperation from communities. Part of our mission is to serve society with these initiatives and promote knowledge. Therefore, it is necessary the strengthening of research efforts in all fields and cooperation between the most assorted studies and backgrounds. In particular, this book explores five major areas (divided into five sections) within the broad context of Psychology: Social Psychology, Cognitive and Experimental Psychology, Clinical Psychology, Legal Psychology and Educational Psychology. Each section comprises chapters that have emerged from extended and peer reviewed selected papers originally published in the proceedings of the International Psychological Applications Conference and Trends (InPACT 2020) conference series (http://www.inpact-psychologyconference.org/). This conference occurs annually with successful outcomes. Original papers have been selected and its authors were invited to extend them significantly to once again undergo an evaluation process, afterwards the authors of the accepted chapters were requested to make corrections and improve the final submitted chapters. This process has resulted in the final publication of 33 high quality chapters.
... Meanwhile, Park, Smith, and Correll (2010) examined not explicit but implicit stereotypes and showed that fathers are strongly associated with professional images and mothers, with childcare images. Moreover, explicit prejudice predicts deliberative behaviour, whereas implicit prejudice predicts spontaneous behaviour (Dovidio, Kawakami, Johnson, Johnson, & Howard, 1997). ...
... In the second study, the Go/No-go Association Task (GNAT, Nosek & Banaji, 2001) was conducted as a study on judgment based on Park, Smith, and Correll (2010). On the computer, the participants were presented with items from a number of different categories and instructed to press a button (go) whenever an item from one of two focal categories (e.g. ...
... Importantly, work-family guilt has ongoing high costs, reducing the well-being of mothers not only on the day itself, but also the next day. We speculate that the guilt that mothers experience results, in part, from the highly normative standards for mothers to prioritize their family (e.g., Morgenroth & Heilman, 2017;Okimoto & Heilman, 2012;Park et al., 2010). When this is the case, mothers may be in a Catch-22 position: they are either unhappy because they feel guilty about not complying with ideal mother standards, or they are unhappy for not making the choices they want, or "should" want (e.g., being ambitious at work) to be able to comply with ideal mother standards. ...
... We conclude that while it is easy to say that gender differences in work-family decisions (i.e., women doing more caregiving tasks, and working fewer hours than men) arise from women preferring to devote more time to their family instead of their work (e.g., Belkin, 2003), we should be critical about why women make these choices. In our research we demonstrate that these work-family decisions may in part be driven by the increased guilt that mothers experience about working, a guilt that may result from highly normative standards for mothers to prioritize their family (e.g., Morgenroth & Heilman, 2017;Okimoto & Heilman, 2012;Park et al., 2010). Thus, guilt may limit women in their work and family choices and straightjacket mothers into complying with gender norms in which they prioritize caregiving tasks over work. ...
Working mothers often experience guilt when balancing work and family responsibilities. We examined consequences of work-family guilt with an interview study (N = 28) and daily diary study (N = 123). The interview study revealed that as a result of work-family guilt, parents tended to either reappraise the situation (e.g., emphasizing financial importance of work) or compensate for their guilt by adapting their parenting, adapting their work, and by sacrificing their leisure. Consistently, the diary study (where mothers completed online daily questionnaires over 8 consecutive days) revealed that higher work-family guilt was related to more traditional gender behaviors in mothers. Specifically, mothers (a) thought more about reducing their working hours, (b) reduced the time they planned for themselves, and (c) planned to reserve more time and energy for their children in the future although no changes in actual parenting behaviors were observed. Moreover, the diary study demonstrated that work-family guilt is associated with lower well-being for mothers. Together, these studies illuminate how work-family guilt may motivate mothers to comply with gender norms in which they prioritize caregiving tasks over their work.
... In a second study in Park et al. (2010), we examined downstream consequences of individual differences in the strength of implicit associations between the genders and parenting and career roles on judgments of how the genders should prioritize work and family obligations. Using an implicit measure based on Payne's (2001) Weapon Identification Task, participants categorized images as belonging to either the home realm (e.g., baby bottle) or the work realm (e.g., executive desk). ...
... Error bars reflect +1 and À1 standard error of the mean. Adapted from Park, B., Smith, J. A.,& Correll, J. (2010). The persistence of implicit behavioral associations for moms and dads. ...
This chapter examines gender inequalities in work and family outcomes through the lens of identity construction with a focus on the power of the social context in driving identity conflict. Cultural scripts dictate normative expectations around how to fulfill the roles of mother, father, and worker. The content of the scripts generates greater identity conflict for women than men as they strive to succeed in both roles. This conflict is driven in part by a tighter connection between the role mom and the category women than between dad and the category men, and in part by greater overlap in the roles of dad and professional than mom and professional. Moreover, mothers as a category are viewed as higher in essentialism than fathers. These perceptions affect both perceivers’ judgments of how the genders ought to fulfill these roles, and the self-perceptions of young women and men, such that when women anticipate greater role conflict, they engage in identity shifting on an implicit self-association task, whereas men demonstrate identity stability. Women also intend to make greater accommodations to work hours due to children. Changing the content of these social roles through strengthening the tie between dads and men, promoting less gendered division of caretaking responsibilities, and changing normative scripts for young professionals are discussed as pathways for promoting greater gender equality in both work and family outcomes.
... -Sheryl Sandberg (2013) In understanding gender disparities in career advancement, social psychologists have focused on how stereotypes about women constrain women's career decisions (Brown & Diekman, 2010;Ceci & Williams, 2011;Park, Smith, & Correll, 2010;Stout, Dasgupta, Hunsinger, & McManus, 2011). But as Facebook C.O.O. ...
... In fact, after having children, women are more likely than men to reduce their work commitment, earn lower salaries, and advance slowly in their career (Stone, 2007). Many women embrace this choice (Park et al., 2010). However, twice as many working mothers as fathers report that parenting responsibilities stand in the way of their career, particularly among families of highly career-focused men (Pew Research Center, 2015). ...
Do young women’s expectations about potential romantic partners’ likelihood of adopting caregiving roles in the future contribute to whether they imagine themselves in nontraditional future roles? Meta-analyzed effect sizes of five experiments (total N = 645) supported this complementarity hypothesis. Women who were primed with family-focused (vs. career-focused) male exemplars (Preliminary Study) or information that men are rapidly (vs. slowly) assuming greater caregiving responsibilities (Studies 1-4) were more likely to envision becoming the primary economic provider and less likely to envision becoming the primary caregiver of their future families. A meta-analysis across studies revealed that gender role complementarity has a small-to-medium effect on both women’s abstract expectations of becoming the primary economic provider (d = .27) and the primary caregiver (d = −.26). These patterns suggest that women’s stereotypes about men’s stagnant or changing gender roles might subtly constrain women’s own expected work and family roles.
... Because domestic labor is closely aligned with the female roles of wife and mother, women who earn more than their spouses can neutralize their gender deviance by taking on the majority of the housework and childcare [2,28,53,57]. Indeed, people automatically associate women with the maternal role more than they associate men with the paternal role; and while they associate mothers with childcare more than careers, the opposite is true for fathers [44]. Further, the distribution of domestic work tends to become less equal after people marry, compared to unmarried cohabitation, suggesting that the roles of husband and wife carry specific significance with regard to gendered divisions of labor [4,18,29]. ...
... Perceptions of entitlement are influenced by internalized standards acquired through gender socialization [38,39]. Because men's roles at home (e.g., husband and father) are not traditionally associated with domestic chores [44], it is likely that men will feel entitled to do less housework and childcare than their wives regardless of their income, simply because their roles have always afforded them that luxury. This pattern of results would support gender construction theories because it reinforces traditional gender roles. ...
Drawing on relative resources and gender construction theories, we examined economic and psychological factors that affect married parents’ domestic labor. Married parents from the United States (N = 801) reported whether they earned less, equal, or more income than their spouses, as well as the proportion of housework and childcare they performed. In line with a relative resources perspective, participants reported doing less domestic labor as their relative income increased. Yet, in line with gender construction theories, women reported doing more domestic labor than their spouses, regardless of their relative income. Moreover, support for traditional gender roles mediated the effect of income on domestic labor for women, but not men. In contrast, perceived domestic entitlement (feeling justified doing less domestic labor than one’s spouse) mediated the effect of income on domestic labor for men, but not women. The implications for the future of gender equality are discussed.
... Similarly, it has been shown within a Spanish sample including students, workers and retired people, that women who work in an industry perceived as being incongruent with their gender role are likely to be the targets of prejudices (Garcia-Retamero and Lopez-Zafra 2006). Finally , it has been shown within a U.S. sample that women are more strongly associated than men with the parenthood concept (Park et al. 2010), suggesting the existence of a particular link between women and private and family contexts . It is therefore reasonable to assume that context also influences the prescriptive component of stereotypes. ...
... Rather, higher hostile sexist men would prescribe warmth to women because women showing warmthrelated traits are less likely to threaten men's dominant status (for the link between hostile sexism and attitude toward women threatening men's status, see for instance Masser and Abrams 2004). Regarding the influence of the context, we reasoned that although warmth-related traits held by women might be highly beneficial to men in a family context, they might be somewhat less beneficial to men who collaborate with women holding these traits in a professional context (Park et al. 2010). As a consequence, women would be prescribed more warmth in a family than in a professional context (Hypothesis 4). ...
Gender prescriptions consist of beliefs about the characteristics that men and women should possess. This paper focuses on stereotypic prescriptions targeting women and on some of the variables that influence the adherence to these prescriptions. In Study 1, male undergraduates (N036) from Belgium completed the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI—Glick and Fiske 1996), questions assessing the pre-scription of warmth-and competence-related traits to a female target and a measure of the target's perceived status. In Study 2, male undergraduates (N080) from Belgium completed a questionnaire assessing the perceived benefit associated with warmth traits possessed by women, in either a family or a professional context, a prescription measure regarding these traits and finally the ASI. Study 1 indicated that the prescription of warmth to women depends upon their perceived status. Study 2 showed that men are more prone to seeing the benefit to be gained for themselves from women's warmth and to prescribe it more so in a family context than in a professional one. Both studies also showed that men's endorsement of benevolent sexism is related to women's perceived status / the perception of a benefit for men to be gained from women's warmth and, consequently, to the prescription of warmth traits to women.
... This phenomenon may be due in part to widely shared beliefs that women place more importance on children than men do and are innately better than men at taking care of them (Machung, 1989;Spade & Reese, 1991). In fact, research using implicit measures, such as the Implicit Association Test, has consistently found a strong automatic link between women and family, and men and career (Nosek, Banaji, & Greenwald, 2002;Nosek et al. 2007;Park, Smith, & Correll, 2010). Thus, both men and women may believe that any career sacrifices to focus on family demands should be made by mothers, especially to the extent that they implicitly associate women and family (Park et al. 2010). ...
... In fact, research using implicit measures, such as the Implicit Association Test, has consistently found a strong automatic link between women and family, and men and career (Nosek, Banaji, & Greenwald, 2002;Nosek et al. 2007;Park, Smith, & Correll, 2010). Thus, both men and women may believe that any career sacrifices to focus on family demands should be made by mothers, especially to the extent that they implicitly associate women and family (Park et al. 2010). ...
This study examined young women’s expectations about gender equality in their future careers and marriages. The study implemented
a possible selves method in which 114 undergraduate women from a Midwestern university in the United States were randomly
assigned to envision themselves as married mothers employed either full-time, part-time, or not at all and possessing either
an advanced degree or a bachelor’s degree. Participants indicated their expectations for gender equality by estimating their
own and their future husbands’ expected salaries and hours per week of housework and employment. They also evaluated their
possible selves and estimated their emotional well-being and likely attainment of several important life goals. Greater employment
produced greater expected gender equality, although in all conditions participants expected to have lesser salary and more
domestic work than their husbands. With employment, compared with no employment, and with an advanced degree, compared with
a bachelor’s degree, participants rated their possible selves more positively and estimated that they would have greater emotional
well-being and attainment of life goals related to respect and finances. However, employment negatively affected participants’
anticipated relationships with their children. Thus, our participants’ reactions displayed a tradeoff between satisfying their
employment goals and their goals for their relationship with their children.
KeywordsGender equality–Possible selves–Domestic equality–Undergraduate women
... gender roles have historically and persistently linked women with caregiving and men with earning responsibilities (Ciccia & Bleijenbergh, 2014;Gershuny et al., 2005;Lewis & Lupyan, 2020;Park et al., 2010;Park & Banchefsky, 2019;Zuo, 2004), both mothers and fathers regularly contribute, if disproportionally, to caring and earning duties. For example, almost all fathers are responsible for at least some aspects of caregiving in the home (e.g., Craig & Mullan, 2011;Fillo et al., 2015), and numerous recent sociocultural changes have increased fathers' involvement in direct caregiving in Western societies (Feldman et al., 2019). ...
The Role Prioritization Model (RPM; Haines & Stroessner, 2019) proposes that evaluations of gender-incongruent behavior depend on the degree to which actions imply prioritization of earning versus childrearing responsibilities. When behavior indicates prioritization of gender-atypical roles (a family focus for men and a professional focus for women), they will be judged as poor representatives of their gender and low on gender-stereotypical traits (i.e., men as competent and women as warm). Four experiments examined these hypotheses focusing on fathers’ perceived prioritization of family versus earning responsibilities. Study 1 verified that men and women are expected to prioritize breadwinning and caregiving roles, respectively, and that subtle context cues (i.e., whether men care for a child on a workday or weekend) affect the perceived prioritization of roles. Studies 2 and 3 demonstrated that gender role incongruency (fathers caring for young children) produces a competence penalty when the context suggests prioritizing family over work (i.e., when men are described as caring for a child on a workday). In contrast, judgments of men are enhanced when the context suggests that expected prioritization is met (i.e., when men are described as caring for a child on the weekend). Study 4 showed that this penalty was attenuated by cues suggesting that men balance work and family responsibilities. These results are considered in terms of perceived role prioritization and consequences of gender incongruent behavior for men and women.
... Despite changing gender dynamics in Western countries, gender stereotypes prescribing men to prioritize breadwinning and women to prioritize caregiving persist and are quite resistant to change (Haines et al., 2016;Morgenroth & Heilman, 2017;Park et al., 2010). Some studies show that couples in relationships with these traditional gender roles reversed (e.g., couples in which women are the main provider or in which men are the main caretaker) experience negative relationship outcomes (e.g., decreased marital satisfaction, increased chance of divorce, lower relationship quality; Bertrand et al., 2015;Vink et al. 2022a;Wilcox & Nock, 2006;Zhang, 2015). ...
There is growing evidence that heterosexual relationships in which traditional gender roles are reversed because women have attained higher societal status than their male partner are more precarious. We argue that this is the case because both partners in role-reversed relationships are evaluated more negatively than partners in more egalitarian or traditional gender role relationships. In two experimental studies conducted in the United States ( N = 223) and the Netherlands ( N = 269), we found that when encountering role-reversed relationships, participants perceive the woman as the more dominant and agentic one and the man as the weaker one in the relationship. They also perceive women in role-reversed relationships as less likeable, have less respect for men in role-reversed relationships, and expect that such relationships are less satisfying. In addition, in a third partner study ( N = 94 heterosexual couples), we found that both male and female partners in role-reversed relationships considered the man to be the weaker one and the woman to be the more dominant one. Moreover, perceiving the man as the weaker one predicted lower relationship satisfaction in role-reversed couples. Overall, this research indicates that gender stereotypes about heterosexual relationships should be considered in efforts to achieve gender equity.
... Interestingly and unexpectedly, women in our sample also had more salient and central work identities than men. This confirms previous research that suggested that when women engage in work, even if it is part time, their work identity becomes more central than their husbands' (Gaunt and Scott, 2014); however, at the same time, they also have more central and salient parental identities (Park et al, 2010;Gaunt and Scott, 2014). Working women start developing their maternal identity during pregnancy and the process appears to be a negotiation and accommodation of the new maternal identity with their existent professional identity (Ladge et al, 2012;Ladge and Greenberg, 2015). ...
This study draws on identity theory to explore parental and work-related identities by comparing primary caregivers and breadwinners. It examined how the salience and centrality of identities vary by gender and family role, and the relationships between identities and individuals’ involvement in paid work and childcare. A sample of 236 parents with young children completed extensive questionnaires. As hypothesised, primary breadwinners had more salient and central work identities than primary caregivers. However, there was no difference in parental identities, and within each role category, women had more salient and central work identities than men. Finally, the salience and centrality of parents’ work-related identities were positively related to time investment in paid work and negatively related to hours of childcare. These findings shed light on the complex relationships between family roles, gender and identities and emphasise the importance of distinguishing between identity salience and centrality as two components of self-structure.
... 3 Gender instantiation was manipulated between participants such that for a given participant, all the GNAT blocks conveyed gender either by name, high-genderprototypic photographs (i.e., images of masculine men and feminine women), or low-gender-prototypic photographs (i.e., images of feminine men and masculine women). The names were high-frequency gender first names (e.g., Jason, David, Sarah, Laura) taken from Park, Smith, and Correll (2010). 4 The images were frontfacing headshots of male and female tenured or tenure track scientists rated to be high or low in gender-prototypical appearance (Banchefsky et al., 2016). ...
Previous work using implicit tasks has demonstrated associations at a categorical level between men and science-related words (e.g., chemistry, physics, engineering). The current research explores trait attributes, examining the overlap in trait stereotypes of scientists with trait stereotypes of men and women, using both implicit and explicit stereotyping measures. Study 1 identified traits stereotypically associated with scientists along the analytic and cold dimensions, and counterstereotypic traits on unquestioning and warm dimensions. Study 2 demonstrated strong gender-scientist stereotypes on both explicit and implicit measures such that men were seen as more analytic and cold and less unquestioning and warm than women. Although robust effects were observed on both types of measures, their correlation was weak and nonsignificant. The misfit between trait perceptions of scientists and women, whether measured implicitly or explicitly, suggests trait stereotypes help maintain the gender imbalance in physical science fields.
... On the other hand, although increasing in frequency, relationships in which the woman earns more than the man are still less common (Portegijs and Van den Brakel, 2018;Van Bavel et al., 2018). People still expect men to be breadwinners of their family, whereas they expect women to be their family's primary caregiver (Park et al., 2010;Morgenroth and Heilman, 2017). Rather than practical differences such as differences in working hours, it seems that especially symbolic status differences between couples explain negative outcomes for non-traditional couples. ...
There is growing evidence that couples in non-traditional relationships in which the woman attains higher status than her male partner experience more negative relationship outcomes than traditional couples. A possible reason is that non-traditional couples violate persisting gender stereotypes that prescribe men to be breadwinners and women to be caregivers of the family. In the current study ( N = 2,748), we investigated whether a country’s gender-stereotypical culture predicts non-traditional men and women’s relationship and life outcomes. We used the European Sustainable Workforce Survey, which is conducted in nine European countries. Two indicators of countries’ gender-stereotypical culture are used: Gender Empowerment Measure and implicit gender stereotypes. We found that women’s income and -to a lesser extent- education degree relative to their male partner affected outcomes such as relationship quality, negative emotions, and experienced time pressure. Furthermore, men and women living in countries with a traditional gender-stereotypical culture (e.g., Netherlands, Hungary) reported lower relationship quality when women earned more than their partners. Relative income differences did not affect the relationship quality of participants living in egalitarian countries (e.g., Sweden, Finland). Also, couples in which the woman is more highly educated than the man reported higher relationship quality in egalitarian countries, but not in traditional countries. Our findings suggest that dominant beliefs and ideologies in society can hinder or facilitate couples in non-traditional relationships.
... Men's lack of such experiences implies an absence of such primitive drive to care for their children, and instead portrays fatherhood as a learned behavior (Bem, 1993;Park et al., 2015). Essentialist beliefs increase in the presence of physical changes in women which are related to motherhood (pregnancy, breastfeeding, etc.) (Park et al., 2015(Park et al., , 2010. Research demonstrates that women who did not go through visual changes in the process of becoming mothers, such as adoptive mothers, were viewed in less essentialist terms than women who did (Park et al., 2015). ...
The present study examined the role of individuals’ social psychological characteristics in the division of housework and childcare responsibilities, comparing parents in role-reversed arrangements with parents in a more traditional division of roles. A sample of 353 parents with young children completed extensive questionnaires. As hypothesized, participants in role-reversed arrangements expressed more egalitarian gender ideologies and had a lower tendency to endorse biological essentialist beliefs compared to participants in a traditional division of roles. The findings further showed that parents’ gender ideologies and biological essentialism were interrelated and predicted their involvement in childcare and housework. Finally, maternal gatekeeping mediated the effect of mothers’ gender ideologies and biological essentialism on their involvement in housework and childcare. The findings shed light on the underlying mechanisms by which parents’ ideologies shape the division of family work and can lead to more equality in the home.
... They found that, compared to mothers, fathers were seen as more similar to professionals. For example, fathers were perceived as posessing agentic attributes such as being self-reliant, decisive, and strong, which was also seen as typical of professionals, while mothers were not perceived as having these attributes (see also Park, Smith, & Correll, 2010, for implicit behavioural associations). Similarly, evidence from the shifting standards literature shows that parenthood polarizes the perception of women and men such that mothers are held to a particularly high standard in workplace contexts (Fuegen et al., 2004). ...
Men remain overrepresented in leadership positions, due in part to a think manager–think male (TMTM) association whereby stereotypes of men are more similar to stereotypes of manager than are stereotypes of women. Building on research into the motherhood penalty and fatherhood advantage, we extend Schein's TMTM paradigm to investigate whether parenthood exacerbates the phenomenon. In Study 1 (N = 326), we find clear support for a fatherhood advantage, such that fathers are described as more similar to managers compared to either men in general, women in general, or to mothers. We did not find evidence for a motherhood penalty. Indeed, mothers, compared to women in general, were seen as more similar to managers (a motherhood advantage within women), while relative to fathers, mothers were seen as less similar to managers, thus, a gender penalty remained within parenthood. We replicate these findings in a preregistered Study 2 (N = 561), and further show that patterns are similar for ideal managers (prescriptive manager stereotypes, Study 1) and leaders more generally (Study 2). Taken together, the results suggest that gender and managerial stereotypes do not reveal a simple fatherhood advantage and motherhood penalty. Rather, stereotypes of parenthood may provide benefits for both mothers and fathers—suggestive of a parenthood advantage, at least in terms of stereotype content.
... In the out-of-school informal outreach space, one way to enhance any priming effect that role models may have on K-12 female engagement in engineering and technology is through awareness training [19], [73], [74], [75]. The author conducted a pilot study in 2014 to construct a reliable instrument to be used to aid in measuring the effectiveness of interventions targeting role models, by purposively sampling a small group (n = 11) of adult SWE role models, as conveniently identified through their leadership in K-12 outreach strategy at the Society level. ...
... In contract, men are stereotyped as agentic (e.g., independent, assertive) and lacking communality (e.g., aggressive, cold; Eagly & Wood, 2012). Thus, stereotypes of men are very similar to those associated with the ideal worker, who is expected to be independent, competitive, and ambitious, while stereotypes of women are not (Park et al., 2010). ...
Women’s concerns about work–life balance are cited as a key factor underlying their continued underrepresentation in particular domains and roles. This gendered pattern is often attributed to factors in the home, such as women’s disproportionate share of domestic work and childcare responsibilities. We offer an additional explanation that focuses on workplace identities. Across four studies, we demonstrate that perceptions of work–life balance are not only a matter of balancing time, but also a matter of balancing identity, and that the availability of attainable leaders plays a key role in determining these processes. More specifically, a survey study (Study 1, N = 1223) among participants working in a historically male‐dominated profession shows that gender differences in work–life balance perceptions are, in part, explained by women’s perceived lack of fit with leaders and, in turn, their perceptions of incompatibility between who they are at home and who they are at work. In Studies 2 (N = 207), 3a (N = 209), and 3b (N = 191), we demonstrate that gender differences in anticipated work–life balance can be ameliorated through exposure to attainable female leaders. These findings have implications for organizations that seek to recruit and retain women and demonstrate that issues of identity are crucial for facilitating work–life balance.
... Furthermore, Park, Smith, and Correll (2010) investigated not explicit but implicit stereotypes and found that fathers were strongly associated with professional images and mothers were more strongly associated with childcare images. Therefore, it will deepen our understanding to compare implicit parent stereotypes to implicit overall gender stereotypes. ...
... Literature demonstrated that mothers who do not conform to this rigid script are viewed less positively than biological heterosexual first-time married mothers, and are defined as poor mothers (e.g., Arditti & Lopez, 2005;Rincon & Trung Lam, 2011;Wycisk & Kleka, 2014). Empirical research also suggested that the mother category is treated differently from the father category (Park, Smith & Correll, 2010) and mothers are viewed in more essentialist terms than fathers (Park et al., 2015). These conceptions of the motherhood promote negative repercussion against nontraditional and non-biological mothers (Park et al., 2015). ...
Although no differences have been found for
children raised by same-sex parents as compared
with opposite-sex parents, negative attitudes
toward same-sex parenting persist. Nonetheless,
dehumanizing attitudes on same-sex parents are
currently scarcely investigated. Within the dehumanization
approach, the ontologization process
is the attribution of a different «ontology» to
outgroup members that serves to exclude them
from the realm of humanity. This study provides
preliminary evidence of the ontologization
process toward same-sex parents. Two hundred
Italian heterosexual participants read one of four
vignettes describing a stepfamily (same-sex parents
vs. opposite-sex parents). After reading the
vignettes, the participants rated the stepfamily
on ontologization traits. Results show that the
participants attribute more animal traits to samesex
parent stepfamilies as compared with opposite-
sex parent stepfamilies. However, the results
do not support a full ontologization process.
... Whereas women are strongly prescribed to be warm, kind, and interested in children, men are prescribed to be interested in their careers [12,13]. These prescriptions are reinforced through implicit associations between women and parenting, and men and careers [14]. Fathers are seen as the secondary parent and are expected to perform fewer caregiving tasks [15,16]. ...
A father’s involvement in prenatal care engenders health benefits for both mothers and children. While this information can help practitioners improve family health, low paternal involvement in prenatal care remains a challenge. The present study tested a simple, easily scalable intervention to promote father involvement by increasing men’s feelings of comfort and expectations of involvement in prenatal settings through three randomized control trials. Borrowing from social psychological theory on identity safety, the three studies tested whether the inclusion of environmental cues that represent men and fatherhood in prenatal care offices influenced men’s beliefs and behavioral intentions during the perinatal period. Men in studies 1 and 3 viewed online videos of purported prenatal care offices, while men in study 2 visited the office in person. Those who viewed or were immersed in a father-friendly prenatal care office believed that doctors had higher expectations of father involvement compared to treatment-as-usual. This perception predicted greater parenting confidence, comfort, and behavioral intentions to learn about the pregnancy and engage in healthy habits, such as avoiding smoking and alcohol during their partner’s pregnancy. Study 3 replicated these studies with an online sample of expectant fathers. The results suggest that shifting environment office cues can signal fathering norms to men in prenatal settings, with healthier downstream behavior intentions.
... It has been argued that very few paid occupations are as female dominated as household work (Cohen, 2004). As a result, people continue to hold strong associations between women and the domestic sphere (Miller and Borgida, 2016), as well as the roles and behaviors that domestic labor entails (e.g., parenting, caretaking; Park et al., 2010). I contend that being a successful homemaker is likely to be perceived as requiring significantly more communality than agency. ...
Although classic congruity models of gender discrimination (e.g., role congruity theory, lack of fit) predict negative outcomes for both women and men in gender-incongruent domains, the literature has focused almost exclusively on discrimination against women. A number of recent studies have begun to address the question of whether and under what circumstances men can also be the targets of gender discrimination. However, the results of these studies have so far been mixed. Therefore, the question of whether men, like women, also suffer discrimination when in gender incongruent roles and domains remains unclear. The goal of the present paper is to integrate and critically examine the burgeoning literature on gender discrimination against men in order to assess whether the symmetrical predictions of congruity models are supported. Through this close analysis and integration of the literature, I aim to identify remaining gaps in the research on gender discrimination. In particular, I propose that researchers of gender discrimination would benefit from expanding their scope beyond that of paid work.
... Those women"s situations may be in part due to widely shared beliefs that women are the responsible for child-rearing and are innately better than other persons at looking after them. Consequently, as it was argued by Bernadette, Allegra and Correll (2010) that both men and women may believe that any sacrifices in their careers for the sake of family benefits and the focus on the family"s demands should primarily be made by mothers, especially to the extent that they associate women and family. Thus, a mother of young children may feel that she is not an adequate mother and opts to work less to have more time for her children. ...
In the national marketplace, women's entrepreneurship is a vibrant and a growing contribution to the labour force. As the number of women self-employment is becoming a refuge in most countries and Morocco is no exception, particularly women entrepreneurs are still a small proportion of the total population. The present article highlights women's entrepreneurial work, typically in feminine cooperatives. It discusses the major triggers to choose this type of work as well as the main challenges they face in this sector of work. Barriers Moroccan women entrepreneurs are also surveyed. The conclusion drawn from the article includes the objective of increased self-autonomy as a central goal of women's entrepreneurial work regardless of the gendered, structural and socioeconomic stumbling blocks confronted. Strong actions and policies to develop the situation of this proportion of society must be of any strategy of empowerment.
... Some evidence exists that the social role of mother is more tightly connected to the category women than the role of father is to men. Utilizing a Go/No-Go task to assess implicit (i.e., fast and relatively unfiltered) category associations, Park, Smith, and Correll (2010) asked participants to quickly respond whenever an exemplar from either of two categories appeared. In one block, participants were watching for stimuli from either the category women (e.g., Rebecca, Susan, Amanda) or the category mom (e.g., mom, mother, momma). ...
Trait stereotypes of men tend to be more fixed and negative than those of women. The current studies test whether stereotypes of men can be shifted through leveraging their social role as fathers. Trait attributes perceived to characterize women and moms were highly redundant, but those of men and dads were less so; moreover, men were perceived more negatively than dads, women, and moms (Study 1). Perceivers for whom the social role father was made salient rated men more similarly to dads, and no less similarly to men, and rated men more positively relative to a control condition (Study 2). Finally, among men, a threat to the category men resulted in greater opposition to benevolent social policies, but not if the social role father was primed (Study 3). Discussion focuses on positive consequences of increasing the psychological connection between men and fatherhood.
... While WARMTH AND COMPETENCE 18 beliefs that men and women should occupy separate spheres in society may seem outdated, they persist in Western culture (Miller & Borgida, 2016). One recent study finds that women are automatically associated with the parental role and caretaking behavior more than men, who are more associated with professional roles and behaviors more than women (Park, Smith, & Correll, 2010). That is, rather than asking participants to report their gender stereotypes, this study assessed people's implicit stereotypes by measuring how quickly parenthood and professional roles and associated behaviors came to mind when people were presented with the categories male and female. ...
According to the Stereotype Content Model (Fiske, Cuddy, Glick, Xu, 2002), women are sometimes stereotyped as either warm and incompetent, or as cold and competent (see also Eckes, 2002). As a result of these ambivalent stereotypes, women face an impression management dilemma: when they display competence, they risk being disliked, but when they display warmth, they risk being disrespected. This chapter discusses how ambivalent stereotypes set up double binds for women across three key sites of gender inequality: the workplace, work-family interface, and heterosexual relationships. In particular, this chapter takes the perspective of the target, focusing on how ambivalent stereotypes influence women’s self-perceptions and behavior. After providing background on ambivalent gender stereotypes, we discuss, in turn, how sets of gendered expectations pose barriers to women in each domain. We also offer recommendations for navigating these barriers.
... Women, on the other hand, tend to play more central roles in household management, raising children and caregiving (Coltrane & Adams, 2008). Gender stereotypes track this allocation of social roles (Eagly & Steffen, 1984): Women, more than men, are associated with family roles (Park, Smith, & Correll, 2010), and men, more than women, are associated with public roles such as leader and manager (Koenig, Eagly, Mitchell, & Ristikari, 2011). ...
This work explores the order of linguistic references to the two genders (e.g., men and women vs. women and men). It argues that a gender is more likely to be mentioned first when it is perceived to have higher relevance in a context rather than lower relevance, and audiences assign stronger relevance to a party when the party is mentioned first rather than second. Studies 1–3 document the current prevalence of male-first conjoined phrases in the public (but not family) domain and link the pattern to historical changes in women’s public presence over the 20th century. Study 4 shows that contextual relevance cues affect the odds of first mention, such that people are more likely to refer to a woman before a man, when the two are in a primary school classroom rather than a corporate office. At the same time, Studies 4 and 5 find that people often choose to reproduce collectively preferred word order patterns (e.g., men and women). Studies 6 and 7 show that these choices matter because people assign more relevance to a party when it comes first rather than second in a conjoined phrase. Overall, this work offers theoretical grounding and empirical evidence for word order as a means of expressing and perpetuating gender stereotypes.
... Although men in many modern cultures are expected to be more involved as fathers than in the past and are as effective and "motherly" parents as women are (DeMaris & Greif, 1993;Paradise, 2012), there are still automatic associations between motherhood and being female that are much stronger than fatherhood and being male (Park, Smith, & Correll, 2010). Therefore, despite there being greater explicit endorsement of egalitarian parenting roles, automatic associations still often reflect traditional parenting beliefs that align with traditional gender roles. ...
According to gender role theory, individuals who confirm expectations associated with their gender roles are rewarded and judged against these expectations when they deviate. Parental roles are strongly tied to gender, and there are very different expectations for behaviors of mothers and fathers. This study examined how mothers’ and fathers’ behaviors that support or discourage a positive relationship with the other parent are perceived in terms of their acceptability. Two-hundred twent-eight parents completed an online survey assessing perceptions of acceptability of negative (parental alienating) and positive coparenting behaviors. Results provided support for our hypothesis: Although parental alienating behaviors were rated unacceptable, they were more acceptable for mothers than fathers. Expectancy violation theory can explain why parental alienating behaviors are not viewed as negatively when mothers exhibit them than fathers.
... Recent empirical research also suggests that the category mother is treated differently from the category father. Implicit measures indicate that women are more tightly tied to the role of "mom" than men are to the role of "dad" (Park, Smith, & Correll, 2010), and that women experience their parent and career identities as more oppositional than men do (Hodges & Park, 2013). Women are often portrayed as naturally more nurturing and innately suited to child rearing, whereas for men, parenting is characterized as a learned behavior (Cole, Jayaratne, Cecchi, Feldbaum, & Petty, 2007;Gaunt, 2006). ...
Psychological essentialism is the tendency to view entities as if they have an underlying, often invisible essence that makes them what they are (Medin & Ortony, 1989), and the presence of a genetic basis for group membership contributes to such conceptions (Dar-Nimrod & Heine, 2011; Keller, 2005). We argue that undergoing visually salient physical transformations in the process of becoming a group member leads to particularly heightened essentialist conceptions. We test this idea in the context of parenthood. Public discourse suggests the category mother is imbued with special properties and is viewed as a deeper, more lasting, and real category than father. Such perceptions may contribute to unequal work outcomes for women relative to men. Collectively, the 5 studies reported show that mothers are perceived in more essentialist terms than fathers, and that physical changes women undergo in the process of becoming mothers play a substantial role in producing this difference. Moreover, viewing mothers as a particularly natural and real category predicted judgments that women struggle to successfully manage their roles as mothers and professionals, but only when motherhood was biological in nature. The role that observable physical transformations may play in the reification of categories is discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record
... Moreover, although fathers are becoming more involved than in the past, fathers are still positioned as secondary parents (Wall & Arnold, 2007; but see Schiffrin et al., 2014). Not surprisingly, mothers are expected to perform more caretaking and other warmth-related behaviors than are fathers (e.g., Craig, 2006;, an effect that holds when measured at the implicit level (see Park, Smith, & Correll, 2010). ...
Stereotypes may function as standards, such that individuals are judged relative to within-category expectations. Subjective judgments may mask stereotyping effects, whereas objective judgments may reveal stereotype-consistent patterns. We examined whether gender stereotypes about parenting lead judges to rate women and men as equally “good” parents while objective judgments favor women and whether parenting performance moderates this pattern. Participants evaluated a mother or father who successfully or unsuccessfully performed a parenting task. Subjective judgments of parent quality (“s/he is a good parent”) revealed no parent gender effects, but objective estimates of parenting performance favored mothers. In a hypothetical divorce scenario, participants also favored mothers in custody decisions. However, this pro-mother bias decreased when the mother failed at the parenting task (through her own fault). Performance did not affect custody decisions for fathers. We suggest parenting quality matters more for evaluations of mothers than for fathers because negative performance violates stereotyped expectations.
... Future studies with longitudinal designs that assess traditional gender attitudes, gatekeeping attitudes, and gatekeeping behavior at multiple time points are needed to disentangle directions of effects. Moreover, future work should use more sensitive implicit attitude measures (see Park, Smith, & Correll, 2010) to examine associations between traditional gender attitudes and maternal gatekeeping. ...
Objective:
The goal of this study was to identify determinants of maternal gatekeeping at the transition to parenthood.
Design:
Participants included 182 different-gender dual-earner couples. During pregnancy, expectant parents completed questionnaires regarding their psychological functioning, attitudes, and expectations, and at 3 months postpartum questionnaires regarding maternal gatekeeping behavior and gate closing attitudes.
Results:
SEM analyses revealed that mothers were more likely to close the gate to fathers when mothers held greater perfectionistic expectations for fathers' parenting, had poorer psychological functioning, perceived their romantic relationship as less stable, and had higher levels of parenting self-efficacy. In contrast, fathers with lower parenting self-efficacy appeared to elicit greater maternal gate closing behavior. Mothers who engaged in greater gate opening behavior were more religious.
Conclusions:
Maternal gatekeeping may be more strongly associated with maternal expectations and psychological functioning than with maternal traditional gender attitudes. Fathers' characteristics are less predictive of maternal gatekeeping than mothers' characteristics.
... Once in place, these implicit associations can be automatically activated, subtly influencing behavior and preferences distinct from explicitly held values or beliefs (Banaji & Hardin, 1996). In fact, even people who explicitly hold gender-egalitarian attitudes still exhibit evidence of strong automatic associations linking men more with agentic qualities and roles and women more with communal qualities or roles Park, Smith, & Correll, 2010;Rudman & Goodwin, 2004;Rudman, Greenwald, & McGhee, 2001). ...
Social psychological research has sought to understand and mitigate the psychological barriers that block women's interest, performance, and advancement in male-dominated, agentic roles (e.g., science, technology, engineering, and math). Research has not, however, correspondingly examined men's underrepresentation in communal roles, traditionally occupied by women (e.g., careers in health care, early childhood education, and domestic roles including child care). In this article, we seek to provide a roadmap for research on this underexamined inequality by (a) outlining the benefits of increasing men's representation in communal roles; (b) reviewing cultural, evolutionary, and historical perspectives on the asymmetry in status assigned to men's and women's roles; and (c) articulating the role of gender stereotypes in creating social and psychological barriers to men's interest and inclusion in communal roles. We argue that promoting equal opportunities for both women and men requires a better understanding of the psychological barriers to men's involvement in communal roles.
© 2015 by the Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc.
... Research investigating implicit processes could elucidate issues related to gender, parenthood, and differential work-family outcomes. In a study of implicit and explicit processes, Park, Smith, and Correll (2010) reported that the concepts of mom and parent were more easily kept simultaneously in mind than were mom and professional. The opposite effect was found for dad. ...
Several decades have passed since the intersection of work and family roles has become recognized as an important area of study within industrial and organizational (I-O) psychology. Perhaps initially considered a "fringe" area of research outside of mainstream I-O (as evidence note that the first edition of this Handbook did not include a work–family chapter), work–family scholarship has flourished over the past several decades. Concerted interest in work and family issues within I-O psychology can be traced to Zedeck's 1987 Soci-ety for Industrial and Organizational Psychology (SIOP) presidential address, in which he called for I-O psy-chologists to study the relationship between work and family roles. The publication of the edited volume enti-tled, Work, Family, and Organizations soon followed (Zedeck, 1992). Today, sessions concerning work–family frequently appear on the program of the annual Soci-ety for Industrial and Organizational Psychology con-ference and a notable number of work–family articles are being published in top journals such as the Jour-nal of Applied Psychology and Personnel Psychology. Beyond I-O psychology, the field of work–family research has ripened to the point that a separate membership society for work and family researchers, The Work – Family Researchers Network , comprised of individuals from multiple disciplines, is in the process of being formed with an initial conference planned for June 2012. Indeed, it appears that work-and-family research has come of age. Chapter Overview As a maturing area of research there have been numerous broad reviews of the literature in recent years (e.g.. The intent of the current chapter is review research with regard to the intersection of work and family roles, but with a greater empha-sis on new or expanding areas of inquiry. The chapter unfolds as follows. I begin by describing literature that has investigated positive and negative interdependences between work and family roles, followed by a review of the work–family balance literature. I then review individ-ual differences associated with work–family. This is fol-lowed by a review of organizational and national supports for work–family. Next work–family issues are reviewed from a cross-national perspective. The chapter closes with proposed directions for future research. Before turning to the review, a few comments regard-ing terms are needed. Astute readers may note the use of the term work–family as opposed to work–life or work–nonwork. These terms are often used interchange-ably in the literature. In the current chapter, I rely on
In educational organizations, the principal is an important part of the management element.
The principal as the school leader is a contributing factor to success in efforts to strengthen
governance, accountability, and public image. This success is inseparable from the competence
and ability in his duties, roles, and functions as school principals. Providing excellent service to
all school members, optimizing the empowerment and development of school residents,
Focusing on performance and growth and impact for the progress of schools and for the
community, is called servant leadership. Based on preliminary research, it is known that the
principal of private vocational high schools (SMK) in Bogor district has not optimally shown
serving leadership. Therefore, research is needed to obtain information on variables related to
strengthening serving leadership.
Chapter #11
ADOLESCENT FRONTAL LOBE BRAIN DEVELOPMENT:
DISPROPORTIONALITY EFFECTS OF SOCIAL
AND ECONOMIC DEPRIVATION AND IMPLICATIONS
FOR JUVENILE COURT CASE DISPOSITION, CHILD
WELFARE REFORM, AND EDUCATION REMEDIATION
Michael Lindsey
JD, PhD, Adjunct Professor Psychology Department, Southern Methodist University
and President-Nestor Consultants, Inc., Dallas, Texas, USA
ABSTRACT
Neuroscience has documented the substantive growth of frontal lobe gray matter during the adolescent
years, similar to the brain growth spurt in early childhood – both precursors of preparation for
quantitative and qualitative adaptive learning. Several United States Supreme Court decisions (Roper
v. Simmons; Graham v. Florida; JDB v. North Carolina; Miller v. Alabama) have affirmed the historical
chronological age of ‘majority’ being 18 years old, is inconsistent with what it means to be an adult.
Mature cognitive processing is more appropriately characterized by the “Jean Piagetian” formal
operations stage, i.e., abstract thinking, logical thinking, decision-making, and long-term planning.
Formal operations is now acknowledged to be achieved during a young adult’s mid-20’s years of age.
Not yet answered is what are the effects on ethnic minority young adults (mid -20’s), who have social,
economic, academic, and/or educational deprivation? This chapter will explore these issues.
Keywords: brain, adolescent, judges, child welfare, ethnic minority youth, juvenile justice reform
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to explore the importance of spousal support toward a working woman’s career progression. As women continue to bear the brunt of shouldering more domestic responsibilities than men, this research focuses on their extensive need for spousal support. The work attempts to examine how working women perceive the roles their spouses play in sharing home and childcare responsibilities vis-à-vis supporting them in pursuing a career. The compartmentalization of gender roles and how it influences division of labor between husband and wife have also been explored.
Design/methodology/approach
The study used a qualitative approach based on analysis of multiple cases regarding women academicians. In-depth narratives based on rich interview data presented an inquiry into spousal support working women received. The impact of spousal support on the career trajectories of women was also explored.
Findings
Results show that spousal support is an important dimension toward the success of a woman’s career. Findings also suggest that gender role is an essential dynamic that determines the pattern of dominance between couples. Gender role ideology between the husband and wife was a key determinant of husbands’ support toward his working wife.
Originality/value
The present research, unlike previous studies, explores how women perceive the presence/absence of a husband’s support in a little studied group of female workers.
As a beginning graduate student, well before I met the man I would eventually marry, I recall considering my future. I was training to become a scientist, but would I find a partner? Would my career path allow me to have a family? Although these basic personal choices had always seemed inevitable to me as a child, in the frenetic schedule of a chemical physics graduate student, they were anything but given. At that point, studies had yet to appear showing the impact of advanced education on women’s personal lives [1]. Still, it seemed clear; the likelihood of finding a partner while spending almost all my waking hours working on science was probably pretty small.
Positive psychology’s focus on human strengths, personal growth, and well-being is frequently applied to career development and the workplace. Such applications also fall within the purview of vocational psychology, yet despite its clear historic and contemporary emphases that support positive psychology goals, the impact of vocational psychology theory, research, and practice on positive psychology has fallen short of its potential. We encourage greater cross-fertilization by explicating how major theoretical paradigms within vocational psychology (person–environment fit, developmental/relational/constructivist perspectives, and social–cognitive career theory) support positive psychology aims. We also summarize recent work on three vocational psychology constructs (work volition, career adaptability, and a sense of calling) that may help to broaden and advance positive psychology’s applications to career development and work behavior. Finally, we discuss future directions for ongoing research related to the vocational and positive psychology intersection, and we outline several implications for career counseling practice.
As a beginning graduate student, well before I even met the man I would eventually marry, I recall considering my future. I was training to become a scientist, but would I find a partner? Would my career path allow me to have a family? Although these basic personal choices had always seemed inevitable to me as a child, in the frenetic schedule of a chemical physics graduate student they were anything but given. At that point, studies showing the impact of advanced education on women's personal lives had yet to appear [1]. Still, it seemed clear; the likelihood of finding a partner while spending almost all my waking hours working on science was probably pretty small. After many musings, I made an active decision: The rich career afforded by my advanced degree would fulfill me whether I married or not, or had a family. This decision played a role in my success as a graduate student. It allowed me to focus my energy on science and leave my personal life to chance. I thrived in graduate school, both academically and personally. About two years later, I met Pete, the man who would become my best friend, my husband, the father of my children, and the person who made it possible for me to succeed in my career as a professor and as a mother. © Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2014. All rights are reserved.
This chapter provides an overview of research and theory with regard to work–family issues. Common themes within the work–family literature are addressed as well as emerging areas of interest. Review topics include positive and negative interdependences between work and family roles, work–family balance, individual differences associated with work–family, organizational and national supports for work–family, and cross-national research. The chapter concludes with three priority areas for future research. Specifically, programmatic research in the areas of technology/virtual work, connecting work–family research with neuroscience, and investigations focused on older workers are discussed.
Keywords:
work–family conflict;
work–family balance;
work–family interactions;
dual-career couples;
positive spillover
Since 2005 the International Center for Work and Family (ICWF) has hosted a biennial conference that has brought together work and family scholars from across the globe. These conferences have produced a wellspring of ideas and nurtured the development of many productive research collaborations. The papers represented in this volume help demonstrate the diversity of ideas that have been fertilized through these conferences. Collectively they make an important contribution to the work-family literature.
Gender inequality at home continues to constrain gender equality at work. How do the gender disparities in domestic labor that children observe between their parents predict those children's visions for their future roles? The present research examined how parents' behaviors and implicit associations concerning domestic roles, over and above their explicit beliefs, predict their children's future aspirations. Data from 326 children aged 7 to 13 years revealed that mothers' explicit beliefs about domestic gender roles predicted the beliefs held by their children. In addition, when fathers enacted or espoused a more egalitarian distribution of household labor, their daughters in particular expressed a greater interest in working outside the home and having a less stereotypical occupation. Fathers' implicit gender-role associations also uniquely predicted daughters' (but not sons') occupational preferences. These findings suggest that a more balanced division of household labor between parents might promote greater workforce equality in future generations.
In a comprehensive meta-analysis of 167 studies, the authors found that sequential priming tasks were significantly associated with behavioral measures (r = .28) and with explicit attitude measures (r = .20). Priming tasks continued to predict behavior after controlling for the effects of explicit attitudes. These results generalized across a variety of study domains and methodological variations. Within-study moderator analyses revealed that priming tasks have good specificity, only predicting behavior and explicit measures under theoretically expected conditions. Together, these results indicate that sequential priming-one of the earliest methods of investigating implicit social cognition-continues to be a valid tool for the psychological scientist.
This chapter reviews recent research concerning the levels, origins. and consequences of paternal involvement. Its focus is restricted to adult lathers in heterosexual two-parent families, as other chapters in this volume consider other important paternal groups. Investigations conducted in the United States provide most of the data discussed here, but some research from other industrial countries is included.
Several themes guide the chapter. Data on fathers' average level of involvement are of great interest to many people, but these assessments vary considerably according to many factors, not least the measures used. Descriptive results on fathers' average levels of involvement are actually far more variable than is generally realized. Nonetheless there is a tendency to think that the question "How involved are U.S. fathers?" should have a simple answer.
Further conceptualization is needed of the origins and sources of paternal involvement. Lamb. Pleck, Charnov, and Levine (1985: Pleck, Lamb, & Levine 1986) proposed a four-factor model for its sources: motivation, skills and self-confidence. social supports. and institutional practices. This framework needs to be integrated with other available models for the determinants of fathering, and with more general theoretical perspectives on parental functioning. Because the construct of paternal involvement called attention to an important dimension of fathers' behavior neglected in prior research and theory. it was an important advance. However, the utility, of the construct in its original. content-free sense now needs to be reconsidered. The critical question is: How good is the evidence that fathers' amount of involvement, without taking into account its content and quality, is consequential for children, mothers, or fathers themselves?
The lives of women and men, the relationships that they establish, and their work have changed dramatically in the past 50 years, but the dominant theories driving research in these areas have not. In this article, the authors argue that the facts underlying the assumptions of the classical theories of gender and multiple roles have changed so radically as to make the theories obsolete. Moreover, a large body of empirical data fails to support the predictions flowing from these theories. Yet the development of new theory for guiding research and clinical practice has not kept pace. The authors attempt to fill this theoretical gap by reviewing the research literature and articulating an expansionist theory of gender, work, and family that includes four empirically derived and empirically testable principles better matched to today's realities.
re-examine a very old social psychological question: why do our labels for social categories possess such extraordinary power / the argument we propose in this paper utilizes a distinction between 'natural kind' categories (such as birds, fish, gold, and daffodils) and 'human artifact' categories (such as chair, bicycle, sweater, and house) / argue that people are inclined to view categories of natural kinds as less arbitrary than those of artifact kinds because natural kinds are believed to possess underlying essences that make one category different from another / whereas social categories are in reality more like human artifacts than natural kinds, they are often perceived as more like natural kinds
are social categories like natural kinds / the inductive potential of social categories / the alterability of social categories / implications of treating social categories as natural kinds (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Prejudice and discrimination against women has become increasingly subtle and covert (N. V. Benokraitis & J. R. Feagin, 1986). Unlike research on racism, little research about prejudice and discrimination against women has explicitly examined beliefs underlying this more modern form of sexism. Support was found for a distinction between old-fashioned and modern beliefs about women similar to results that have been presented for racism (J. B. McConahay, 1986; D. O. Sears, 1988). The former is characterized by endorsement of traditional gender roles, differential treatment of women and men, and stereotypes about lesser female competence. Like modern racism, modern sexism is characterized by the denial of continued discrimination, antagonism toward women's demands, and lack of support for policies designed to help women (for example, in education and work). Research that compares factor structures of old-fashioned and modern sexism and racism and that validates our modern sexism scale is presented. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Change in gender roles has been predominantly asymmetric: The roles of women have changed more than the roles of men. To explore the reflection of such asymmetry in the popular culture, we examined how books recommended to teachers and parents as nonsexist differed from books categorized as sexist. Multiple raters read a sample of elementary-level novels and rated the portrayals of various forms of sexism, including stereotypic personality, segregated work and family roles, status inequality, gender segregation, the traditional idealization of femininity, and unequal representation of the sexes. Although nonsexist books were more likely than sexist books to portray female characters who adopted male-stereotypic characteristics and roles, both types of books similarly portrayed female-stereotypic personality, domestic chores, and leisure activities. Such portrayals may contribute to the perpetuation of gender inequality, particularly if they are held up as examples of equality.
It has been 25 years since Congress passed the Women in Science and Technology Equal Opportunity Act [HN1], which declares it "the policy of the United States that men and women have equal opportunity in education, training, and employment in scientific and technical fields (1)." Although there have been major advances, academic institutions are still not fully utilizing the pool of women scientists they have produced. The difference between the proportions of women who earn Ph.D.'s and those who are in faculty positions at top universities is clear in the biological and physical sciences, as well as in engineering.
Two experiments used a priming paradigm to investigate the influence of racial cues on the perceptual identification of weapons. In Experiment 1, participants identified guns faster when primed with Black faces compared with White faces. In Experiment 2, participants were required to respond quickly, causing the racial bias to shift from reaction time to accuracy. Participants misidentified tools as guns more often when primed with a Black face than with a White face. L. L. Jacoby's (1991) process dissociation procedure was applied to demonstrate that racial primes influenced automatic (A) processing, but not controlled (C) processing. The response deadline reduced the C estimate but not the A estimate. The motivation to control prejudice moderated the relationship between explicit prejudice and automatic bias. Implications are discussed on applied and theoretical levels.
The lives of women and men, the relationships that they establish, and their work have changed dramatically in the past 50 years, but the dominant theories driving research in these areas have not. In this article, the authors argue that the facts underlying the assumptions of the classical theories of gender and multiple roles have changed so radically as to make the theories obsolete. Moreover, a large body of empirical data fails to support the predictions flowing from these theories. Yet the development of new theory for guiding research and clinical practice has not kept pace. The authors attempt to fill this theoretical gap by reviewing the research literature and articulating an expansionist theory of gender, work, and family that includes four empirically derived and empirically testable principles better matched to today's realities.
Faces constitute a unique and widely used category of stimuli. In spite of their importance, there are few collections of faces for use in research, none of which adequately represent the different ages of faces across the lifespan. This lack of a range of ages has limited the majority of researchers to using predominantly young faces as stimuli even when their hypotheses concern both young and old participants. We describe a database of 575 individual faces ranging from ages 18 to 93. Our database was developed to be more representative of age groups across the lifespan, with a special emphasis on recruiting older adults. The resulting database has faces of 218 adults age 18-29, 76 adults age 30-49, 123 adults age 50-69, and 158 adults age 70 and older. These faces may be acquired for research purposes from http://agingmind.cns.uiuc.edu/facedb/. This will allow researchers interested in using facial stimuli access to a wider age range of adult faces than has previously been available.
Universities are failing to take advantage of an available resource: the brainpower of women scientists. In many fields of science, the proportion of women in faculty positions lags well behind the proportion of Ph.D.'s granted to women. In this [Policy Forum][1], the authors explore the reasons for the disparity and offer examples of strategies used at research universities to overcome the impediments to recruitment, retention, and advancement of outstanding women scientists.
[1]: http://www.sciencemag.org/cgi/content/full/309/5738/1190
In seems there are two dimensions that underlie most judgments of traits, people, groups, and cultures. Although the definitions vary, the first makes reference to attributes such as competence, agency, and individualism, and the second to warmth, communality, and collectivism. But the relationship between the two dimensions seems unclear. In trait and person judgment, they are often positively related; in group and cultural stereotypes, they are often negatively related. The authors report 4 studies that examine the dynamic relationship between these two dimensions, experimentally manipulating the location of a target of judgment on one and examining the consequences for the other. In general, the authors' data suggest a negative dynamic relationship between the two, moderated by factors the impact of which they explore.
http://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674018167
The wrenching decision facing successful women choosing between demanding careers and intensive family lives has been the subject of many articles and books, most of which propose strategies for resolving the dilemma. Competing Devotions focuses on broader social and cultural forces that create women’s identities and shape their understanding of what makes life worth living.
Mary Blair-Loy examines the career paths of women financial executives who have tried various approaches to balancing career and family. The professional level these women have attained requires a huge commitment of time, energy, and emotion that seems natural to employers and clients, who assume that a career deserves single-minded allegiance. Meanwhile, these women must confront the cultural model of family that defines marriage and motherhood as a woman’s primary vocation. This ideal promises women creativity, intimacy, and financial stability in caring for a family. It defines children as fragile and assumes that men lack the selflessness and patience that children’s primary caregivers need. This ideal is taken for granted in much of contemporary society.
The power of these assumptions is enormous but not absolute. Competing Devotions identifies women executives who try to reshape these ideas. These mavericks, who face great resistance but are aided by new ideological and material resources that come with historical change, may eventually redefine both the nuclear family and the capitalist firm in ways that reduce work–family conflict.
This research item refers to 2 chapters of mine which appeared in the book titled The Role of the Father in Child Development (2010). (ResearchGate lists book chapters with the title of the book that included the chapter.) #1 is “Paternal involvement: Revised conceptualization and theoretical linkages with child outcomes.“ #2 is “Fatherhood and masculinity.” I have made these two chapters available on ResearchGate under those chapter titles. (Google Scholar also lists the 2010 book title as one of my publications.)
Traditionally, gender equity in the academy is evaluated in terms of women's professional success as compared to men's. This study examines gender equity not only in terms of professional outcomes but also in terms of familial outcomes, such as childbirth, marriage, and divorce. Using data from the Survey of Doctorate Recipients as well as data from a 2002 to 2003 survey of the work and family issues facing ladder-rank faculty in the nine campuses of the University of California system, the authors followed more than thirty thousand Ph.D.s in all disciplines across their life course and surveyed more than eighty-five hundred active University of California faculty. Results indicate that gender equity in terms of familial gains is as elusive as gender equity in terms of professional employment, raising the fundamental issue of what gender equity means in a university setting or in any fast-track employment setting.
Has fatherhood changed in the wake of the social and economic changes that have taken place in America since the turn of the century? Although the evidence is scant, it would appear that the answer to this question is both yes and no. Yes, fatherhood has changed, if one looks at the culture of fatherhood--the ideologies surrounding men's parenting. No, fatherhood has not changed (at least significantly), if one looks at the conduct of fatherhood--how fathers behave vis-a-vis their children. The consequences of this asynchrony between the culture and conduct of fatherhood are, as this article demonstrates, both positive and negative and need to be addressed by family researchers and practitioners alike.
Scholars assert that both popular interest in fatherhood and the definition of fathering have changed over time. We examine these assertions by analyzing popular magazine articles published from 1900 to 1989. The results indicate that the definition of fathering has alternated over the century between two poles: fathers as providers, and fathers as nurturers. The results also show that interest in fatherhood throughout the 20th century has fluctuated rather than increased. However, we provide evidence for increased interest in gender-nonspecific parenting. A comparison of the cultural definition of fathering with behavioral trends in fertility and married women's labor force participation showed that higher fertility is related to the definition of fathering as providing. In opposition to professional views of parenting roles as strictly gender segregated, popular magazines have presented fathers as both instrumental and expressive actors for at least a century.
Full text at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/352777?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents
This paper describes the range of policies that might be used to support fertility rates at a moderate level, that is, around an average of 1.7-1.9 births per woman. The paper argues that in selecting from the range of policy options, consideration must be given to the existing social-institutional framework in the particular country. In other words, there can be no single cross-national model for success. Each country must seek its own institutionally appropriate approach. Also, each country must deal with the realities of its own political economy. Strategies will not be accepted if they are not based upon a social consensus. In addition, as far as possible, policies to support fertility should be based upon a theory or theories as to why fertility has fallen to low levels in a particular setting. Given that fertility-support policies are likely to be expensive in one way or another, some understanding of the nature of low fertility will provide greater efficiency in policy implementation. The paper reviews several possible general theories relating to low fertility. Finally, it is argued that countries should have some notion about what it is that they are aiming to achieve. Inevitably, demographic sustainability (at least zero population growth) is an ultimate aim for all countries. The question is how far into the future is "ultimate"? Or expressed differently, how much of a decline in the size of the population or the labour force is the country willing to sustain before demographic sustainability is achieved? The example of Italy is used to illustrate this point.
Dynamic stereotypes characterize social groups that are thought to have changed from the attributes they manifested in the past and even to continue to change in the future. According to social role theory’s assumption that the role behavior of group members shapes their stereotype, groups should have dynamic stereotypes to the extent that their typical social roles are perceived to change over time. Applied to men and women, this theory makes two predictions about perceived change: (a) perceivers should think that sex differences are eroding because of increasing similarity of the roles of men and women and (b) the female stereotype should be particularly dynamic because of greater change in the roles of women than of men. This theory was tested and confirmed in five experiments that examined perceptions of the roles and the personality, cognitive, and physical attributes of men and women of the past, present, and future.
Joan Williams' Unbending Gender: Why Family and Work Conflict And What To Do About It (Oxford, 1999) is a "theoretically sophisticated and thoroughly accessible treatise" that offers a new vision of work, family, and gender. (Publisher's Weekly, Nov. 1, 1999) It examines our system of providing for children's care by placing their caregivers at the margins of economic life. This system that stems from the way we define our work ideals, notably from our definition of the ideal worker as one who takes no time off for childbearing or childrearing and who works full-time and is available for overtime. The ideal-worker norm clashes with our sense that children should be cared for by parents. The result is a system that is bad for men, worse for women, and disastrous for children. Williams documents that mothers remain economically marginalized, and points out that when mothers first marginalize and then divorce, their children often accompany them into poverty. Williams argues that designing workplaces around the bodies of men (who need no time off for childbearing) and men's life patterns (for women still do 80% of the child care) often constitutes discrimination against women. She also engages the work/family literature to show that "flexible" workplaces are often better than existing practices for employers' bottom line. On the family side, she argues that the ideal worker's wage -- after as well as before divorce -- reflects the joint work of the ideal worker and the primary caregiver of his children, and should be jointly owned. In a comprehensive examination of the theoretical issues surrounding work/family issues, she uses the work of Judith Butler and Pierre Bourdieu to explain why gender has proved so unchanging and unbending, reframing the special treatment/equal treatment debate, the debate over "women's voice," and offering new perspective on how to avoid the persistent race and class conflicts that emerge in debates over work and family issues.
This article reviews more than 200 scholarly articles and books on household labor published between 1989 and 1999. As a maturing area of study, this body of research has been concerned with understanding and documenting how housework is embedded in complex and shifting social processes relating to the well-being of families, the construction of gender, and the reproduction of society. Major theoretical, methodological, and empirical contributions to the study of household labor are summarized, and suggestions for further research are offered. In summary, women have reduced and men have increased slightly their hourly contributions to housework. Although men's relative contributions have increased, women still do at least twice as much routine housework as men. Consistent predictors of sharing include both women's and men's employment, earnings, gender ideology, and life-course issues. More balanced divisions of housework are associated with women perceiving fairness, experiencing less depression, and enjoying higher marital satisfaction.
Three studies examined how subjective evaluations relevant to stereotypes are translated into open-ended descriptions (Study 1) and into objective judgments and Likert-type ratings (Studies 2 and 3). We expected that stereotypes would create an implicit context or standard that individuals would use to “decode” subjective evaluations and against which targets would be judged. Although Study 1 found much similarity in descriptions of mothers and fathers evaluated as “good” or “bad,” this similarity was more apparent than real. As predicted by the shifting standards model, Study 2 demonstrated that subjective evaluations were decoded using gender stereotypes as standards, with a woman described as either a “very good” parent or an “alright” parent judged objectively to perform significantly more parenting behaviors than a similarly described man. Likert-type ratings failed to reveal this difference. In fact, evaluatively dissimilar targets (an “alright” mother and a “very good” father) were rated to beobjectivelythe same on some dimensions but overallsubjectivelydifferent. Study 3 extended these findings using race stereotypes and judgments of math ability. Thus, the “same” traits were deceptively not quite the same at all: they had different behavioral expectations associated with them, depending on the target's group membership.
Traditionally, gender equity in the academy is evaluated in terms of women’s professional success as compared to men’s. This study examines gender equity not only in terms of professional outcomes but also in terms of familial outcomes, such as childbirth, marriage, and divorce. Using data from the Survey of Doctorate Recipients as well as data from a 2002 to 2003 survey of the work and family issues facing ladder-rank faculty in the nine campuses of the University of California system, the authors followed more than thirty thousand Ph.D.s in all disciplines across their life course and surveyed more than eighty-five hundred active University of California faculty. Results indicate that gender equity in terms of familial gains is as elusive as gender equity in terms of professional employment, raising the fundamental issue of what gender equity means in a university setting or in any fast-track employment setting.
When I first became the Dean of the Graduate Division at Berkeley last fall, I had an extraordinary experience. Fifty-one percent of the 2,500 new graduate students whom I welcomed were women. Thirty-five years ago that number would have been closer to 10%. The students I welcomed included not only doctoral students, but also graduate students seeking professional degrees in law, public health, social welfare, optometry, etc. On our campus there is no medical school, but if there were, women would be close to the majority in that profession as well.
Theory is constrained by the quality and versatility of measurement tools. As such, the development of techniques for measurement is critical to the successful development of theory. This paper presents a technique - the Go/No-go Association Task (GNAT) - that joins a family of existing techniques for measuring implicit social cognition generally, with a focus on attitude (evaluation). To expand the measurement potential supplied by its closest cousin, the Implicit Association Test (IAT), the GNAT can be used to examine automatic social cognition toward a single target category. That is, the GNAT obtains a measure of implicit social cognition without requiring the direct involvement of complementary or contrasting objects. Also, by implementing a response deadline in the procedure, this version of the GNAT trades off response latency for sensitivity as the dependent variable measure. We illustrate the technique through a series of experiments (1-5) using simple attitude objects (bugs and fruit). In Experiment 6, the GNAT is used to investigate attitudes toward race (black and white) and gender (male and female). To explore the theoretical leverage offered by this tool, Experiment 6 puts to test a recurring question concerning automatic in-group favoritism versus out-group derogation. Results demonstrate the dual presence of both out-group derogation (e.g., negativity toward black Americans) and in-group favoritism (positivity toward white Americans), a finding that emerges because the GNAT offers the potential for separable measures of attitude toward the two groups. Through these experiments, the GNAT is shown to be an effective tool for assessing automatic preferences as well as resolving persistent questions that require measures of individual attitude objects while maintaining the advantages of response competition tasks.
The obstacles faced by today's women in the workplace bear out the truth in the old adage that history repeats itself. The maternal wall, the ideal worker, and the ideal homemaker beliefs are current iterations of the century-old tendency to mark women as suited for the home and men as suited for the workplace (Albee & Perry, 1998; Coltrane, 1996; Mintz, 2000). The belief that the sexes are vastly different—with different needs, values, and abilities—has been a hallmark throughout the history of both women and men in both the workplace and the home (Ferree, 1990; Williams, 2000). Generally speaking, these beliefs have been detrimental to all concerned (Barnett & Rivers, 2004).
A content analysis of 490 Father's Day and Mother's Day comic strips published from 1940 to 1999 indicates that the culture of fatherhood has fluctuated since World War II. “Incompetent” fathers appeared frequently in the late 1940s, early 1950s, and late 1960s but were rarer in the late 1950s, early and late 1970s, early 1980s, and early 1990s. Fathers who were mocked were especially common in the early and late 1960s and early 1980s but were less common in the late 1940s, early and late 1950s, and early and late 1970s. Fathers who were nurturant and supportive toward children were most evident in the late 1940s, early 1950s, and early and late 1990s, with the longitudinal pattern resembling a U-shaped curve. Differences between fathers and mothers also oscillated from one decade to the next.
Working moms risk being reduced to one of two subtypes: homemakers—viewed as warm but incompetent, or female professionals—characterized as competent but cold. The current study ( N= 122 college students) presents four important findings. First, when working women become mothers, they trade perceived competence for perceived warmth. Second, working men don't make this trade; when they become fathers, they gain perceived warmth and maintain perceived competence. Third, people report less interest in hiring, promoting, and educating working moms relative to working dads and childless employees. Finally, competence ratings predict interest in hiring, promoting, and educating workers. Thus, working moms' gain in perceived warmth does not help them, but their loss in perceived competence does hurt them.
Three studies investigated attitudes toward traditional parents (stay-at-home mothers and employed fathers) and nontraditional parents (stay-at-home fathers and employed mothers) among adult men and women. Using a between-subjects design, Study 1 found that nontraditional parents were liked significantly less than traditional parents. Participants also believed that stay-at-home fathers were not regarded highly by others. Study 2 replicated these results using a within-subjects design, suggesting that participants felt little compunction about expressing negative attitudes toward nontraditional parents. Study 3 further found that employed mothers were less disliked when described as working out of financial necessity rather than for personal fulfillment. Both male and female participants reported negative evaluations of employed mothers and stay-at-home fathers, suggesting that prescriptive gender role stereotypes represent a consensual ideology shared by men and women.
The perceived warmth and competence of men and women who varied in number of hours worked and childcare responsibilities were assessed using either subjective trait ratings or objective behavioral frequency estimates. Trait ratings were determined by number of hours worked, and not target gender. Estimates of behavioral frequency indicated that women and men were viewed as equally likely to engage in work related competence behaviors, but that women were expected to perform more warmth related behaviors, and their childcare responsibilities remained more constant regardless of hours worked. Thus although trait perceptions are driven by individuating information regarding time distribution to work and home, gender affects judgments of who performs childcare related tasks such that women continue to be viewed as more likely to deal with these. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
In the present research, 400 undergraduates were asked to describe their various construals of the male and female stereotypes using a modified form of the Personal Attributes Questionnaire (PAQ; Spence, Helmreich, & Stapp, 1974). Half of these subjects described their construals in terms of personality trait-adjectives and half described their construals in terms of appearance trait-adjectives. One-fourth of each subject pool were females describing males, one-fourth were females describing females, one-fourth were males describing females, and one-fourth were males describing males. All construals were scored such that each was depicted by a single score of stereotypicality ranging from nonstereotypic to extremely stereotypic. The scores from the various construals of the male and female stereotypes were averaged within subject and target groups, and the group means were compared for significant patterns of difference. Regardless of whether the subjects described the stereotypes in terms of personality trait-adjectives or in terms of appearence trait-adjectives, construals of maleness were framed more stereotypically than were construals of femaleness. In addition, construals of maleness were framed in particularly more stereotypic terms by females when the descriptions were phrased in terms of appearance trait-adjectives. Finally, the social construal of the male stereotype (How does society view males?) was more stereotypically framed by females using both personality and appearance adjectives, while the ideal construal male stereotype (Describe your ideal male) was more stereotypically framed by males using both personality and appearance adjectives.
This study examined the factors that influence the decision to participate in a work activity or a competing family activity. Part-time MBA students were presented with a vignette in which they were required to choose between participating in a weekend project team meeting and a surprise birthday party for a parent. Pressures from role senders (managers and spouses) to participate in each activity and the supportiveness of role senders for participation in the other role were manipulated in vignettes, and the salience of each role was assessed with self-report scales. Both work and family pressures affected the choice of activity. The salience of work and family roles for respondents also influenced the choice, with the effect of family salience stronger for those who were higher in self-esteem and higher in work salience. Implications of the findings for understanding the directionality of work–family interference are identified, limitations are discussed, and areas for future research are proposed.
Over the last forty years, the number of American households with a stay-at-home parent has dwindled as women have increasingly joined the paid workforce and more women raise children alone. Many policy makers feared these changes would come at the expense of time mothers spend with their children. In Changing Rhythms of American Family Life, sociologists Suzanne M. Bianchi, John P. Robinson, and Melissa Milkie analyze the way families spend their time and uncover surprising new findings about how Americans are balancing the demands of work and family. Using time diary data from surveys of American parents over the last four decades, Changing Rhythms of American Family Life finds that-despite increased workloads outside of the home-mothers today spend at least as much time interacting with their children as mothers did decades ago-and perhaps even more. Unexpectedly, the authors find mothers' time at work has not resulted in an overall decline in sleep or leisure time. Rather, mothers have made time for both work and family by sacrificing time spent doing housework and by increased "multitasking." Changing Rhythms of American Family Life finds that the total workload (in and out of the home) for employed parents is high for both sexes, with employed mothers averaging five hours more per week than employed fathers and almost nineteen hours more per week than homemaker mothers. Comparing average workloads of fathers with all mothers-both those in the paid workforce and homemakers-the authors find that there is gender equality in total workloads, as there has been since 1965. Overall, it appears that Americans have adapted to changing circumstances to ensure that they preserve their family time and provide adequately for their children. Changing Rhythms of American Family Life explodes many of the popular misconceptions about how Americans balance work and family. Though the iconic image of the American mother has changed from a docile homemaker to a frenzied, sleepless working mom, this important new volume demonstrates that the time mothers spend with their families has remained steady throughout the decades. Copyright © 2006 by American Sociological Association. All rights reserved.
Most professional women step off the career fast track at some point. With children to raise, elderly parents to care for, and other pulls on their time, these women are confronted with one off-ramp after another. When they feel pushed at the same time by long hours and unsatisfying work, the decision to leave becomes even easier. But woe to the woman who intends for that exit to be temporary. The on-ramps for professional women to get back on track are few and far between, the authors confirm. Their new survey research reveals for the first time the extent of the problem--what percentage of highly qualified women leave work and for how long, what obstacles they face coming back, and what price they pay for their time-outs. And what are the implications for corporate America? One thing at least seems clear: As market and economic factors align in ways guaranteed to make talent constraints and skill shortages huge issues again, employers must learn to reverse this brain drain. Like it or not, large numbers of highly qualified, committed women need to take time out of the workplace. The trick is to help them maintain connections that will allow them to reenter the workforce without being marginalized for the rest of their lives. Strategies for building such connections include creating reduced-hour jobs, providing flexibility in the workday and in the arc of a career, removing the stigma of taking time off, refusing to burn bridges, offering outlets for altruism, and nurturing women's ambition.
Survey research finds that mothers suffer a substantial wage penalty, although the causal mechanism producing it remains elusive. The authors employed a laboratory experiment to evaluate the hypothesis that status-based discrimination plays an important role and an audit study of actual employers to assess its real-world implications. In both studies, participants evaluated application materials for a pair of same-gender equally qualified job candidates who differed on parental status. The laboratory experiment found that mothers were penalized on a host of measures, including perceived competence and recommended starting salary. Men were not penalized for, and sometimes benefited from, being a parent. The audit study showed that actual employers discriminate against mothers, but not against fathers.
The possible negative consequences of current low fertility levels are causing increasing concern, particularly in countries where the total fertility rate is below 1.5. Social inertia and self-reinforcing processes may make it difficult to return to higher levels once fertility has been very low for some time, creating a possible "low-fertility trap." Policies explicitly addressing the fertility-depressing effect of increases in the mean age at child-bearing (the tempo effect) may be a way to raise period fertility to somewhat higher levels and help escape the "low-fertility trap" before it closes. Reforms in the school system may affect the timing of childbearing by lowering the age at completion of education. A more efficient school system, which provides the same qualifications with a younger school-leaving age, is potentially capable of increasing period fertility and hence exerting a rejuvenating effect on the age composition, even if the levels of cohort fertility remain unchanged. Such policies may also have a positive effect on completed cohort fertility. Copyright 2005 The Population Council, Inc..
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