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How Institutions Evolve: Insights from Comparative-Historical Analysis

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Abstract

This essay explores the question of how formal institutions change. Despite the importance assigned by many scholars to the role of institutions in structuring political life, the issue of how these institutions are themselves shaped and reconfigured over time has not received the attention it is due. In the 1970s and 1980s, a good deal of comparative institutionalist work centered on comparative statics and was concerned with demonstrating the ways in which different institutional arrangements drove divergent political and policy outcomes (e.g., Katzenstein 1978). In addition, scholarship in the comparative historical tradition has yielded important insights into the genesis of divergent (usually national) trajectories. Works in this vein include some classics such as Gerschenkron (1962), Moore (1966), and Shefter (1977), but also significant recent contributions such as Collier and Collier (1991), Skocpol (1992), Spruyt (1994), Ertman (1997), Gould (1999), and Huber and Stephens (2001). Finally, we have a number of analyses that address the issue of “feedback mechanisms” that are responsible for the reproduction of various institutional and policy trajectories over time (e.g., Pierson 1993; Skocpol 1992; Weir 1992b). Ongoing theoretical work centering on the concept of path dependence by Mahoney, Pierson, and others has lent greater precision to previous formulations based on the dual notions of “critical junctures” and “historical trajectories” (Mahoney 2000; Pierson 2000a). As these authors have shown, some of the major works in comparative historical analysis can be read as illustrations of path dependence in social and political development.

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This article attempts to capture the fundamental conclusions of Gerhard Loewenberg’s comparative legislative research. As an early leader in the field, Loewenberg focused on comparative legislative research in his scholarship throughout this career, producing a significant body of work on the topic. This article may be viewed as a tribute but carries a great deal of relevance for legislative studies. It highlights enduring questions not only about research in the field of legislative studies as Loewenberg saw them, but also his preoccupation with unlocking the puzzles surrounding the core substantive issues of legislative concern. A careful analysis of Loewenberg’s research shows key advances as well as notable shortcomings of comparative legislative studies over the last several decades.
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Quels sont les effets de l’intensification de l’interdépendance énergétique entre la Russie, deuxième exportateur mondial d’hydrocarbures, et la Chine, premier importateur mondial ? L’interdépendance bilatérale serait le levier de l’hybridation des institutions d’encadrement des relations énergétiques internationales. Centrée sur des enjeux de puissance et de sécurité énergétique, l’intensification de l’interdépendance s’accompagne de changements institutionnels, qualifiés d’hybridation, fondés sur un arbitrage sécurité-efficience spécifique. Quatre facteurs paramètrent cette hybridation : le contexte structurel auquel font face les acteurs, le comportement stratégique du complexe État-Entreprises, les propriétés sectorielles et les arrangements institutionnels existants.
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How do we apply a gender lens to the housing needs of vulnerable women? The YWCA Niagara Region (YWCA) asked this question. Brock University's Niagara Community Observatory (NCO) partnered with the YWCA to identify the barriers to accessing safe and affordable housing in Niagara, with priority placed on community engagement and inclusive access to housing. The article has a two‐fold purpose. First, it provides an overview of community‐engaged research, focusing on the key principles and practices involved in listening to stories of women with lived expertise of homelessness facing discrimination or disadvantage compounded by intersectional identities of Indigeneity, race, gender and ability. Second, it reports on the making of a policy brief and video clip designed as advocacy tools for increasing awareness of the need for increased equitable access to safe and affordable housing for women and gender diverse peoples in Niagara.
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The article examines Brexit through the historical institutionalist scholarship on European integration, critical junctures and institutional change. It finds that the concepts of path dependence, and critical junctures that emerge from exogenous shocks, as well as most processes of endogenous institutional transformation cannot fully account for Brexit. How can a Member State leave the European Union, if membership in the organisation produces path-dependent effects and there is no exogenous shock? To answer the question, the article introduces the concept of a hybrid critical juncture – a period of increased contingency and uncertainty that is created gradually by a combination of exogenous and endogenous causes and agency. The article examines the events that led to the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the EU to demonstrate how the hybrid critical juncture concept explains Brexit. The analysis contributes to understanding potential future European disintegration and incremental institutional transformation broadly defined.
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Despite the EU's commitment to promoting the transition towards the circular economy (CE), implementation continues to face significant constraints within small firms, which represent 99% of all EU businesses. This study deals with the implementation of CE in SMEs to understand their perceptions of CE and assess the firm-level features obstructing transition. We present evidence from 58 inter-views with 37 Italian agri-food firms. Evidence suggests a dichotomy between larger SMEs, which implement CE to pursue economic advantages, and smaller ones. Overall, a lack of a strategic approach to CE emerges, as well as several ob-stacles to circular transition (e.g., lack of technical expertise, effective networks and practical guidance). Our findings suggest the importance of (i) disseminating accounting and measurement tools among SMEs, (ii) working to create circular networks, and (iii) developing tailor-made guidance.
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Value capture (VC) is widely cited as a method for local authorities to provide urban public goods to their cities in the face of fiscal stress. Its application in practice however remains limited. In this article, we aim to explain the implementation process of VC as a strategy to fund public transportation infrastructure through case studies in London, New York, and Copenhagen. Adopting a theory of gradual institutional change, we argue that the implementation of VC depends on the capacity to change distributional institutions that are inherently contested. Particularly relevant is the role of the beneficiary, whose support of VC is necessary but not likely. Our results show that a strategic urban development project can act as a driver to overcome this barrier, but that this driver can, simultaneously, also hinder the institutionalization potential of a VC strategy. We therefore suggest that, for VC strategies to become more commonplace, sharing value uplifts among beneficiaries must become more commonplace too.
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To address the impacts of densification on social sustainability, this book follows a multidisciplinary theoretical approach based on three theoretical strands: public policy analysis (land use planning as a public policy), new institutional economics (role of property rights) and political ecology (conceptualization of power). In addition, these concepts are linked to human geography (actor-centered perspective, construction of space) as well as housing (gentrification, social segregation) and sustainability (resources use) studies. The analytical framework of the Institutional Resource Regimes (IRR) makes it possible to connect these different disciplines. The IRR enables to conceptualize the combined effect of public policies and property rights on the regulation of use rights to the land and housing resources. In general, this multidisciplinary theoretical approach allows to point out and highlight the limited amount of recent scientific research on the crucial role played by power in spatial development.
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This article presents a quantitative method for mapping semantic spaces and tracing political frames’ trajectories, that facilitate the analysis of the connections between changes in ideas and socio-political phenomena. We test our approach in Spain, where the Catalan conflict fostered a competition in terms of decontestation of meanings of key political concepts. Using unsupervised machine learning, we track the salience, level of semantic fragmentation and fluctuations in meanings of 216 frames in the two largest Spanish newspapers, El País and El Mundo, throughout 8 years. This is achieved via the extraction, vectorization, and comparison of over 70,000 words. We apply Latent Semantic Analysis, an innovative methodology for the alignment of semantic spaces, and new institutional theory. Our exploratory study suggests that the evolution of many nationalism-related frames resembles a punctuated equilibrium model, and that political events in Catalonia, acted as critical junctures, altering the meanings reflected in the Spanish press.
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American and French political studies have excluded the question of unelected governmental elites from the field of policies and states studies. However, it is essential to know, what “makes” the elites (who are they?) with what the elites “do” (How do they act?). In the Programmatic Elites Framework, these governmental elites are (i) unelected individuals, (ii) politically appointed at the apex of the state apparatus (iii) where they develop their career path over the long term by circulating vertically (occupational advancement) and horizontally (between governmental institutions), (iv) working collectively out of sight, and (v) influencing decisively policy decision-making process. The aim is to highlight the role of unelected governmental elites in decisively influencing transformation of the French welfare state over the long term.
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La literatura predominante sobre política latinoamericana ha señalado la existencia de path dependency entre los regímenes presidenciales de la región. Sin embargo, este trabajo ofrece una explicación alternativa que incluye en el análisis los valores de poder centralizado, autoridad, orden y preeminencia de la élite, que fueron transformados en instituciones formales, principalmente la Constitución. En consecuencia, decisiones sub-óptimas tomadas en ciertas coyunturas críticas destinadas a mantener el status quo son más relevantes que acuerdos institucionales duraderos, como en el caso de Estados Unidos. La falta de un acuerdo constitucional en América Latina, donde coaliciones políticas coyunturales de la élite con otros sectores sociales impusieron las reformas estructurales, se parece a lo que en economía se ha descrito como el contrato social ausente. Para superar dicha falta, en Chile los sectores no pertenecientes a la élite buscaron métodos democráticos a diferencia que en Argentina donde la democracia se consideró sólo una de las herramientas disponibles. Aunque el resultado inicial del análisis es diferente, hoy en día ambos países enfrentan una falta de acuerdo constitucional similar, que obliga tanto a Argentina como a Chile a continuar esforzándose por lograr instituciones democráticas duraderas.
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"Nowhere does history indulge in repetitions so often or so uniformly as in Wall Street," observed legendary speculator Jesse Livermore. History tells us that periods of major technological innovation are typically accompanied by speculative bubbles as economic agents overreact to genuine advancements in productivity. Excessive run-ups in asset prices can have important consequences for the economy as firms and investors respond to the price signals, resulting in capital misallocation. On the one hand, speculation can magnify the volatility of economic and financial variables, thus harming the welfare of those who are averse to uncertainty and fluctuations. But on the other hand, speculation can increase investment in risky ventures, thus yielding benefits to a society that suffers from an underinvestment problem.
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Throughout the evolution of the modern world economy, new models of productive efficiency and business organization have emerged — in Britain in the 19th century, in the US in the early (and perhaps late) 20th century, and in Japan in the 1980s and 1990s. At each point, foreign observers have looked for the secrets of success and best practice, and initiatives have been taken to transmit and diffuse. This book looks in detail at ‘Americanization’ in Europe and Japan in the post-war period. The processes, ideologies, and adaptations in a number of different countries (the UK, France, Italy, Japan, Sweden, Germany) and different sectors (engineering, telecommunications, motor vehicles, steel, and rubber) are explored. This book details theoretical analysis of the complexities of the diffusion of business organization and the powerful influences of Americanization in this century.
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This book offers a careful examination of the politics of social policy in an era of austerity and conservative governance. Focusing on the administrations of Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, Pierson provides a compelling explanation for the welfare state's durability and for the few occasions where each government was able to achieve significant cutbacks. The programmes of the modern welfare state - the 'policy legacies' of previous governments - generally proved resistant to reform. Hemmed in by the political supports that have developed around mature social programmes, conservative opponents of the welfare state were successful only when they were able to divide the supporters of social programmes, compensate those negatively affected, or hide what they were doing from potential critics. The book will appeal to those interested in the politics of neo-conservatism as well as those concerned about the development of the modern welfare state. It will attract readers in the fields of comparative politics, public policy, and political economy.
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This book is not another parable of Japan's economic success; it provides rich and systematic descriptions of Japanese microeconomic institutions and interprets their work in terms familiar to Western economists. A systematic, in-depth analysis of Japanese institutions of this kind has never been available before. In making his comparative analysis of the Japanese system, Professor Aoki critically examines conventional notions about the microstructure of the market economy that have strongly shaped and influenced economists' approach to industrial organization (e.g., hierarchy as the alternative to the market, the firm as a propery of the stockholders, and market-oriented incentive contracts). While these notions may constitute an appropriate foundation for the analysis of the highly market-oriented Western economies, the author has found that a more complete understanding of the Japanese economy requires us to broaden such 'specific' notions. At one level, therefore, this book may be regarded as a provocative exercise in comparative industrial organization and the theory of the firm. To the extent that this approach is convincing, the book suggests a reordering of focus and emphasis in these studies.
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The United States, France and Britain use markedly different kinds of industrial policies to foster economic growth today. To understand the origins of these different policies, this book examines the evolution of public policies governing one of the first modern industries, the railroads. The author challenges conventional thinking in economics, political science and sociology by arguing that cultural meaning plays an important role in the development of purportedly rational policies designed to promote industrial growth. This book has implications for the study of rational institutions of all sorts, including science, management and economics, as well as for the study of culture.
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In the early 1980s, many observers, argued that powerful organized economic interests and social democratic parties created successful mixed economies promoting economic growth, full employment, and a modicum of social equality. The present book assembles scholars with formidable expertise in the study of advanced capitalist politics and political economy to reexamine this account from the vantage point of the second half of the 1990s. The authors find that the conventional wisdom no longer adequately reflects the political and economic realities. Advanced democracies have responded in path-dependent fashion to such novel challenges as technological change, intensifying international competition, new social conflict, and the erosion of established patterns of political mobilization. The book rejects, however, the currently widespread expectation that 'internationalization' makes all democracies converge on similar political and economic institutions and power relations. Diversity among capitalist democracies persists, though in a different fashion than in the 'Golden Age' of rapid economic growth after World War II.
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Post-Communist Party Systems examines democratic party competition in four post-communist polities in the mid-1990s: Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland. Legacies of pre-communist rule turn out to play as much a role in accounting for differences as the institutional differences incorporated in the new democratic rules of the game. The book demonstrates various developments within the four countries with regard to different voter appeal of parties, patterns of voter representation, and dispositions to join other parties in legislative or executive alliances. The authors also present interesting avenues of comparison for broader sets of countries.
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In this book Bo Rothstein seeks to defend the universal welfare state against a number of important criticisms which it has faced in recent years. He combines genuine philosophical analysis of normative issues concerning what the state ought to do with empirical political scientific research in public policy examining what the state can do. Issues discussed include the relationship between welfare state and civil society, the privatization of social services, and changing values within society. His analysis centres around the importance of political institutions as both normative and empirical entities, and Rothstein argues that the choice of such institutions at certain formative moments in a country's history is what determines the political support for different types of social policy. He thus explains the great variation among contemporary welfare states in terms of differing moral and political logics which have been set in motion by the deliberate choices of political institutions. The book is an important contribution to both philosophical and political debates about the future of the welfare state.
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The book provides a thorough analysis of the genealogy and the functional logic of German capitalism over the last 130 years. It addresses several puzzles of the existing literature, in particular how economic coordination proved possible and remained stable in a (big) country without prominent traits of neo-corporatism, without long government participation of social democratic parties, without centralized wage bargaining, without active economic steering by the government, under a “monetarist” regime, and under an allegedly liberal, namely “ordoliberal” economic policy. The central claim of the book is that the functional equivalent for all that was a “conservative-continental” welfare state which provided labor and capital with the organizational resources and the infrastructure to establish and maintain long-term economic coordination (of which we know that it is not-self-enforcing, i.e. that it needs institutional support). A better understanding of the German case, which can be seen as prototypical for other continental political economies as well, thus provides us also with a much better understanding of the different variants of coordinated market economies in northern, continental, and southern Europe, i.e. it provides us with a more profound Comparative Political Economy framework. This has important implications for contemporary debates on Germany’s role within international trade, and especially on its role within Europe and especially within the eurozone and its crisis. Much of the current debate, so the book claims, is based on an incomplete account of the functional logic of Modell Deutschland .
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Engagement with American practices and ideas in the period after the Second World War differed in Germany and Japan compared to in many of the other political economies considered in this volume, because both were militarily occupied countries. Thus, in addition to the diffusion (or in any case, incursion) of American industrial ideas, principles of organization, and technologies by way of markets, scholarly and technical writings, and elite circulation, American ideals were also imposed on Germany and Japan by military governors during the first decade after the war. By analysing the process of restructuring in the steel industries in both occupied countries, this chapter examines the complexity of the notion of 'imposition' in the context of this military occupation. The main argument is that the American occupation dramatically changed both societies by forcing them to grapple with American ideas of social, industrial, and political order. © Jonathan Zeitlin and Gary Herrigel, 2000. All rights reserved.
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The welfare states of the affluent democracies now stand at the centre of political discussion and social conflict. In this book, which grew out of two conferences held at the Center for European Studies, Harvard University, in November 1997 and October 1998, an international team of leading analysts reject simplistic claims about the impact of economic ‘globalization’. Whilst accepting that economic, demographic, and social pressures on the welfare state are very real, they argue that many of the most fundamental challenges have little to do with globalization. In contrast to many popular accounts, the authors detect few signs of a convergence of national social policies towards an American‐style lowest common denominator. The contemporary politics of the welfare state takes shape against a backdrop of both intense pressures for austerity and enduring popularity. Thus, in most of the affluent democracies, the politics of social policy centre on the renegotiation, restructuring, and modernization of the post‐war social contract rather than its dismantling. The authors examine a wide range of countries and public policy arenas, including health care, pensions, and labour markets. They demonstrate how different national settings affect whether, and on what terms, centrist efforts to restructure the welfare state can succeed. The 13 chapters of the book are arranged in four main sections, each with three chapters, and a concluding section: I. Sources of Pressure on the Contemporary Welfare State; II. Adjustment Dynamics: Economic Actors and Systems of Interest Intermediation; III. Adjustment Dynamics: Parties, Elections, and Political Institutions; IV. Comparing Policy Domains; and V. Conclusions.
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Formal political institutions have been assigned two roles in democratization theorizing: as contingent effects of strategic interaction and as predictable bases for democratic consolidation. These roles might be reconciled if we assume that institutions become persistent once in place. But patterns of behavior surrounding these institutions do not appear to conform to the expectations of path dependency or comparable frameworks: while unchal- lenged in some cases, these institutions are repeatedly contested and often enough revised in others. This is true even of 'low stakes' institutional designs. Consequently, groups often perceive institutional designs not as 'locked in' and instead as malleable over even a few years. Codified political institutions therefore appear unable to generate the reduced risks - in effect, the credible commitments - which Adam Przeworski's argument about democratic consolidation requires. This conclusion suggests that consoli- dation may result from reductions in political risks caused by non-insti- tutional factors. It also has implications for diverse arguments which assume stability or predictability in formal institutions. KEY WORDScredible commitmentsdemocratic consolidationinsti- tutionspath dependence