No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the author.
... Su poder social, así como su nexo con la sociedad, lo lleva consigo en el bolsillo. (Marx 1945(Marx 74-75/1971 Este modo de socialización es propio de la segunda forma social (sociedad moderna) que Marx identifica en los Grundrisse. Aquí la interdependencia social se funda en la dependencia fáctica respecto de cosas abstractas cuya consecuencia y precondición es un sistema de metabolismo social general impersonal en el que las acciones de las personas se expresan como personificación de las categorías económicas modernas. ...
... Es decir, analiza la objetividad y la subjetividad del capital a partir de las categorías del valor, el dinero y el trabajo: Porque al ser la finalidad del trabajo no un producto particular que está en una relación particular con las necesidades particulares del individuo, sino el dinero, o sea la riqueza en su forma universal, la laboriosidad del individuo pasa a no tener ningún límite; es ahora indiferente a cualquier particularidad, y asume cualquier forma que sirva para ese fin; es rica de inventiva en la creación de nuevos objetos destinados a la necesidad social. (Marx 1945(Marx 135/1971 En los Grundrisse Marx identifica tres determinaciones del dinero: (a) como medida, (b) como medio de circulación y (c) como fin en sí mismo, representante material de la riqueza universal, valor de cambio individualizado (Marx 1945(Marx 135/1971. La tercera determinación presupone las dos primeras y constituye su unidad (1945 129), en ella, el dinero se encuentra fuera de la circulación, y como tal, tiene una existencia autónoma y su carácter potencial como capital se encuentra de manera latente. ...
... Es decir, analiza la objetividad y la subjetividad del capital a partir de las categorías del valor, el dinero y el trabajo: Porque al ser la finalidad del trabajo no un producto particular que está en una relación particular con las necesidades particulares del individuo, sino el dinero, o sea la riqueza en su forma universal, la laboriosidad del individuo pasa a no tener ningún límite; es ahora indiferente a cualquier particularidad, y asume cualquier forma que sirva para ese fin; es rica de inventiva en la creación de nuevos objetos destinados a la necesidad social. (Marx 1945(Marx 135/1971 En los Grundrisse Marx identifica tres determinaciones del dinero: (a) como medida, (b) como medio de circulación y (c) como fin en sí mismo, representante material de la riqueza universal, valor de cambio individualizado (Marx 1945(Marx 135/1971. La tercera determinación presupone las dos primeras y constituye su unidad (1945 129), en ella, el dinero se encuentra fuera de la circulación, y como tal, tiene una existencia autónoma y su carácter potencial como capital se encuentra de manera latente. ...
El artículo sostiene que la dominación abstracta e impersonal y la violencia abstracta son dos momentos constitutivos y básicos de la moderna sociedad burguesa. Desde de la producción teórica tardía de Karl Marx, en especial, a partir del capítulo del dinero de los Grundrisse y de fuentes secundarias ancladas en una lectura categorial de su obra, nuestros hallazgos dan cuenta que la formación social capitalista se define por su carácter altamente abstracto, el cual presupone la subsunción de la interdependencia social al capital como relación social dominante de la modernidad. Esto, por un lado, supone que los individuos se encuentren envueltos en estructuras de dominación social (abstracta e impersonal) y, por otra parte, que los media un tipo de violencia determinada como sed abstracta de valor.
... "To be money is not a natural property of gold or silver […]. But money is immediately gold and silver" (Marx, 1983: p. 165) 8 . Marx underlines the fact that nobody is born as merchandise, the constitution of labor strength, their muscles, and nerves do not contain a "natural" property of converting into merchandise, into exchange value, just as the properties of gold, in its natural condition, are not inherently measured in monetary value. ...
... Marx underlines the fact that nobody is born as merchandise, the constitution of labor strength, their muscles, and nerves do not contain a "natural" property of converting into merchandise, into exchange value, just as the properties of gold, in its natural condition, are not inherently measured in monetary value. For example, in the pre-Colombian civilizations of Peru and Mexico, gold served to decorate temples, dressing rituals (Marx, 1983). ...
... One of the reasons could be that Marxist thought pre-establishes China's position on ancient Egyptian political economy and renders further comparisons moot. Nonetheless, a few works deal with comparisons of eminent figures in Egyptian and Chinese history, such as Hatshepsut and Wu Zetian or Akhenaten and Wang Mang We do not delve into the extensive debate on the Marxian Asiatic Mode of Production and Oriental/Hydraulic Despotism (Marx [1857(Marx [ ] 1983Wittfogel 1957). These theories group various premodern societies based on centralized power and labour organization and ultimately relate to periodization. ...
This paper explores the evolving landscape of comparative research between ancient Egypt and China, focusing on various aspects such as culture, writing systems, political economy, and motivations behind these comparisons done in China and international environments. Embedded with the historical context, motivations and methodologies of scholars engaged in this comparative endeavour, the authors suggest that such research is linked to modern China's intellectual history and global engagement. It discusses potential motivations, including economic factors, national agenda and interdisciplinary integration. The authors also raise the need for more deliberate theorizations of Egypt-China comparisons, emphasizing the importance of greater reflexivity and inclusivity in shaping the trajectory of comparative studies. Overall, the document sheds light on the complexities, motivations and potential impacts of Egypt-China comparative research, highlighting its relevance in understanding both historical civilizations and contemporary global dynamics.
... During the formation of political economies in national systems during the nineteenth century, knowledge production was at first considered as an exogenous given (List, 1841;Marx, 1867). 9 Under the condition of constitutional stability in the various nation-states after approximately 1870, 10 national systems of innovation could gradually be developed among the axes of economic exchange and organized knowledge production and control (Noble, 1977;Rosenberg, 1976Rosenberg, , 1982a. ...
1. Introduction - the metaphor of a "knowledge-based economy"; 2. The Triple Helix as a model of the knowledge-based economy; 3. Knowledge as a social coordination mechanism; 4. Neo-evolutionary dynamics in a Triple Helix of coordination mechanism; 5. The operation of the knowledge base; 6. The restructuring of knowledge production in a KBE; 7. The KBE and the systems-of-innovation approach; 8. The KBE and neo-evolutionary theories of innovation; 8.1 The construction of the evolving unit; 8.2 User-producer relations in systems of innovation; 8.3 'Mode-2' and the production of scientific knowledge; 8.4 A Triple Helix model of innovations; 9. Empirical studies and simulations using the TH model; 10. The KBE and the measurement; 10.1 The communication of meaning and information; 10.2 The expectation of social structure; 10.3 Configurations in a knowledge-based economy
... O desen-volvimento sistemático da forma valor em O Capital não supõe, em caso algum, uma exposição do processo de seu desenvolvimento histórico, mas, ao contrário, a implantação do modo de socialização capitalista em sua forma pura e acabada 15 . A refutação marxiana de uma "lógica histórica" que pudesse, isoladamente, ser derivada do desenvolvimento dialético das categorias, foi muito frequentemente negligenciada na recepção de sua obra 16 . Pelo modo como formulamos o problema em relação à teoria do Estado, ou seja, de que embora a forma específica do Estado capitalista possa ser "derivada" das relações de produção capitalistas, mesmo assim, isto ainda não informa nada sobre os processos, lutas e conflitos históricos por meio dos quais esta se realizou e deve de novo sempre se impor. ...
O objeto do presente ensaio é o déficit de Teoria do Estado na Teoria da Regulação. A tese defendida pelo autor é a de que esse déficit representa urna lacuna que não pode ser preenchida nos marcos da Teoria da Regulação. Assim, a tentativa de eliminá-la, com base no conceito marxiano de forma, não é um complemento a esta teoria, mas sim o esforço para sua reformulação enquanto conjunto.
... Rawls adentra o terreno da filosofia política munido com armamentos da filosofia analítica que lhe servem à justificação epistêmica do arquétipo liberal, que deixa de ser mais uma doutrina normativa socio-historicamente localizada e passa a ser a (única) doutrina logicamente fundamentada capaz de possibilizar e controlar concepções conflitantes. Nesse sentido, sua linha do tempo remete à elaboração dos pensadores criticados por Marx por "[obscurecer] todas as diferenças históricas e [ver] em todas as formas de sociedade as formas burguesas" (Marx, 1953(Marx, [1858, p. 18): o liberalismo político parece estar sempre à disposição para ser atingido pela razão, e seus aspectos emergem difusamente em épocas distintas até sua consolidação. ...
Em oposição à interpretação segundo a qual as semelhanças entre as propostas de John Rawls e Jürgen Habermas fazem destes autores representantes de uma posição intelectual una, o presente trabalho tem por objetivo argumentar que, apesar da inegável existência de diversos pontos em comum, há, por outro lado, distinções fundamentais entre suas visões de mundo. Tais discordâncias relacionam-se (i) à crítica à racionalidade instrumental em Habermas e sua proposta de recuperação de uma racionalidade comunicativa, que a teoria da justiça de Rawls não pressupõe; e (ii) à ferramenta analítica e a-histórica de justificação proposta por este último, que não encontra espaço nas proposições do primeiro, permeadas pela historicidade. Em última análise, a despeito da nítida convergência entre ambos, suas concepções estão muitas vezes em desarmonia, tornando visíveis em seus pensamentos os resquícios das muito distintas tradições intelectuais em que foram iniciados.
Este artigo tem como objetivo argumentar em favor da reaproximação de duas importantes correntes da tradição dialética, a saber, a teoria crítica e o lukacsianismo (em especial, aquele acúmulo teórico tributário da obra tardia de Lukács), nos termos do seu enriquecimento recíproco e das contribuições analíticas que podem surgir de tal convergência para o enfrentamento de um conjunto significativo de questões que animam a filosofia social contemporânea. Para tanto, o texto seguirá um trajeto que discutirá: a) as bases dialéticas para a filosofia social que foram postas, respectivamente, por Hegel e Marx; b) a contribuição efetiva de Lukács e da primeira geração da Escola de Frankfurt para a sistematização e avanço deste campo; c) a sua aproximação inicial, o seu progressivo afastamento e os limites explicitados pelo apartamento das duas linhas teóricas; d) os elementos deficitários das duas correntes que podem obter ganhos reais por meio da sua convergência necessária.
El artículo presenta una relectura de la crítica conceptual de Henri Lefebvre a Le Corbusier en Hacia una arquitectura del placer. A partir de la perspectiva de Graham Harman, que en Arquitectura y objetos sugiere que Le Corbusier priorizaba una “emoción poética” sobre la función utilitaria en la arquitectura, el texto cuestiona esta interpretación desde la visión lefebvriana. En la primera parte, se expone la postura de Harman, que argumenta que Le Corbusier intentó ir más allá del funcionalismo para alcanzar una expresión estética. Posteriormente, se analizan aspectos problemáticos del funcionalismo en Hacia una arquitectura. Finalmente, se desarrollan los planteamientos de Lefebvre sobre el espacio urbano y la posibilidad de una arquitectura orientada al disfrute, destacando cómo la forma-mercancía y el enfoque funcionalista de Le Corbusier impiden una arquitectura que promueva el goce urbano y arquitectónico.
There are four phases of development of modern (political) subjectivity. The subjectivity of the Age of Enlightenment emerged between 1750 and 1850, and was determined by revolutionary enthusiasm, followed by constitutional fever. The latter caused, all over the world, a reciprocal copy/paste, pick/mix, analyze/recombine of constitional settings. The third formation of subjectivity between 1850 and 1950 is that of the male disciplinary subject, which adapted to the existing ruling structure of modern capitalism and modern colonial imperialism, including nationalism, racism, misogyny, xenophoby, homophoby, etc. It is caused by the the structural coupling of male universal conscription with universal male suffrage. The fourth phase emerged in a functionally and increasingly normatively integrated world society. Post-heroic, post-traditional, and consumerist (narcissistic) subjectivity, hence democratic subjectivity, is based on (1) the transnational implementation of (a) national human rights regimes, (b) expanding national social welfare regimes, and (c) rapidly growing and expanding national educational systems. Democratic subjectivity based (2) on symbolic normative inclusion of (a) all social classes, (b) all genders and sexual orientations, and (c) all nationalities (races, religions etc.). Democratic subjectivity is (3) enabled by (educationally) prolonged youth and intensified adolescent crises (instead of traditional status passages and archaic rituals of transition).
El presente estudio monográfico (que se divide en dos artículos que serán publicados consecutivamente en esta revista) está dedicado a estudiar la manera en que Gilles Deleuze abordó el problema psico-político de la dominación y de la violencia psico-sexo-política masculina. Para ello, será necesario partir de la pregunta que interroga acerca de la relación genética que el Patriarcado (en tanto que mega-red de relaciones de alianzas masculinas de sexo-poder) guarda con el Estado (en tanto que forma de organizar la sociabilidad humana) y con el Capitalismo (en tanto que modo de organizar la productividad humana). Con respecto a dicha relación genética, Deleuze postulará, siguiendo al sinólogo marxista Ferenc Tökei, que ‘esclavo liberto’ (antepasado del proletario moderno) fue la personificación social masculina clave en la génesis patriarcal del Capitalismo por el Estado, siendo la explotación psico-sexual de las mujeres (prostitución) una empresa de primer orden para la comprensión de dicha génesis. Según el Esquizoanálisis, la explotación psico-sexual y libidinal es la ratio de la explotación económica y de la dominación de clase. Por eso, no podremos abordar dicha relación genética entre Patriarcado, Estado y Capital (tocante a las violencias masculinas) sin abordar, en esta «Parte I», las críticas de Deleuze/Guattari hacia Marx/Engels: esquizo-análisis ácrata (en tanto que análisis de procesos maquínicos) versus materialismo dialéctico (en tanto que análisis de procesos dialécticos). Ahora bien, ¿acaso el materialismo dialéctico resulta operativo (en la crítica y en la clínica) a la hora de comprender y de caracterizar (y de luchar contra) las violencias psico-sexuales patriarcales masculinas, como por ejemplo, la prostitución? ¿Cómo Marx, Engels, Bebel y Riazánov caracterizaron (desde el materialismo dialéctico) tanto a la prostitución, como a la prostituta, y al prostituyente? ¿No acaban incurriendo en un reduccionismo economicista y cambista (en materia sexual) que torna invisibles las causas patriarcales de la dominación y las violencias masculinas, tornándose incluso su garante insospechado “por izquierda”? Este será el problema central de la «Parte II». Nuestro concepto social de ‘Salud Mental’ depende directamente del modo de caracterizar dichos problemas psico-sexo políticos.
In this article, I will first discuss (section 1) the historical reasons why, in Brazil, instead of accepting the idea that poverty represents a serious violation of human rights or autonomy and dignity, two hegemonic narratives prevail: that of privilege and that of individual merit. These narratives, however, are not exclusive to Brazilian society but are also present in the relations between the Global North and South (section 2). Finally, I will confront the grammar of rights and the narrative of individual merit, highlighting their respective limits and, above all, how the hegemonic narrative of merit
ends up neutralizing the emancipatory potential of the grammar of rights, effectively transforming rights into privileges and preventing extreme poverty from being seen as a violation of the basic rights of people in such a situation (section 3).
Provides a multi-scalar synthesis of Nordic Bronze Age economies (1800/1700–500 BCE) that is organized around six sections: an introduction to the Nordic Bronze Age, macro-economic perspectives, defining local communities, economic interaction, conflict and alliances, political formations, and encountering Europe. Despite a unifying material culture, the Bronze Age of Scandinavia was complex and multi- layered with constantly shifting and changing networks of competitors and partners. The social structure in this highly mobile and dynamic macroregional setting was affected by subsistence economies based on agropastoralism, maritime sectors, the production of elaborate metal wealth, trade in a wide range of goods, as well as raiding and warfare. For this reason, the focus of this book is on the integration and interaction of subsistence and political economies in a comparative analyses between different local constellations within the macro-economic setting of prehistoric Europe. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core: https://www.cambridge.org/core/elements/nordic-bronze-age-economies/1D3E3DC6242D93CD53985D77844780D5
Zusammenfassung
Im Kontext der Corona-Pandemie ist die berufsbezogene Mobilität vermehrt zum Gegenstand der öffentlichen Debatte geworden. Zentral ist die Ersetzung physischer durch digitale Mobilität, um Zeit, Emissionen und Ressourcen einzusparen. Basis dafür ist die zunehmende Verfügbarkeit von Arbeitsgegenständen in digitaler Form und die Möglichkeit virtueller Zusammenarbeit. Der Beitrag behandelt entlang aktueller Studienergebnisse, welche Konsequenzen die Herausbildung eines „Informationsraums“ für die räumliche Rekonfiguration von Arbeit birgt und geht Hinweisen nach, inwiefern physisch-räumliche Mobilität durch digitale Technologien ersetzt werden kann.
Im Zentrum von Stefan Eichs Buch steht die Frage, ob und wie sehr der Wert von Geld politischen Entscheidungen unterworfen sein soll. Solche Entscheidungen haben erhebliche Verteilungswirkungen und sind daher wesentliche politische Machtfragen. Eine Tendenz, den Geldwert aus der Sphäre des politischen Diskurses drängen zu wollen, zeichnete sich schon vor der Moderne ab. Obwohl Geld eine soziale Institution ist, wurde ihm oft ein "natürlicher" Wert zugeschrieben. Je stärker geldpolitische Konzepte theoretisch außer Diskussion gestellt wurden, desto schwerer war es, in Krisen Alternativen zum Status quo zu erarbeiten bzw. umzusetzen. Eich erklärt, welche Gruppen ein besonderes Interesse daran hatten, Währungsfragen zu entpolitisieren, er zeigt aber auch, dass die Scheuklappen der etablierten Orthodoxie sogar in Demokratien verhindern können, dass politische Alternativen gefunden werden, die einer großen Mehrheit Vorteile bringen würden.
Rājadhamma is a list of ten royal virtues or duties that occurs in the jātaka tales and that has been influential in Southeast Asian Buddhist political thought. Like pre-modern political thought in Europe-that is, thought before the Sattelzeit-Buddhist political thought lacks a concept of the "state" and is concerned with kings and similar rulers. Here I propose a modernized interpretation of rājadhamma as virtues/duties of the state.
O texto aponta as dificuldades inerentes ao conceito de valor derivado por Marx do trabalho abstrato – o desacordo entre a definição social e a definição física desse trabalho – quando não são levadas em conta categorias metodológicas que Marx mesmo teria ocultado, entre a redação dos Grundrisse e de O capital, no afã de afastar-se do idealismo de Hegel. A explicitação desse pressuposto oculto, contudo, é a única forma de tornar plausíveis os conceitos básicos de trabalho abstrato e de valor.
Partindo da história das edições dos Grundrisse, estas anotações expõem os problemas da relação lógico-histórica entre os pressupostos da gênese do capitalismo, que fazem parte dos pressupostos históricos de sua formação e as condições de sua reprodução, integrantes do sistema efetivo do modo de produção dominado pelo capital.
No presente artigo, tomando de forma privilegiada os escritos de Marx sobre a China, procuramos evidenciar a existência de uma inflexão fundamental em seu pensamento em fins dos anos de 1850. Nossa tese aponta para uma reviravolta no modo como o autor de O capital concebe o desenvolvimento do capitalismo e o fundamento mesmo desse modo de produção, não mais como em textos anteriores, no desenvolvimento do comércio e da divisão social do trabalho, mas na expropriação originária, na dissolução consciente e violenta das formas sociais pretéritas. Pretendemos demonstrar que há uma ruptura com algumas formulaçõespresentes em textos como o Manifesto Comunista, a Ideologia alemã, bem como em artigos sobre a Índia e a China, escritos no início dos anos de 1850. Por fim, indicamos as profundas consequências dessa inflexão em sua elaboração posterior, particularmente em O capital.
Estas notas discutem a questão do pon to de partida da crítica da economia política e a da lógica objetiva da evolução das estruturas orgânicas e econômicas nos Grundrisse.
O projeto de crítica do capitalismo por Marx só se completa com a consideração do sentido do Livro III de O capital, que descreve um complexo processo de equalização e de contínuos desvios realizado pela concorrência intercapitalista. Assim, é possível perceber como os conceitos econômicos de Marx são capazes de explicar alguns dos fenômenos evidentes no capitalismo atual e em sua crise.
Grundlage des Beitrages bildet die kritische Reflexion auf Lehrprojekte im
Modus Forschenden Lernens, deren Ziel es war, Bildung für Nachhaltige Entwicklung
(BNE) für Studierende, die entweder Erwachsenenbildung studieren oder in erwachsenenpädagogischen Handlungsfeldern tätig sein werden, durch Modi Forschenden Lernens eine kritische Auseinandersetzung mit Nachhaltigkeit zu ermöglichen. Nach einer Hinführung über die Relevanz erwachsenenpädagogischer Konzepte für BNE (1) wird auf Forschendes Lernen im Allgemeinen und für die Vermittlung von BNE im Besonderen eingegangen, um dann zwei konkrete Lehrprojekte vorzustellen, die im Modus Forschenden Lernens BNE verhandeln (2). Der Beitrag schließt mit einer kritischen Reflexion auf Lehre, die im Modus Forschenden Lernens BNE in der Erwachsenenbildung
vermitteln möchte
Bilal's story traces the journey of migrant youths who abandon European reception projects while remaining undocumented. Based on extensive ethnographic fieldwork and inquiry into Bilal's lived experience, evidence is presented on how the Italian reception system fails to address the migrants’ needs and vulnerabilities. Labour is a central element in the life stories of migrant youths, although access to the labour market is constrained by laws on protection of minors and asylum bureaucracies. This fact collides with the youths’ aspirations, in which mobility and economic independence are seen as fundamental elements of ‘adulthood’. Against this backdrop, steps should be made in both legal and humanitarian approaches to youth migration to promote a regular and dignifying access to labour as a possible form of emancipation and citizenship.
Statism and anarchism are a binary opposition that divides Marxists into two irreconcilable camps. This opposition was felt especially irresistible during the Iron Curtain. But already in the 1980s, both in Soviet philosophy and in European Marxism, the idea of dialogue and communication was actively gaining popularity, which called for compromise between opponents. And today, when the depoliticizing nature of late capitalism tendentiously smooth out “rough edges,” imposing radical centrism according to Anthony Gidden contradictions completely lose their fundamental importance. Within the framework of this hypothesis, the author constructs a theoretical dialogue between Italian post-Operatism (Antonio Negri, Paolo Virno, Franco Berardi, Maurizio Lazzarato, etc.) and domestic cultural philosophies (Vladimir Bibler, Vadim Mezhuyev, Nal Zlobin, Moses Kagan, Arnold Arnoldov, etc.), which are usually located at opposite poles of the political spectrum: postoperatives are known as anarchists, and cultural philosophers are more conservative and rather closer to the Social Democrats. Both schools, referring to Karl Marx’s early works, analyze a new reality where the role of the main producer is occupied by a cultural person (scientist/artist) or a postindustrial worker. Both schools experience a certain affect of disappointment in radical political changes, and therefore see the main way to improve society no longer in political struggle, but in culture and communication. But while Italian Marxists urge to seek horizontal solidarity in subcultures, cultural philosophers take a position of power, developing pedagogical programs to make from proletariat the so-called cognitariat. The post-operatives label the new society emerging with the term “Empire.” The author of the article draws parallels between the new Empire and the late USSR, in which cultural philosophers worked. The article compares critical and apologetic views on post- Fordist production, as well as examines two proposed Enlightenment projects. The article attempts to demonstrate the theoretical similarities of the two directions and lays a certain foundation for their convergence with the aim of creating a dialectical theory that would combine both elements of pedagogy and a program of horizontal solidarity.
Der Beitrag versucht eine Annäherung an das Begriffsfeld und den Phänomenbereich Sozial/sozial zunächst durch eine philosophisch-anthropologisch inspirierte Leseart, die einige Ideen zum Wesen des Sozialen aus der europäischen Kultur- und Geistesgeschichte aufgreift. Anschließend an diese ersten Ausführungen wird v. a. auf die Normativität des Sozialen Bezug genommen, mit Seitenblicken auf eine mögliche wertfreiere analytische und deskriptive Thematisierung. Zuletzt werden Überlegungen aus den aktuellen Diskursen zu sozialer Innovation aufgegriffen und kritisch und rückfragend zu den Ausführungen zu Sozial/sozial in Beziehung gesetzt.
Today, it is speculative capitalisation in particular—inextricably linked to the rise of networked computers—that has led to the over in the wake of ecstatic excesses of increase: Too much capital, but also too many images and too many signs that neutralise any historical sense and exercise a white censorship through excess. This kind of simulation through excessive reality overload, which in turn can lead to a denial of reality, entails a new escalation of obesity (Baudrillard), which finally becomes visible in rubbish of all kinds: Nuclear waste, chemical waste and industrial waste, but also the excess of opinions, laws, and texts. Capital sui generis also suffers from a lack, namely the lack of surplus value or the surplus that determines the lack.
World capitalism seems to have entered a paradoxical, accelerating, and at the same time exhausting panic mode, or rather a deadly excess, in which the ecstasy of the over as over-accumulation and over-speculation meets the destructive activities of capital, above all with regard to the capitalization of nature and the production of a global surplus population. In the course of its expansive capitalization, the capital economy possesses a strangely phagic drive insofar as it would like to feed and inflate itself ever further from the more and the over, insofar finitude is conceived as a per se transcendable limitedness.
The same process can always be observed in financial crisis: Credit expansion mobilizes money for derivatives, whose positive valuation increases as demand increases; these derivatives then serve as collateral for further borrowing, setting in motion a feedback loop in which, in a double movement, credit spurs asset creation and assets as collateral further mobilize credit. In the illusion of perpetual liquidity expansion, the leverage of capital to purchase assets that serve as collateral for further credit is then systemically crucial. And as long as the self-fulfilling spiral continues, securitization of loans and derivatives (promises to pay) can continue. However, as interest rates rise and promises to pay and collateral fall in price, borrowers falter and begin selling assets, soon leading to herd behaviour. As collateral deteriorates, assets risk falling below the values of outstanding debt, drying up liquidity and eventually bursting bubbles. This is the stage we are moving toward again today: Asset valuations fall, collateral shrinks, credit collapses.
The question that arises here is whether one can then still speak of separate crises that connect and branch out, or whether one should rather speak of sewn-up or overlapping processes of financial, geopolitical, and other ecstasies that lead to an increasing eco-economic, systemic chaos in the capitalist world system.
The question about the relationship between revolution and progress is the centerpiece of this essay. A specific solution to this question is expressed by a well-known metaphor invented by Marx -“revolutions are the locomotives of history”. The rendering of this metaphor in the language of theory uncovers certain ambiguities and tensions inherent in it, some of which are caused by a collision of positivist-evolutionist and dialectical-revolutionist strands of Marx's thought. The actual revolutions of the twentieth century turned these tensions into political reality. Progress is a form of social development which converts history into evolution removing the former's open-endedness and the variability of the trajectories of societal movement, which is precisely what distinguishes history from evolution. However tragic the concrete manifestation of a revolution can be, it interrupts the progress-as-evolution and restores, at least for the time being, history as history. Thus, Walter Benjamin's metaphor of revolution as an attempt undertaken by the passengers on the train of progress to “activate the emergency brake”, all its own ambiguities notwithstanding, offers a much more adequate image of the relationship between revolution and progress.
The essay argues that, with the trope of “un/binding,” James Baldwin, most notably in “Everybody’s Protest Novel” (1949), Go Tell It on the Mountain (1953), and Another Country (1962), thinks through the central ethical idea in his oeuvre: the call for “transformation.” Such transformation comes about when the subject yields to the forces of sex and finitude. These forces—which Baldwin also calls “corruption”—have two functions. First, the subject’s unbinding, through corruption, enables the emergence of what Baldwin calls “the self.” Only with such emergence can we break from the structures that have created the subject, specular identifications that, as Baldwin saw it, entrapped Bigger Thomas (Native Son) and Gabriel Grimes (Go Tell It on the Mountain). Second, the “transformation” demanded by sex and finitude can preempt the “evil” that, writing in the immediate aftermath of World War II and engaging the work of Richard Wright and Albert Camus, Baldwin identifies in fascism. The seductions of fascism are obviated by the “acts of creation” by which “the individual” emerges.
Ya desde su recepción a la crítica de Feuerbach a la religión puede observarse dónde reside parte del leitmotiv de la teoría de la sociedad de Marx, a saber: en la visible pérdida de control social respecto de los productos humanos. Mientras que esto último queda de manifiesto en la comprensión de Marx del capitalismo como una suerte de poder o violencia “externa” (I), su contrapartida se observa en la posibilidad que ofrece la democracia –en tanto principio normativo– para promover el poder “interno” de la autodeterminación soberana del pueblo (II). Es por ello que, además de las tareas de aprehensión de la realidad social fáctica, una crítica societal al capitalismo contemporáneo ha de tener que realizarse con un ojo puesto en la democracia, en tanto da cuenta de aquello que esencialmente se pone en cuestión en términos globales a partir de su funcionamiento, esto es, el autogobierno y/o autocontrol de la sociedad (III). De mantenerse incólume la absoluta dislocación capitalista entre productor y producto emergente (alienado), se impone el temor respecto del propio porvenir, incrementando así las posibilidades de elección de gobiernos autoritarios –aquellos que prometen devolver la sensación de control perdida mediante represión. Si bien permanecen democráticos en lo formal, éstos cercenarían el contenido último de la democracia defendido por el joven Marx, mostrando así el cariz latente de su estructura como democracia anti-democrática (IV).
The intellectual property system has become universal, imposing homogenisation pressure on knowledge production, subordinated to capitalist dominance. The existing contradictions become more accentuated, and further antagonisms emerge as capital concentration reaches new heights. Social rule increasingly depends on a sphere of appearances to sustain its legitimacy. With digitalisation, imperialist capitalism, characterised by the fusion of productive and banking capital with the capitalist state, engulfs the existing propaganda apparatus of marketing and surveillance into capitalist rule. From its original function to render capitalism exploitation amenable by shaping perception, it becomes a locus of surplus-value extraction. This industry depends on a blurred structure of vast private control over knowledge and the means of knowledge, privately appropriating human intellect and data.
The third chapter deals with a question that is usually considered philosophical; however, it is crucial for everyday life and the social determinations involving economics and politics. Among most schools of thought, the study of the being—ontology—has been widely regarded as a branch of metaphysics. Both the critique of political economy and the study of the social being have revealed that existence must not be considered from a metaphysical standpoint—thus rigid, abstract, eternal—but as a movement, a process, a constant transformation. Following this method, knowledge production must be understood as a product of two interchangeable movements. The first unveils the historical emergence of knowledge; the second exposes the existing contemporary conditions for its production and reproduction.
This final chapter establishes a point of contact with the book’s findings connecting multiple dimensions, thus creating a single thread. The developed notion of totality does not have the pretension to exhaust the topic but simply to forego any claim imposing one-dimensionality into intellectual property as a sufficient condition for its understanding. While intellectual property theory has operated on the realm of metaphysics; in reality, knowledge is not something abstract, independent and metaphysical but a crucial dimension of material life and simultaneously a vital condition for its transformation. While metaphysical fetishism acritically endows validity to private appropriation of knowledge, the high stakes of knowledge production impose the need for an understanding beyond this simplistic worldview.
In Chap. 2, the common association of intellectual property and the abstract right is challenged. When considered from the material perspective of knowledge production, metaphysics no longer appears to be a suitable means to understand intellectual appropriation. Unlike mainstream theory based on neoclassical economics, the dialectical materialist method contextualises the heterogeneous existences of intellectual property in different and antagonistic social property relations. What is at stake is the control over the appropriation of social surplus labour, which in capitalism gains the specific form of surplus-value. While for most part of history control of intellectual means occurred simultaneously with the control of material production, the destruction of the value of knowledge production created a new compulsion to control intellectual appropriation directly.
Wie denken Beschäftigte, zum Beispiel in der Industrie, im Handel oder in Krankenhäusern, über Ungleichheit, Parteien oder die Klimakrise? Welche Politik wünschen sie sich und was stört sie? Thomas E. Goes widmet sich diesen Fragen empirisch, um die Erfolgschancen eines Grünen Sozialismus auszuloten. Im Zentrum steht dabei das vorherrschende Alltagsbewusstsein der Arbeiter*innen: Für eine breite Unterstützung muss die Forderung nach Gleichheit, mehr Demokratie und einem wirksamen Klimaschutz hier anknüpfen. Nur so bieten sich Möglichkeiten, eine sozial und ökologisch gerechte Politik nicht nur in der Theorie, sondern auch in der Praxis umzusetzen.
Zihniyetler, insan zihninin küresel bir laboratuvarı gibidir. Tüm bireysel tutum ve duruşların toplamı olarak, ülkeye, bölgeye ve yere göre farklılık gösteren eğilimlerle çok çeşitli psikolojik fenomenler hakkında fikir verirler. Her zihniyetin kendi kontrol ve denge sistemi vardır. Bu içsel öz-düzenleme bozulduğunda, Almanya ve İspanya'da olduğu gibi aşırılıklar ve şiddet meydana gelir ve bugün Rusya'da gözlemlenebilir. Birçok ülkede popülizm de bu yöne işaret ediyor.
Her zaman, zihinsel atıflar diğer insanları ve ulusları karalamak için kötüye kullanılmıştır ve kötüye kullanılmaya devam etmektedir. Naziler, ağza alınmayacak suçlarını haklı çıkarmak için düşünce planlarına uymayan herkesi "insan-altı" olarak etiketlediler. "Zihniyet" terimi, zihniyetleri başlangıçta birleşmiş bir insan zihninin kısmi yönleri olarak anlarsak, politik bir silah olarak işe yaramaz hale gelir. Çünkü sadece hepsi birlikte gerçekten iyi sonuçlanırsa, daha iyi ya da daha kötü zihniyetler yoktur. Böylece "zihniyet" terimi, Mevlana'nın "Sahte paranın olduğu yerde gerçek para da olmalıdır" ifadesine uygun olarak insanlığın yararına rehabilite edilebilir.
Zihniyetlerin bütüncül bakışı, tüm kültürlerin altında yatan ve fizik yasalarıyla doğayı ve insanı belirleyen Her Şeyin Tasarımı fikrini yansıtır. Modern zamanlarda, CG Jung, dışa dönük, içe dönük ve arketip terimlerini icat etti, böylece diğer kültürlerde ruh için tanrıların (dışa dönük arketipler) ve tanrıçaların (içe dönük arketipler) rolünün izini sürdü. Immanuel Kant, Saf Aklın Eleştirisi'nde (1781) insan zihninin işleyişini tanımlamak için aynı kategorileri kullandı:
Duyusal deneyimin (sensatio) ön koşulu, "uzay ve zamanın saf sezgisi (intuitio pura)" ve bunların bilinçsizce bize özgü olan "dış ve iç duyu" yoluyla etkileşimleridir. Bu duyu, duyusal uyaranları uzay-zamansal etkileşimlerle ilişkilendirir ve böylece anlamlarının farkına varmamızı sağlar. Düşünme, "saf kavramlardaki" anlamların toplamını özetler ve böylece arketipik olarak uzay-zamansal etkileşimleri tanımlar. Başlık sayfasının sekizgen vektör geometrisi, insan da dahil olmak üzere tüm maddeyi oluşturan ve tabi olduğu Her Şeyin Tasarımı'nın simetrik uzay-zamansal mantığını sembolize eder.
Zihniyetle ilgili mekân (dış) ya da zaman (iç) tercihi, anlam oluşumu sürecinde, dışa dönük ve içe dönük yönlerimizi eşit olarak ele aldığımızda yavaş yavaş ortadan kalkan eğilimlere yol açar, tıpkı Murcia'lı İbn Arabi'nin Kant'tan 600 yıl önce belirttiği gibi: "Mükemmel mutluluk, dış anlamı içsel anlamla birleştirenlere aittir."
Zihniyetler Tarihine Giriş, Çin, İran, Hint ve Amerikan zihniyetlerine de atıfta bulunarak Alman, İspanyol ve Rus zihniyetlerine ve onların kıyametlerine odaklanmaktadır.
In this paper, I propose to use Johan Galtung’s notion of structural violence as aguide for linking society’s problems of processing social meaning to the very idea of law. At the heart of my interest is the discrepancy Galtung sees between real and possible social conditions. I will first focus on the specific character of violence as communication. I will then consider the consequences of the heterogeneity of the languages that law speaks. Law and everyday practice not only refer to actions in different ways, but also constitute different actions through their references. Law thus acquires a double validity: an internal one, based on the consistency of its discourse, and an external one, derived from successful translations of practical certainties. While the former defies the assumption that law can be somehow resonant, the latter paves the way for a critical understanding of law. The final section argues that if practical reason aims to create just conditions, and law is meant to sustain life, its purpose cannot be the mere optimisation of the given. Law must address the totality of possible transformations, exploring contained but not yet realised models.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any references for this publication.