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Foucault on Modern Power: Empirical Insights and Normative Confusions
... There is less reason to scrutinize neoliberal governance if those who engage in responsibility through consumer choices are assumed to be acting-in a strict sense-according to how they wish to lead their lives (cf. Fraser, 1981). ...
... Hence, "[w]hen Foucault speaks of the 'governmentalization of the state' […] he does not assume that government is a technique that could be applied or used by state authorities or apparatus; instead he comprehends the state itself as a tactic of government, as a dynamic form and historic stabilization of societal power relations" (Lemke, 2002, p. 58;Bröckling et al., 2010). By claiming that this socially reproductive form of power (see Bauman & Haugaard, 2008;Kerr, 1999) defines the emergence of the modern (neo)liberal state, governmentality theorizing clearly marginalizes its coercive nature and flattens the relationship of power to its citizens (Doxiadis, 1997;Fox, 1998;Fraser, 1981). ...
... These authors' explicit commitment to a Foucauldian approach alongside their allusion to empowerment as a downstreamed technique of governance coupled with their apparent criticism of this technique conceal a tension between the theoretical supposition and their empirical analysis. As noted above, freedom in governmental theorizing was not an instrument of power that could be reduced to some rhetorical appeal or discursive construct but the very condition of power (Foucault, 1982;Fraser, 1981;Primrose, 2021), that discursively constitutes and constructs people in their freedom freely consent to power, willingly subordinate themselves to it, and uphold it through personal transformation and selfgovernment Taylor, 1984). With freedom as its co-constituent, power reflects "the totality of practices […] which individuals in their liberty can have in regard to each other" (Foucault, 1987, p. 130;1978;Kerr, 1999). ...
The concept of consumer responsibilization challenges conventional thinking around responsible consumption, draws attention to its political dimensions, and situates the emergence of responsible consumers within the realm of neoliberal governance. In this article, we critique and amend the theoretical anchoring of consumer responsibilization in the concept of governmentality and the Foucauldian theory of power that underpins it. We argue that governmental theorizing implies flattening the power relationship between the state, the market and consumers, and that it thereby marginalizes and eclipses the top-down exercise of power under neoliberal governance. This produces theoretical inconsistencies in the transformative consumer literature on responsibilization that risk impeding theory development and silencing critical empirical trajectories. At worst, it may end up reifying the neoliberal governance it sets out to scrutinize. We draw on Karl Polanyi’s writings to advance a critical political economy perspective on consumer responsibilization designed to address these concerns. We develop these ideas by introducing the concept of “embedded responsibilization” to the field of consumer research. Theorizing responsible consumption as being embedded in the Polanyian sense will solidify consumer responsibilization as a theoretically consistent transformative research project and encourage necessary trajectories for empirical research on responsibilization.
... Of course, Foucault has been criticized for this focus on the microphysics of power. Some, coming from a Marxist perspective, critique Foucault's analytics of power for negating economic and material dimensions of life (Fraser, 1981;Wacquant, 1989). Others, coming from a humanist position of a free and rational subject, criticize Foucault's conceptualization of power for limiting the possibility of agency, democratic participation, resistance and social transformation, and the moral dimensions of everyday life (Fraser, 1981;Honneth and Roberts, 1986;Shapiro, 1986;Butler, 1989;Hartsock, 1989;Diamond et al., 1990). ...
... Some, coming from a Marxist perspective, critique Foucault's analytics of power for negating economic and material dimensions of life (Fraser, 1981;Wacquant, 1989). Others, coming from a humanist position of a free and rational subject, criticize Foucault's conceptualization of power for limiting the possibility of agency, democratic participation, resistance and social transformation, and the moral dimensions of everyday life (Fraser, 1981;Honneth and Roberts, 1986;Shapiro, 1986;Butler, 1989;Hartsock, 1989;Diamond et al., 1990). Indeed, a laser focus on microphysics of power does not envision that people, while being subjects of discourse, exercise agency, and they may draw from other philosophies that either inadvertently or overtly stage resistance against dominant narratives. ...
... This makes the public healthcare bureaucracy not an entire echo chamber for what obtains in the media and the political and other spaces. Thus, as Foucault's critiques argue, disciplinary power is not always overbearing, as agency and the moral dimensions of life can resist the superior norm (Fraser, 1981;Honneth and Roberts, 1986;Shapiro, 1986;Butler, 1989). As seen in this study, especially regarding the demand for passports, certain individual practices are tangential to the standardized narratives. ...
The provision of healthcare services to African migrants within the South African public healthcare system has been characterized as marred by medical xenophobia. While the literature on xenophobia in the country draws connections between xenophobic violence and how the migrant is characterized through demeaning metaphors in the media and the political space, medical xenophobia literature somewhat remains with the burden of categorically connecting specific practices that constitute medical xenophobia with the broader anti-migrant discourse. Drawing on the narratives of Zimbabwean migrant women seeking antenatal care services within the public healthcare system in Johannesburg, this paper analyzes the utterances and practices of some healthcare providers to draw connections with the anti-migrant narratives obtaining in the media, the political space, and certain anti-migrant formations (bearers of discourse). Like studies before it, this paper observes medical xenophobia and relying on Foucault’s disciplinary power as a conceptual tool, it argues that the utterances by some public healthcare professionals are indeed unabridged rearticulations of the normalized anti-migrant discourse in various sites bearing anti-migrant discourse. While acknowledging that some bureaucrats’ practices are tangential to the anti-migrant discourse, which decouples their individual actions from the discursive norm, the paper maintains that the standardized anti-migrant discourse for the large part provides frames of reference for some healthcare providers on how to perceive and treat the migrant patient, as their utterances are a restage of this discourse, usually with little to no annotations.
... He was particularly interested in studying the emergence of a distinctively modern form of power, which is firmly connected with different modes of objectification of subjects (Fraser, 1981, P. 276). Michel Foucault argued that since the 16th century a new regime of power emerged in many European and Western societies, which is entirely different from the previous systems regarding the exertion of social and political controls as well as the way of institutionalizing particular knowledge to subjugate and govern the entire population (Fraser, 1981). Foucault's theoretical framework focuses on the complicated relationship between power, subjectification, and resistance and shows how these elements work together upon the social body and life of the human population in modern societies. ...
... For instance, Aihwa Ong (2003) examined how the technologies of government and social control function upon subject-citizens in America. Nancy Fraser (1981) and Barry Morris (1989), differently used the notions of power and resistance in analyzing the power relations between different groups. Emily Martin (1989) used Foucauldian ideas in explaining medicalization and population control, while, Arturo Escobar (1995) applied Foucault's concepts in studying the critical issues in anthropology of development and post-development. ...
... Nancy Fraser (1981) outlines a critical analysis of the Foucauldian perspective of modern power. Fraser stated that Foucault's empirical study of modernity defines power as a "productive" force rather than negating, which eventually eliminates the previous understanding of power based on its repressive nature. ...
... He was particularly interested in studying the emergence of a distinctively modern form of power, which is firmly connected with different modes of objectification of subjects (Fraser, 1981, P. 276). Michel Foucault argued that since the 16th century a new regime of power emerged in many European and Western societies, which is entirely different from the previous systems regarding the exertion of social and political controls as well as the way of institutionalizing particular knowledge to subjugate and govern the entire population (Fraser, 1981). Foucault's theoretical framework focuses on the complicated relationship between power, subjectification, and resistance and shows how these elements work together upon the social body and life of the human population in modern societies. ...
... For instance, Aihwa Ong (2003) examined how the technologies of government and social control function upon subject-citizens in America. Nancy Fraser (1981) and Barry Morris (1989), differently used the notions of power and resistance in analyzing the power relations between different groups. Emily Martin (1989) used Foucauldian ideas in explaining medicalization and population control, while, Arturo Escobar (1995) applied Foucault's concepts in studying the critical issues in anthropology of development and post-development. ...
... Nancy Fraser (1981) outlines a critical analysis of the Foucauldian perspective of modern power. Fraser stated that Foucault's empirical study of modernity defines power as a "productive" force rather than negating, which eventually eliminates the previous understanding of power based on its repressive nature. ...
... This raises, then, the perennial question: What is the source of normativity in genealogical work? There has been a long-standing debate surrounding this question, born of a well-worn critique of Foucault, namely that Foucault's genealogical method offers no internal ground for normative assessment or valuation-a critique most frequently associated with Nancy Fraser (1981) and Jürgen Habermas (1981Habermas ( , 1987 in the ensuing philosophical debates (see for example, Allen, 2016;Koopman, 2013;Lorenzini, 2020). ...
... In this respect, I take issue with Koopman's position that "genetic reasoning is fallacious"(Koopman, 2013, p. 90) and, therefore, with his limited defense of Foucaultian genealogy against the critiques byFraser (1981) andHabermas (1981Habermas ( , 1987.Content courtesy of Springer Nature, terms of use apply. Rights reserved. ...
Today most critical theorists who deploy history use a genealogical method forged by Nietzsche and Foucault. This genealogical approach now dominates historically inflected critique. But not all genealogical writings today, nor all philosophical debates surrounding genealogy, advance the goals of critical philosophy. It is crucial now that we assess the value of genealogical critiques. The proper metric against which to evaluate such work is whether it contributes to transforming ourselves, others, and society in a valuable way. In this article, I propose that we use the term “critical genealogy” to identify those genealogical practices that positively nourish our activity and, thereby, advance the ambition of critical philosophy.
... 14 Merquior's (1987)p45 critical conclusion about Foucault is relevant: "At any rate, knowing was neither observing nor demonstrating but interpreting." Fraser (1981)p282's conclusion is equally relevant: "Foucault's work ends up, in effect, inviting questions which it is structurally unequipped to answer." 15 Nola e Irzik (2005) págs.462-3: ...
... 25 The same conclusion is, of course, common in the literature critical of postmodernism in general, and of Foucault in particular. E.g: Nancy Fraser (1981): "Foucault sometimes appears not to have suspended the liberal norms after all, but rather to be presupposing them … Foucault … needs desperately …normative criteria for distinguishing acceptable from unacceptable forms of power." 26 About the essential need for an epistemology for the production of scientific knowledge, see Nola and Irzik (2005)pp.203-4. ...
... Foucault has been criticised for presenting a deterministic view of power that leaves little room for resistance or agency. Fraser (1989) argues that his description gives too much prominence to power as an omnipresent force, with insufficient attention to ways in which individuals and groups resist and evade disciplinary practices. Likewise, Crenshaw's (1989) intersectionality framework criticises Foucault for failing to account for how power affects individuals differently based on race, class, and gender. ...
This paper assesses Michel Foucault's idea of a disciplinary society and its connection with gender dynamics. Foucault's contributions to different fields of knowledge, with philosophy, sociology, and gender studies, are emphasized and his major publications, such as "Discipline and Punish," "The History of Sexuality," and others, are discussed as per the significance. The context of Foucault's disciplinary society theory is explored, underlining its implications for understanding power relations and social control. Gender dynamics are presented as the social, cultural, and political characteristics inducing the structure, performance, and regulation of gender identities. The paper critically evaluates the intersection of Foucault's disciplinary society and gender dynamics, considering the strengths and limitations of his theories in focusing on power and gender associations. Methodology comprises a wide-ranging review of academic resources, analysing Foucault's work and other concerned works. Foucault's disciplinary society suggests the shift in power from sovereign to disciplinary, the practices of discipline, and the effects on individuals and institutions. The analysis reveals how disciplinary power functions in several societal spaces, such as classrooms, prisons, and health facilities, inducing gendered norms and expectations. Foucault's concepts are useful to explore power and gendered disciplinary practices, surveillance of gendered bodies, technologies of gender, and the potential for resistance and subversion. However, the paper also concedes limitations in Foucault's dealing of gender as a social construct, insufficiency of an intersectional perspective, and incomplete analysis of resistance strategies. In conclusion, Foucault's concept of a disciplinary society offers valuable visions into power dynamics and gender relations within societal structures. Combining his concepts with intersectional feminist perspectives can develop our understanding of power mechanisms and the complications of gender dynamics in modern societies.
... There is little ground for consistent critique if people who engage in taking responsibility through consumer choice are assumed to be actingin a strict sensein accordance with how they wish to lead their lives (cf. Fraser, 1981). Thus, we argue against the use of a circular mode of power dynamics in responsibilization as a mode of governmentality. ...
Purpose
Critical studies within the economic and administrative sciences are increasingly paying attention to the way markets shift responsibility to consumers for societal and personal goals, referring to this process as consumer responsibilization. This article advances a new approach to responsibilization theory with the aim of overcoming some of its limitations.
Design/methodology/approach
A conceptual approach is used to critique dominant post-structural understandings of consumer responsibility and to advance alternative ways of thinking about responsibilization regimes that highlight the embodied and embedded experiences of responsible consumers.
Findings
The article suggests that responsible consumption is embodied and embedded within neoliberal social structures characterized by inherent tensions and will produce strained experiences rather than skilled and empowered neoliberal subjects. The authors underscore the need for an empirical focus on the adaptational responses of consumers to responsibilization processes. With a focus on the frictional relationship between the idealization pressures involved in responsibilization processes and the real-world consequences embodied in consumer experiences, the conceptual approach may provide new ways to advance the concept of responsibilization as a critique of neoliberal marketization.
Originality/value
While responsibilization theory has been gaining widespread attention, this is the first paper to critically examine its limitations and offer an embedded-embodied perspective on consumer responsibility.
... Segundo argumentou Rúrion Melo (2013), atualmente a revolução deixou de estar atrelada às classes operárias e ao socialismo para se vincular às lutas por direitos democráticos, privilegiando a cidadania como elemento central da emancipação. Esta linha de raciocínio parece ser adequada às críticas feitas por Jürgen Habermas, mas que também pode ser estendida para Axel Honneth (1991) e Nancy Fraser (1981), acerca de um déficit normativo na filosofia de Foucault para propor uma teoria social. Habermas, especialmente no livro The philosophical discourse of modernity (1998, p.256-58; 268-69), adotou a leitura de uma 'historicização transcendental' da genealogia do poder sobre o que considerou ser uma teoria do poder em Foucault. ...
Esse artigo propõe refletir sobre uma filosofia da resistência a partir do pensamento de Michel Foucault. Para tanto, questiona se a atualidade chegou ao fim da era da revolução. Desse modo, o artigo apresenta dois estudos. O Estudo I discute a posição do autor com relação às teses de Marx, a fim de delinear a noção de resistência dentro do quadro teórico das relações de poder. Nesse sentido, a greve geral de Maio de 1968 é exemplar. O Estudo II se ocupa em como pensar a resistência como experiência. A noção de foyer destaca a função articuladora entre o aspecto de ‘empoderamento’ da resistência com os processos de dessubjetivação da experiência. Para desenvolver essa hipótese, são considerados três temas abordados por Foucault: a transgressão, a contraconduta e a atitude crítica. A conclusão sugere que uma filosofia da resistência pode promover uma experiência de desafio.
... This is why Foucault supports that modern power relations are productive rather than negating. They lack the use of physical force and violence but make the subject produce its own confinement (Fraser, 1981;Keramas, 2014;Kioupkiolis, 2015). Disciplinary power is power that is exercised by people on themselves as a form of self-surveillance. ...
The goal of (critical) adult education is to emancipate people, to make them reflect, realize what oppresses them and take transformative action towards a more just and democratic world. In practice, it leads to the acquisition of knowledge / skills, and it is often commodified by awarding certificates / degrees adapting to the demands of the labor market. Mezirow's transformative theory has influenced the field, educators, and researchers as well. Critical reflection constitutes a necessary condition for transformative learning, a term often found in adult and higher education and considered a critical aspect of personal, educational, and professional development. This paper aspires to explain the shift of adult education to the labor market by employing Foucault’s theory and to compare the way two scholars, Mezirow and Brookfield, perceive the concepts of critical reflection and transformation and the prospects they accordingly appoint to the processes in relation to an emancipatory adult education. We conclude that Mezirow’s perspective focuses more on the individual, pursues self-realization and progressive change of society. For Brookfield, education goes hand in hand with politics. His view is critical/radical and aims at profound and drastic social change where collective action is essential.
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... States often benefit when control is distributed to the margins. In line with Foucault's theory of capillary power, modern state power operates at the "lowest extremities of the social body in everyday social practices" (Fraser, 1981). Perhaps the most dominant rationale for deputization is that private individuals have access to information that the state, operating on its own, cannot reach. ...
The state has long relied on ordinary civilians to do surveillance work, but recent advances in networked technologies are expanding mechanisms for surveillance and social control. In this article, we analyze the phenomenon in which private individuals conduct surveillance on behalf of the state, often using private sector technologies to do so. We develop the concept of surveillance deputies to describe when ordinary people, rather than state actors, use their labor and economic resources to engage in such activity. Although surveillance deputies themselves are not new, their participation in everyday surveillance deputy work has rapidly increased under unique economic and technological conditions of our digital age. Drawing upon contemporary empirical examples, we hypothesize four conditions that contribute to surveillance deputization and strengthen its effects: (1) when interests between the state and civilians converge; (2) when law institutionalizes surveillance deputization or fails to clarify its boundaries; (3) when technological offerings expand personal surveillance capabilities; and (4) when unequal groups use surveillance to gain power or leverage resistance. In developing these hypotheses, we bridge research in law and society, sociology, surveillance studies, and science and technology studies and suggest avenues for future empirical investigation.
... For example, in his explicit remarks re-gards regarding genealogy, Foucault claims that genealogy is meant to support struggles against specific practices of power (Foucault 1997, 11-12). For this reason, political philosophers like Nancy Fraser, Jürgen Habermas, and Charles Taylor, argue that Foucault is either not being open about his normative stance, making his method contradictory, or his lack of a normative framework makes his method unfit for supporting struggles against domination (Fraser 1981;Habermas 1985;Taylor 1984). Furthermore, Mitchell Dean and Daniel Zamora claim that Foucault's methodology is normative as it focuses on the practices of governing rather than state power because it therefore serves to redirect political struggle from the state to the non-state practices of power (Dean and Zamora, 2021, 5). ...
In this article, I reconsider the normative dimensions of Michel Foucault's genealogical method, especially as they pertain to analyzing the nature of political institutions. He puts forward a normative reading of Foucauldian genealogical critique, and through its lens views political institutions as historically contingent phenomena. This helps us to see how political institutions are transformable.
... The World Heritage process is shallow since it does not address underlying injustices meaningfully. Heritage commodification and the application of dissonance theory to heritage interpretation and management (Fraser, 1981;Tunbridge & Ashworth, 1996;Salemink, 2012). According to Hoffman and Wendland (2006), "Traditional knowledge and cultural manifestations are frequently the result of intergenerational and fluid social and communal creative processes that reflect and identify a community's history, cultural and social identity, and social values". ...
Tourism, as well as ICH, boosts the country's economy. Humans are the most significant aspect of intangible cultural assets and tourism, because other resources cannot meet goals and many factors influence institution development. The purposes of the current study are twofold, i.e., to explore the role of human resources in the preservation of intangible cultural heritage and to examine the process of maintaining and developing skilled and efficient human resources in the sustenance of ICH. To collect data, the articles from databases were searched using keywords and ultimately sixteen articles were reviewed and analyzed. The study findings suggested that unlike tangible heritage, which can be physically touched, intangible cultural heritage is more difficult to preserve. It is being neglected due to a lack of government initiative as well as other social or financial factors. Due to the host community's lack of skill, as a result of inadequate training, the potential for human resource development is also being overlooked. Training guidelines can be prepared for maintaining ICH.
... culty with it, arguing that it 'merely obfuscates...[It] has the effect of making the position look deeper and less challengeable than it really is' (p.277). These objections to a perceived neutral writing-style, however, are just the tip of an iceberg of a whole series of criticisms about the lack of a clear normative framework in Foucault's work.Fraser (1989), for instance, takes Foucault to task for failing to ask the question of what makes power legitimate or illegitimate. She argues that there is no route from such a 'suspension of the question of the legitimacy' (ibid.; p.28) of power to the sort of engaged critiques he seems to want to carry out. This, she claims, leaves Foucault no gro ...
The central topic of this investigation is power in community care accommodation for adults with learning difficulties. Specifically, it undertakes a qualitative psychological investigation into how people living in such accommodation experience power acting upon them, how they relate to themselves as subjects, and what problems they experience with these issues. In addressing these questions, the research draws upon the work of Michel Foucault. Crucially, Foucault (e.g. 1983, 1993), in his later life, understood his work as comprising three inter-related domains of critical enquiry – into truth, power and ethics. It is these three domains that are drawn upon in this research to examine how people talk about their situation. The research thus aims to build up a picture of how people living in care become objects of knowledge, how they are situated in specific power relationships in their homes, and how they understand their own identity and relate to themselves as subjects. This represents a much more detailed investigation into the situation of people living in community care than can be found in the existing literature, and in particular it moves beyond concerns for normalisation or quality of life.
The research proceeded through a qualitative discursive analysis of individual accounts of life in community care accommodation. Seventeen interviews were conducted with people who were living in such accommodation, or who had lived there previously. The aim of the interviews followed interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) (Smith, Jarman & Osborn, 1999) in attempting to explore and understand participants’ experiences of life in care. The accounts produced from the interviews were analysed using a combination of IPA and an adaptation of a post-structuralist approach to discourse analysis (Banister, Burman, Parker, Taylor & Tindall, 1994) based around Foucault’s three domains of critical inquiry.
Through these analyses, a number of themes (recurring topics in the interviews that related to the domains of analysis) emerged from participants’ accounts. The interviews showed, firstly, an awareness of processes of observation and assessment by a specific, usually only vaguely-referenced, group of people. There was a lack of understanding or detailed knowledge of these processes, but there was an awareness that they make available negative ways of thinking about people deemed to have learning difficulties and specific decisions and judgements about their care needs. Also, the interviews revealed a set of power relationships in which residents of the homes are conceptually divided from the staff. These power relationships are manifest in such things as residents having prohibitions and imperatives imposed on their conduct, being subject to the decisions of the staff, and being subject to reprimands and punishments for certain types of behaviour. What emerged from the analysis of participants’ discussion of these themes were areas of disagreement and resistance to their positions in power relationships. It was noted that participants were not passively positioned by power, but actively related to themselves as “liberal”, self-expressing and self-determining subjects. This self-relationship clashed with their position in differential power relationships, and created problems that they experienced with their lives in care and with their self-identity. The crucial findings, then, are that care residents’ lives are characterised by differential power relationships in which they occupy a subordinate “place” in their homes, and that they struggle with this position and experience problems with it in relation to their own self-understanding. The research thus demonstrates the importance of attending to individuals’ accounts of their own situation, producing a close reading of what they say, and placing this within the context of the breadth of Foucault’s work, and in particular, his work on ethics and self-relationships.
Problem Statement: Power institutions within societies have historically monitored and controlled individuals. After the advent of modernity, these institutions became increasingly invisible. Michel Foucault, in discussing the interdependent relationship between knowledge and power, argues that these two elements reinforce each other. As knowledge advances, power institutions gain the ability to exert control through mechanisms derived from technology. Don Ihde, in explaining the function of technology, suggests that technologies act as mediators of human knowledge. In this study, tools are examined as material entities capable of constructing structures of meaning, hence referred to as "knowledge-creating tools." Ihde also argues that these tools and technologies are not neutral in the process of human knowledge formation. The fundamental questions this study addresses are as follows: To what extent is human understanding of existence influenced by tools and technology? How do digital objects, as material entities capable of creating meaning structures, function within the mechanisms of power? Objective: This paper aims to explore digital objects as knowledge-creating tools and examine how these objects serve pervasive functions within power institutions. Methodology: The research method employed in this study is phenomenological. Phenomenology is the study of lived human experiences. The approach involves examining phenomena and describing them in terms of how they manifest and their effects, without assigning value judgments. Results: The findings indicate that technology and digital objects play a role in knowledge creation, can construct structures of meaning, and continuously position individuals to voluntarily adhere to specific algorithms and rules. By using objects like platforms, smartphones, artificial intelligence, and search engines, individuals live in a network of power mechanisms that both construct knowledge and subject them to surveillance.
This chapter examines the impact of the national political health regulations amidst the COVID-19 pandemic in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) on Congolese disabled cross-border informal traders, particularly those afflicted by poliomyelitis, at the Kinshasa-Brazzaville border post, Ngobila Beach. Operating within a complex socio-political landscape, these traders navigate triple borders, facing multifaceted barriers including physical limitations, economic uncertainties, and health risks. Through qualitative research methods including unstructured interviews, in situ observations, and in-depth life histories, the chapter analyses data to uncover the understudied effects of the adopted state's COVID-19 political health regulations on these disabled traders in the process of sustaining their livelihoods during the outbreak. The findings reveal that despite the resistance and resilience exhibited by disabled traders in protecting their business interests against state power and external events, the political health regulations adopted by the DRC government hindered their ability to continue their activities. Drawing on the notions of borders, Foucault's concept of power and theories on African states, the chapter argues that the political health regulations adopted to combat COVID-19 negatively impacted the informal cross-border trade activities of disabled traders in 2020. Additionally, it suggests that the lack of national strategies, specifically tailored to assist the informal economy sector, exacerbated the challenges faced by Congolese disabled cross-border informal traders more than the Corona virus itself. The findings shed light on the intricate interplay between disability, transnational trade, and global health crises, offering insights for policy interventions aimed at fostering inclusive economic development and public health resilience in border regions.
Belonging is a fundamental human need for connection—nearly as important as food, water, shelter, and safety. In higher education contexts, a sense of belonging can curtail loneliness and depression while also improving academic and health outcomes. To their credit, many college and university administrations have attempted to measure belonging on campus, identify key groups or areas of concern, and offer resources in response. Targeting particular populations as “not belonging” is risky, however. All members of the campus community will be better served by replacing dehumanizing organizational dynamics with inclusionary ones. To this end, we suggest that belonging can be usefully understood as a dynamic, socially constructed state—the product of an individual’s social identity in interaction with the conditions they encounter (i.e., other people and the environment). In college writing courses, teachers and students can “build the house together,” essentially starting from the ground up to tailor social conditions that stimulate feelings of belonging. This involves making intentional choices about encouraging vulnerability and considering how learning technologies affect belonging. Forging a campus culture of belonging requires a broad commitment to inclusionary practices—a shared purpose, meaningful interactions with members of diverse groups, and cultural responsiveness at every institutional level.
Problem Statement: Power institutions within societies have historically monitored and controlled individuals. After the advent of modernity, these institutions became increasingly invisible. Michel Foucault, in discussing the interdependent relationship between knowledge and power, argues that these two elements reinforce each other. As knowledge advances, power institutions gain the ability to exert control through mechanisms derived from technology. Don Ihde, in explaining the function of technology, suggests that technologies act as mediators of human knowledge. In this study, tools are examined as material entities capable of constructing structures of meaning, hence referred to as "knowledge-creating tools." Ihde also argues that these tools and technologies are not neutral in the process of human knowledge formation. The fundamental questions this study addresses are as follows: To what extent is human understanding of existence influenced by tools and technology? How do digital objects, as material entities capable of creating meaning structures, function within the mechanisms of power? Objective: This paper aims to explore digital objects as knowledge-creating tools and examine how these objects serve pervasive functions within power institutions. Methodology: The research method employed in this study is phenomenological. Phenomenology is the study of lived human experiences. The approach involves examining phenomena and describing them in terms of how they manifest and their effects, without assigning value judgments. Results: The findings indicate that technology and digital objects play a role in knowledge creation, can construct structures of meaning, and continuously position individuals to voluntarily adhere to specific algorithms and rules. By using objects like platforms, smartphones, artificial intelligence, and search engines, individuals live in a network of power mechanisms that both construct knowledge and subject them to surveillance.
The article compares and analyses two approaches to the production of subjectivity — Foucauldian and Girardian — within the context of contemporary political philosophy and philosophical anthropology. These two theories—which are arguably dominant in their respective fields—are compared due to their shared focus on the role of power and violence in the formation of the subject. Both approaches acknowledge the importance of power in shaping the self, but they differ in their emphasis on specific aspects of this process. In the Foucauldian approach, power is seen as a pervasive and complex force that permeates all aspects of society, while in Girardian theory it is understood as a more localized and intentional form of domination. Despite these differences, both approaches share a common understanding that the subject is shaped through the application of power techniques, including the use of violence. However, each approach places a different emphasis on the role of these techniques in the formation of identity and agency. Thus, in Foucauldian thought, violence internalized and instrumentalized by power through its localization in institutions is external to the individual — who appears to be a passive recipient of subjectifying practices; this also reflects the “political capture of the body” by biopower as the infection of the individual by power and self-control, and, consequently, becoming a mediator of power oneself. In contrast, the Girardian perspective—in which mimesis is the primary condition for the formation and operation of society—asserts the supremacy of violence around which institutions form, due to which violence is only partially removed from the individual. Thus the role of being violence’s operator is imposed upon them — though in a depoliticized form not directly linked to power structures. Both theories of the reproduction of subjectivity, in one way or another, diagnose and describe the crisis of the individual. They therefore propose their own solutions for overcoming this crisis. However, they share the common understanding that subjectivity is rooted in the individual. As a result, the strategies proposed by Foucault and Girard, such as self-care practices and radical Christianity, which are not formed by external power, do not transcend power or mimesis.
U svojim poznim tekstovima Fuko je ponudio jedno tumačenje Kanta koje mu daje povlašćeno mesto u istoriji mišljenja kao osnivaču naše modernosti. Fukoovi protivnici (Frejzer, Habermas i drugi) su to protumačili kao dokaz nedovoljnosti Fukoove ranije kritike Kanta, kao i kritike modernosti. Sam Fuko je uglavnom insistirao na razlikama između Kantove kritike i svog istraživanja o istorijskim uslovima znanja. Cilj ovog rada je da koriguje tezu Fukoovih kritičara, ali i Fukoovo samorazumevanje, i to kroz razmatranje njegovog pojma „istorijskog a priori“. Fukoov pokušaj da predstavi Kanta kao začetnika épistémè čoveka, koja je obeležena mešanjem empirijskog i transcendentalnog, podložan je kritici. Pored toga, neke teme Kantove kritičke filozofije: kontingencija ljudskih moći saznanja, definicija znanja u terminima odnosa između „vidljivog“ i „iskazivog“ i, na opštijem planu, pitanje granica znanja, znatno su uticale na Fukoa. S druge strane, Fukoovi kritičari su propustili da primete da se on distancirao od kantovskog ispitivanja uslova mogućnosti „istinitog saznanja“ zarad održivosti sopstvenog istraživanja faktičkog znanja i mogućnosti prevazilaženja njegovih granica. Slično tome, Fuko se u svojoj nestandardnoj interpretaciji Kantovog spisa o prosvećenosti ograđuje od univerzalističkih tendencija njegove filozofije i naglašava motive hrabrosti, individualne autonomije i otpora autoritetu koji su prisutni u Kantovom pozivu: „Imaj hrabrosti da se služiš sopstvenim razumom!“.
Filosofen Michel Foucaults forfatterskap skaper fortsatt debatt, førti år etter hans død. I stor grad er han kjent for verket Galskapens historie, der han drøfter psykiatri som historisk og ideologisk fenomen. Foucault gir et fascinerende overblikk, men er kritisert for overforenkling og manglende empirisk belegg for påstander.Basert på Foucaults verker, inkludert Seksualitetens historie, skisserer artikkelen Foucaults innspill om suicidalitet.I tidligere epoker var suicid å anse som et moralsk fenomen, som indikerte opprør mot den bestående orden og mot verdslige og religiøse normer. Senere blir suicid vurdert som uttrykk for en dysfunksjonalitet hos individ og samfunn som det påligger makthaverne (biomakten) å begrense. Et eksempel er sosiologen Durkheims klassiske verk Selvmordet (1897).Endelig nevnes hvordan suicid hos Foucault også kan forstås som en type motstand hos individet, og dermed som noe som gir terapeutiske implikasjoner.
This article seeks to analyse the problems with provision of Relationships and Sex Education ( rse ) in English schools using a Foucauldian perspective. Through this analysis, I demonstrate that the rse curriculum is used as a tool for “governing” or controlling children’s exercise of their sexuality to ensure conformity with norms, behaviours and attitudes that adults perceive children should ascribe to. However, adults tend to deny children’s developing agency and their autonomy to make decisions in relation to their sexual lives. This ignores the realities of children’s lives, in which they are exposed to sexual knowledge and information through their interactions with others, or via the internet. Using Foucault’s conceptualisation of bio-power, I argue for shifting some of the power around rse discourses from adults to children themselves, through a children’s rights-based approach. This approach to rse will ensure that the curriculum is adequate, appropriate and effective for children.
This study interrogates the Church's professed commitment to human rights and gender equality, with a specific focus on its treatment of women and women theologians, using the LIKBK Church as a case study. Despite women's significant contributions to the Church's sustenance and growth, their voices and participation remain marginalized. Employing Michel Foucault's theoretical framework, this research critically analyzes the LIKBK Church's role in perpetuating gender inequality, highlighting the ways in which its power structures and discourses silence and exclude women. By examining the contradictions between the Church's rhetoric and practices, this paper reveals the institution's complicity in sidelining women's agency and perpetuating gender-based oppression. The case study of LIKBK Church provides a nuanced understanding of the complex dynamics at play and offers insights into the ways in which religious institutions can perpetuate gender inequality.
I argue that Nietzsche’s Genealogy of Morality can be productively read as perfectionist in Emerson’s sense. After reconstructing the debate on Nietzsche’s perfectionism, I problematize the literature’s almost exclusive focus on Schopenhauer as Educator at the expense of the Genealogy, which has caused scholars to construe Nietzsche’s perfectionism in merely individualistic terms. By contrast, I show that the Genealogy can be interpreted as a perfectionist endeavor, at the heart of which lies the first-person plural: the “we.” I thereby emphasize the relevance of “we-making” for a novel reading of Nietzsche’s perfectionism—what I call his genealogical perfectionism. I conclude that the analysis of the genealogical dimension of Nietzsche’s perfectionism provides us with much-needed resources to construe it in nonindividualistic terms.
In the present contribution, dealing with the intellectual legacy of Michel Foucault forty years after his death, I offer an analysis of some possible relations between certain aspects of Foucault’s project of a history of sexuality, Richard Shusterman’s somaesthetic investigation of the experience of lovemaking, and some recent attempts to critically rethink sexuality in the context of feminist scholarship. My approach towards Foucault’s thinking in this contribution is not philological or attentively reconstructive but rather selective and interpretive. In the first section, I briefly examine Foucault’s general view of sexuality as a “limit-experience”; then, in the second section, I specifically focus my attention on his (critical) analysis of “the penetration model”—an expression coined by Foucault in the context of his inquiry into Greco-Latin sexual culture. In the third section, I take into examination the important influence of Foucault’s aesthetics of existence on Shusterman’s somaesthetics and, in particular, on his book Ars Erotica. Finally, in the fourth section, I make reference—without any ambition of completeness or systematicity—to the question of the relation between Foucault’s thinking and contemporary feminism, focusing my attention on some recent proposals for a critical rethinking of sexuality by feminist scholars such as Bini Adamczak, Ilka Quindeau, Amia Srinivasan, Tamara Tenenbaum, and bell hooks.
This chapter discusses the affective and immersive larp scenario The Prison, focusing on the dramaturgical structure, affective experiences, and challenges faced in its design and production. The production aimed to create an intense and immersive experience that encouraged reflection on the impact of affect on thoughts, behaviours, and attitudes, specifically focusing on themes of discipline, incarceration, and oppressive power relations. The chapter details the exercises, scenes, and scenography designed to evoke specific affective resonances and responses from participants, as well as the challenges faced in the production, such as budget constraints and the need to address class distinctions and prejudiced portrayals. Additionally, it outlines the potential value of productions like The Prison as micropolitical explorations, theorising around the strategies by which power and politics can be revealed and potentially disrupted through affective movements. The chapter also provides insights into participant responses and experiences, as well as the affective influences of space on performance. Furthermore, it discusses the historical and societal context that influenced the production, drawing connections to Ireland’s history of incarceration and oppression and that of Russia, the origin of the larp.
In this reply to the article “Can Critical Religion Play by Its Own Rules? Why There Must Be More Ways to Be ‘Critical’ in the Study of Religion” by Galen Watts and Sharday Mosurinjohn (2022), I take exception to the authors’ criticisms. I call attention to Watts’ and Mosurinjohn’s implication that critical religion enables racism, their imaginary construction of a methodological ‘school’ with rigid ‘rules,’ and their simplistic dismissal of Foucault’s approach to discourse analysis. I then suggest that the suspension of reified categories in Religious Studies opens up promising avenues for theory and research.
In a global context of growing inequality and socio-environmental crises, Equity in Higher Education considers the issues and challenges for progressing an equity agenda.
It advances a unique multidimensional framework based on theoretical and conceptual threads, including critical, feminist, decolonial, post-structural, and sociological discourses. It also provides readers with the sophisticated insights and tools urgently needed to challenge long-standing, entrenched, and insidious inequalities at play in and through higher education.
Written as a form of a pedagogical interaction, and addressing nuanced temporal and spatial inequalities, this key resource will be of value to policymakers, practitioners, educators, and scholars committed to progressive and groundbreaking approaches that can engage the ongoing challenges of transforming higher education towards more just realities.
O artigo examina a concepção de poder formulada por Michel Foucault em A Vontade de Saber. Pretende-se sustentar a hipótese de que a concepção defendida por Foucault nessa obra possui vantagens em relação àquelas que são alvo de suas críticas tanto no aspecto teórico-descritivo quanto no aspecto prático-político. Com relação ao aspecto teórico-descritivo, este artigo argumenta que a visão de Foucault é mais vantajosa como explicação das relações de poder por conseguir captar o modo como relações estruturadas sob a forma de dominação sempre dependem de esquemas que excedem o controle daqueles que ocupam a posição de dominador. Com relação ao aspecto prático-político, o artigo parte da discussão sobre a resistência em A Vontade de Saber para argumentar contra a interpretação que considera Foucault cético no que se refere à agência e à emancipação, enfatizando o caráter imanente e antiutópico que a noção de resistência assume em seu pensamento.
This study interrogates the Church's professed commitment to human rights and gender equality, with a specific focus on its treatment of women and women theologians, using the LIKBK Church as a case study. Despite women's significant contributions to the Church's sustenance and growth, their voices and participation remain marginalized. Employing Michel Foucault's theoretical framework, this research critically analyzes the LIKBK Church's role in perpetuating gender inequality, highlighting the ways in which its power structures and discourses silence and exclude women. By examining the contradictions between the Church's rhetoric and practices, this paper reveals the institution's complicity in sidelining women's agency and perpetuating gender-based oppression. The case study of LIKBK Church provides a nuanced understanding of the complex dynamics at play and offers insights into the ways in which religious institutions can perpetuate gender inequality.
Today, it seems impossible to discuss historians’ encounter with post-structuralist theory, the ensuing triumphant surge of the cultural turn, and the establishment of what scholars have recently called the postcultural historiography without the help of such paramount concepts of post-structuralist analysis as contingency, variability, instability, open-endedness, and so on. Having defined the last forty years of theoretical and methodological developments in history, these nowadays conventional tools of critique and interpretation have grown to become synonymous with the post-structuralist conceptual promise and outcome. This article questions this standard and exceptionally generous account. What if, the article asks, we start our account not with the resolute assertion of the radical contingency and variability of the post-structuralist view of history, but with something more fundamental to it—its own fixed and totalizing presuppositions? To show how an intellectual agenda opposed to fixed and totalizing reasoning can end up operating with fixed and totalizing logics of its own, the essay turns to Michel Foucault and his momentous career, to be traced from the 1960s to the 1980s.
This article offers a novel reconstruction of Foucault’s methodology that emphasises his respect for the natural sciences. Foucault’s work has long been suspected of reducing knowledge to power, and thus collapsing into unconstrained relativism and methodological incoherence. These concerns are predicated on a misunderstanding of Foucault’s overall approach, which takes the form of a historico-critical project rather than a normative epistemology. However, Foucault does sometimes make normative epistemological judgements, especially about the human sciences. Furthermore, there are outstanding questions about what secures the descriptive rigour of the genealogical method. To address these issues, I develop two claims that will significantly enrich our understanding of Foucault’s methodology. The first is that Foucault’s respect for the natural sciences is crucial in making sense of his normative epistemological judgements. The second is that the descriptive rigour of his genealogical method derives from the fact it is modelled on empirical inquiry.
Despite increasing attention to the importance of gender as an analytic to understanding neoliberal welfare reform, little attention has been paid to how motherhood operates to structure experiences. We propose the term ‘maternal activation’ to describe how homeless mothers as a group are subject to, and yet repurpose and resist, specific forms of social control characterising neoliberal paternalistic welfare structures. Drawing on a Critical Discourse Analysis of semi-structured interviews with fifty-four frontline homelessness workers, and eighteen homeless mothers, within the newly conditionalised Welsh homelessness system, we argue that homeless mothers have distinct experiences of neoliberal welfare governance. They navigate contradictory demands of attentive caregiving and economically engaged citizenship, amid devaluation of care created by a neoliberal emphasis on entrepreneurialism. However, performing intense motherhood offers strategic advantage for homeless mothers by enabling them to be read as ‘legible’. This highlights the utility of motherhood as a framework to understand welfare citizenship.
The theoretical considerations of my dissertation have led to the publication of a critique of Timothy Rice’s critique of Foucault. In the article, I criticize Rice’s accusation that Foucault to have ignored the agency of the knowing-acting subject or to have declared the “death” of the subject, of which I show that quite the opposite is the case.
تأتي هذه الورقة كمحاولة لتلخيص وإبراز أهم الآراء، ومختلف وجهات النظر التي جاء بها بعض المفكرين أمثال: "حنه أرندات" و"نانسي فريزر" حول مفهوم الفضاء العمومي البرجوازي الذي صاغه الفيلسوف الألماني "يورغن هابرماس"، وعليه يهدف هذا المقال إلى طرح جملة من الأفكار والتصورات التي تعد مرجعية فكرية حقيقية حول موضوع الفضاء العمومي البرجوازي، مما قد يزيد في إثراء النقاش حوله مستقبلا. خاصة في ظل التطورات الاجتماعية والتكنولوجية التي يتميز بها العصر الحديث. وهذا من خلال استعراض مجموعة من الآراء والمواقف التي تبين أن مثالية الجدل والنقاش العقلاني المؤسس على الديمقراطية والمؤصل لحرية الرأي والتعبير، وحق النقض والمساءلة. التي كانت تتشكل من خلال النوادي والساحات العامة في أوروبا الحديثة وفق تصور "هابرماس". تحمل جملة من النقائص والعيوب الواضحة تصل إلى حد التناقض، خاصة عندما يتعلق الأمر بالمساواة والمشاركة التمثيلية التي اقتصرت على الطبقة البرجوازية من الذكور، وهو ما جعل المفكرتين الأمريكيتين تطالبان بإعادة النظر في مثالية النقاش السياسي بصورة خاصة، وفي الفضاء العمومي البرجوازي بصورة عامة. لا سيما في ظل التحديات التي فرضت على الفضاء العمومي في الوقت الحاضر، خاصة أمام تراجع سلطة الدولة على أراضيها، في خضم تلاشي الحدود الإقليمية للدول وفي ظل الانفتاح والاندماج الثقافي والسياسي، الذي أفرزته العولمة بفعل التطور الهائل لتكنولوجيا الإعلام والاتصال.
A spatial perspective on microtoponyms, informal non‐standardized names of small objects and places known to the locals, is an often‐neglected segment of urban political toponymic theory and practice. Though critically‐oriented thinkers have acknowledged the role of vernacular place names in the spatial organization of symbolic cultural landscapes, place‐making processes, and the everyday life of people and their communities, conceptual spatial‐political theorizations on this subject have been relatively rare. Driven upon the critical toponymic theory, this paper aims to delineate a conceptual framework for studying urban microtoponyms as spatial phenomena by integrating the toponymic plurality notion. Based on examples primarily from non‐Western geographical contexts, this paper offers a fresh perspective on urban place naming practices and related spatial processes providing some analytical pathways for critical scholars in urban toponymy and guiding potential empirical investigations in this field.
Since Donald Trump’s presidency and the diverse efforts to undermine the transfer of power after the 2020 election, the risks of extreme polarization and democratic backsliding in the United States (US) have been highlighted in the literature. Yet the epistemic dimension of these developments remains underresearched. Embedded in a genealogical Foucauldian governmentality/counter-conduct approach, this contribution addresses the puzzle of how election denialism and related (violent) anti-system activity are being rationalized, legitimized, and anchored in political subjectivities as efforts to ‘protect’ American democracy. This perspective allows to inquire into liberalism’s authoritarian potential that can be mobilized through different forms of counter-conduct. The study analytically disentangles these forms based on their prime targets, modes of operation, and the forms of knowledge they rely on. Focusing on the swing state of Arizona, the empirical analysis furthermore highlights the role of the subnational level in interlinking counter-conduct and (autocratizing) governmental practices in a federal system. Conceptually, the study renders visible a profound struggle over the epistemic foundations of the current liberal constitutional and political order that clearly transcends the issue of the 2020 election, Donald Trump, and even the context of the United States. Indeed, similar patterns of subjectivation and counter-conduct can also be detected for example in Germany. Moreover, this paper expands the scope of the concept of counter-conduct to study radical right-wing contestations and related questions of epistemic (in)justice. It thereby seeks to encourage debate on how political science can address the pluralization and polarization of contents, standards, and forms of knowledge as they become relevant to democratic backsliding.
Foucault has had an extraordinarily wide‐ranging impact upon the social and political sciences since his untimely death in 1984. In 2007, according to the Times Higher Education Supplement , he was the most cited author in the humanities. His concepts of knowledge, power, and the constitution of subjectivity have been taken up in disciplines as diverse as accountancy, geography, feminist, gay, and queer theory. In addition to his published works, he wrote many shorter articles and recorded many interviews on political issues of the day. His most important contributions to political theory lie in his discussions of power, especially after his lectures on liberal and neoliberal governmentality in 1978 and 1979.
This paper presents a new interpretation of Michel Foucault's critical project. It is well known that Foucault's genealogical critique does not focus on issues of justification, but instead tackles “aspectival captivity,” that is, apparently inevitable limits of thought that constrain the subject's freedom but that, in fact, can be transformed. However, it has not been recognized that, according to Foucault, critique can proceed along two distinct paths. In a key passage of “What Is Critique?,” Foucault states that critique is tasked with questioning truth about its effects of power and with questioning power about its discourses of truth. We show that this “double movement” organizes Foucault's critical project as a whole, giving it a significantly wider scope and a more complex structure than has been previously acknowledged. At the heart of the above‐mentioned bifurcation lies an apparent tension between two contrastive roles Foucault assigns to truth‐telling in the context of critique: on the one hand, truth‐telling (as avowal) is a target of critique; on the other, truth‐telling (as parrhesia ) is one of critique's methods. We argue that combining these two dimensions in a unified account is crucial for understanding and re‐evaluating Foucault's critical project as a whole. By showing that truth‐telling remains an essential element of Foucauldian critique, this paper also rectifies some influential misinterpretations according to which Foucault's critical project seeks to eliminate truth from the picture.
Cahiers de Royaumont
- Freud Nietzsche
Nietzsche, Freud, Marx", Cahiers de Royaumont, Philosophie Numero 6: Nietzsche
(Paris, 1967), pp. 183-200.
Truth and PowerThe Eye of Power ffTwo Lectures
- Strategies Power
Power and Strategies", Power/Knowledge, op.cit., p. 142. "Truth and Power",
op.cit., pp. 119, 125. "The Eye of Power", op.cit., pp. 151 ff. "Two Lectures",
op.cit., pp. 104-5. Discipline and Punish, op.cit., pp. 201-9.
The History of Sexuality, Volume I, op.citTruth and PowerTwo Lectures
- Strategies Power
Power and Strategies", op.cit., pp. 139-41. The History of Sexuality, Volume I,
op.cit., pp. 5-13. "Truth and Power", op.cit., p. 119. "Body/Power", op.cit., p. 59.
25 "Two Lectures", op.cit., pp. 90-2.
Power and Strategies 27 This formulation combines points suggested to me by Richard Rorty and Albrecht Wellmer. 28 Discipline and Punish, op.cit., p. 27Power and StrategiesTwo Lectures
- Ibid
26 Ibid., p. 98. "Power and Strategies", op.cit., p. 142.
27 This formulation combines points suggested to me by Richard Rorty and Albrecht
Wellmer.
28 Discipline and Punish, op.cit., p. 27. "Power and Strategies", op.cit., pp. 141-2. "Two
Lectures", op.cit., p. 93. "Truth and Power", op.cit., pp. 131-3.
Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, trans
- Rupert Swyer
"The Discourse on Language", trans. by Rupert Swyer, The Archaeology of
Knowledge, op.cit., pp. 216ff. "Nietzsche, Genealogy, History", op.cit., pp 51ff.
Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, trans. by Alan Sheridan (New York,
1979) pp. 17 ff., 101-2, 170 ff., 192.
The History of Sexuality
- Power Truth
Truth and Power", op.cit., p. 113. Discipline and Punish, op.cit., pp. 184-5
9 "The History of Sexuality", Power/Knowledge, op.cit., p. 184. "Two Lectures",
Power/Knowledge, op.cit., pp. 93, 95.
10 "Two Lectures", Ibid., pp. 91 ff.
11 "The Eye of Power", Power/Knowledge, op.cit., pp. 158-9. "Prison Talk",
Power/Knowledge, op.cit., p. 38.
An Introduction, trans
The History of Sexuality, Volume I: An Introduction, trans. by Robert Hurley (New
York, 1978), pp. 61 ff.
Power and Strategies
- Discipline
- Op Punish
Discipline and Punish, op.cit., p. 27. "Power and Strategies", op.cit., pp. 141-2. "Two
Lectures", op.cit., p. 93. "Truth and Power", op.cit., pp. 131-3.