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... They estimates that speed and drink-driving control together contributed at least 22-25% reductions in serious crashes, more that any other influencing factor at the same time. Elvik (2000), in a working paper for ESCAPE, arrived at a similar conclusion with Norwegian data. ...
... Additionally, looking at various methods of enforcement and their impact on safety may suggest which methods appear to be more effective. A more direct analysis of this issue was carried out by Elvik (2000) in Wp1: 'Cost-Benefit Analysis of Police Enforcement'. ...
... Therefore, it is of great interest to assess the relative impact on safety of major policing actions and other factors. Elvik (2000) has done it for Norway, in a working paper for ESCAPE. He demonstrated that police traffic enforcement was one of the more cost effective methods of accident reduction. ...
ABSTRACT The present document is deliverable 3 (D3) ‘The impact of enforcement on accidents’, prepared,for ,ESCAPE (Enhanced Safety ,Coming ,from ,Appropriate ,Police
... In Canada, motor vehicle collisions resulted in 1,745 fatalities in 2020 (Transport Canada, 2020). A considerable proportion of such catastrophic events could be prevented by effectively enforcing traffic safety regulations (Demers, 2021;Elvik, 2001). For instance, 65.1 % of road traffic deaths reported in Canada in 2020 were attributed to three prevalent human factors known to contribute to road traffic fatalities (Transport Canada, 2020): (i) distracted driving, (ii) speeding/driving too fast for conditions, and (iii) impaired driving. ...
... For instance, 65.1 % of road traffic deaths reported in Canada in 2020 were attributed to three prevalent human factors known to contribute to road traffic fatalities (Transport Canada, 2020): (i) distracted driving, (ii) speeding/driving too fast for conditions, and (iii) impaired driving. By modelling different types of TSE implemented (e.g., speed enforcement, seat belt enforcement) on the number of casualty crashes using a power function, Elvik (2001) suggested a greater number and diversity of TSE types was associated with significantly reducing the occurrence of casualty crashes. According to Walter et al. (2011), TSE substantially reduces the number of speed limit violations both within the area of enforcement activity as well as in surrounding areas. ...
... Handhavingsdruk of objectieve pakkans is zowel voor de specifieke als de generale (via subjectieve pakkans) preventie van overtredingen een belangrijke element voor effectief handhavingsbeleid. Op basis van gegevens uit elf studies leidde Elvik (2001) ...
... Voor de situatie in Noorwegen vergeleek Elvik (2001) 59 typen wegen, zoals op de grote verkeersaders binnen de bebouwde kom of de bovengemiddeld gevaarlijke 80 km/uur-wegen. Hier belanden we bij het vrijwel onoplosbare vraagstuk hoe gevoelens en percepties ten aanzien van gevaarlijk gedrag in de directe leefomgeving verenigd kunnen worden met landelijke of regionale ongevallen-of risicogegevens, die vaak een andere gevarenprioriteit laten zien. ...
... Handhavingsdruk of objectieve pakkans is zowel voor de specifieke als de generale (via subjectieve pakkans) preventie van overtredingen een belangrijke element voor effectief handhavingsbeleid. Op basis van gegevens uit elf studies leidde Elvik (2001) ...
... Voor de situatie in Noorwegen vergeleek Elvik (2001) 59 typen wegen, zoals op de grote verkeersaders binnen de bebouwde kom of de bovengemiddeld gevaarlijke 80 km/uur-wegen. Hier belanden we bij het vrijwel onoplosbare vraagstuk hoe gevoelens en percepties ten aanzien van gevaarlijk gedrag in de directe leefomgeving verenigd kunnen worden met landelijke of regionale ongevallen-of risicogegevens, die vaak een andere gevarenprioriteit laten zien. ...
... A five fold increase in enforcement has been found to increase the subjective risk of detection, and subsequently to result in a reduction in the percentage of offenders and a reduction in crashes by 20-30% (Ostvik & Elvik, 1990). A more recent review, of both manual and automatic enforcement techniques, does not support the existence of marked threshold effects (Elvik 2001). The relationship between the amount of enforcement and the level of road safety appears to be quite smooth, with no sharp discontinuities. ...
... However, the results suggested that Very Low enforcement was associated with only 0.99% increase in crashes (though this result was not necessarily reliable). The absence of a monotonic trend of effects on crash frequency associated with increasing levels of enforcement, in contrast with previous findings (Elvik 2001), casts doubt on the reliability of the set of estimates of the enforcement effects. ...
The objective was to measure the presence of any interaction between the effect of mobile covert speed camera enforcement and the effect of intensive mass media road safety publicity with speed-related themes. During 1999, the Victoria Police varied the levels of speed camera activity substantially in four Melbourne police districts according to a systematic plan. Camera hours were increased or reduced by 50% or 100% in respective districts for a month at a time, during months when speed-related publicity was present and during months when it was absent. Monthly frequencies of casualty crashes, and their severe injury outcome, in each district during 1996-2000 were analysed to test the effects of the enforcement, publicity and their interaction. Reductions in crash frequency were associated monotonically with increasing levels of speed camera ticketing, and there was a statistically significant 41% reduction in fatal crash outcome associated with very high camera activity. High publicity awareness was associated with 12% reduction in crash frequency. The interaction between the enforcement and publicity was not statistically significant.
... Some of these studies (e.g., Hakkert et al., 2001;Makowsky and Stratmann, 2011) found that TLE activities and/or fines had some positive effects on road accident reduction, while others Tarko, 2008) did not find any statistical significance for enforcement measures. This difference in findings has led authors such as Elvik (2001) to argue that all relevant costs and benefits should be taken into account when evaluating TLE effectiveness. ...
Using a dynamic transfer function model-based methodology, this study analyzes the joint influence of legislation changes, enforcement and compliance with driving regulations in terms of road fatalities in Spain during the 2005–2015 time period. Three robust econometric models demonstrate that two of the road safety law reforms recently implemented in Spain, the points-based driver's license and the toughening of the Penal Code, have had positive impacts, albeit with varying durations. Their impacts are also seen to have been reinforced by the application of a range of monitoring instruments to track compliance. The most effective of these include radar speed measuring devices, the mere presence of which has the desired deterrent effect irrespective of the positive proof that they might detect. However, lack of compliance with maximum alcohol limits seems to increase road fatalities, which suggests that a more complex preventive strategy needs to be developed through a combination of programmed actions. Lastly, the irreplaceable deterrence role of traffic police who enforce compliance with driving laws stands out, with the number of officers deployed being decisive.
... Thus, a common strategy to improve road safety has been the increase of traffic surveillance, considered an important factor to reduce the risk of crashes. This relationship has been addressed by different research projects like the European project ESCAPE, which conducted eight independent studies on the relationship between intense traffic surveillance, driving speed, and crashes (Elvik 2001). Similarly, project PEPPER carried out a meta-analysis study on traffic control policies (Erke et al. 2009), and project SUNflower studied the effect of surveillance on the use of seatbelts and driving under the influence (Wegman et al. 2008). ...
Environmental Criminology has developed a robust framework that provides the scientific support and necessary foundation for crime analysis through crime mapping. This theoretical approach focuses on the situational and temporal characteristics of criminal opportunity rather than on the offender’s behavior for crime prevention. In the scope of road safety and traffic crashes, few studies have adopted this approach. This study used risk terrain modeling (RTM), developed by the Rutgers Center on Public Security, to determine the relative importance of varying environmental risk factors on alcohol-related crashes and traffic accidents. The independent variables consisted of a set of potential environmental risk factors, while the dependent variable comprised all DWI crashes and traffic accidents in the province of Cádiz in 2012. According to the results of the current study, restaurant locations are spatially associated with the occurrence of drunk driving crashes, while proximity restaurants and recreational lodging centers correlate with the sites of traffic accidents.
... Enforcement bodies, like any other agency, have financial and human-resource constraints, and will either formally or informally engage in cost-benefit analyses in deciding whether and how they investigate a crime. 34 When laws do not treat the act of advertising illicit goods as a crime in itself, there is a need to reference the laws that regulate the item in the 'offline' environment. The same is true for prosecutors, who are typically given significant discretion over the cases they pursue. ...
This brief explores the many legal and enforcement challenges posed by internet-based illegal wildlife trade (IWT). It discusses how this type of trade creates a set of problems for officials in addition to the challenges they already with face off line wildlife trade; forcing them to operate in a trans-jurisdictional, virtual space that they, and the law, are largely unprepared to manage.
... Good policy performance should result in a better safety performance and fewer final outcomes and lower social costs. According to Elvik (2001) enforcement is an effective way to ensure better compliance with road traffic laws. Frequent police interventions that are unpredictable, well published and highly visible should raise the (objective and subjective) probability of being caught (ETSC, 2003). ...
Road safety is a relevant theme to study, due to the human as well as financial suffering caused by road crashes. To improve the level of road safety in a country, it is important to gain insight into this complex phenomenon. The development of a diverse set of road safety related indicators is valuable in this respect. Here, the concept of the road safety target hierarchy is used as a theoretical framework for presenting essential indicators of the safety management system. Special attention goes to final outcomes, intermediate outcomes, policy output and policy input. By listing indicators on the different levels of this hierarchy, not only final outcomes can be captured and monitored but also various aspects of road safety such as human behaviour, prevalent laws and economic background. This study aims at developing an appropriate indicator system for monitoring road safety in Europe. Possible indicators are formulated on each level of the hierarchy and subsequently evaluated using several criteria such as relevance and data availability. The final indicator set helps in offering a more complete picture of the road safety situation in a country or region and enables policymakers to better understand the underlying phenomena and take appropriate action at an early stage.
... A meta-analysis of 39 studies evaluating the effects of drink driving enforcement (either alone or in conjunction with other measures) showed that significant reductions in all crash severity types could be accomplished (Elvik, 2001). Delaney et. ...
... The impact of police patrols on the reduction of road accidents and offences has been dealt with in depth in the literature (Elvik and Vaa, 2004), but their implementation with respect to patrol vehicle work procedures has rarely been investigated or analyzed. According to Elvik (2001), the Norwegian traffic police receive lists of road accident blackspots and the results of speed measurements from highway agencies. Enforcement is then targeted at the most problematic road sections, according to the speeding and accident records. ...
The traffic police routine patrol vehicle mission is to provide service to the public, primarily through enforcement of traffic laws and assistance to road users after accidents or other calls for service. An efficient traffic police location and schedule assignment (TPLSAP) across a road network ensures that the traffic police undertake their mission effectively. In the search for effective road network cover solutions, a multiple-objective linear program is developed in the first stage with three distinct objectives. The objective functions maximize the following: (1) traffic police presence and conspicuousness; (2) police presence at blackspots where frequent traffic offences occur; and (3) the time available for proactive work. In the second stage of the TPLSAP formulation, distance and time halo effect integer linear programs produce a detailed, daily shift schedule across the planning horizon. Consequently, we formulate a routine traffic police schedule–location and activity problem, which incorporates road safety recommendations drawn from the literature, police policy and operational constraints. Finally, we apply the formulation to a case study of the interurban road network in Northern Israel, which highlights potential improvements over the current schedules. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
... Badania efektywnoci prowadzone na obszarze pilota¿owym w Wielkiej Brytanii, na którym zainstalowano ponad 174 kamery wykaza³y spadek prêdkoci redniej o 6.7 km/h i redukcjê wypadków w okolicach zainstalowanych kamer o 28 %. Dok³adniejsze badania wykaza³y redni¹ redukcje prêdkoci w Wielkiej Bryta- nii [13] o 6 km/h. Natomiast na obszarach zabudowanych rednia prêdkoae zmniejszy³a siê o 1213%. ...
Streszczenie. W artykule przedstawiono krótką diagnozę wypadków i ofiar, których przyczyną była nadmierna prędkość oraz główne czynniki wpływające na przekraczanie prędkości przez kierowców. W dalszej części artykułu przedstawiono rozwój automatycznego nadzoru nad ruchem jako najskuteczniejszego narzędzia rozwiązywania tego typu problemów oraz doświadczenia innych krajów we wdrażaniu automatycznej kontroli nad ruchem. W ostatniej części przedstawiono zagadnienie rozwoju automatycznej kontroli zawartej w Krajowym Programie Gambit 2005.
Summary. In article has been presented short diagnosis of accidents and victims because of speeding and main factors influencing speeding. In following part of article has been presented development of automatic traffic enforcement as the most effective tool of solving this problem and other countries experience in introducing automatic traffic enforcement. In the last part has been presented issue of automatic traffic enforcement development contained in National Road Safety Program Gambit 2005.
... A more recent review, of both manual and automatic enforcement techniques, does not support the existence of marked threshold effects (Elvik, 2001). The relationship between the amount of enforcement and the level of road safety appears to be quite smooth, with no sharp discontinuities. ...
... Given the fact that in many countries traffic law enforcement forms a central part of the road safety program, there is still a considerable limitation in the extent of the scientific knowledge about the most (cost-)efficient ways of enforcing traffic violations in general and speed violations in particular. One of the reasons, as pointed out by Elvik (2001), is that studies of police enforcement do not always describe the different aspects of the enforcement situation, such as the severity of penalties, the incidence of violations before the start of the enforcement, and the way enforcement actions were divided over place and time. This situation complicates the task of drawing lessons from evaluation studies. ...
In an evaluation study, the effects of targeted speed enforcement on speed and road accidents were assessed. Enforcement was predominantly carried out by means of mobile radar and focused on rural non-motorway roads. Information and publicity supported the enforcement activities. The evaluation covered a period of 5 years of enforcement. The speed data of these 5 years and the year preceding the enforcement project showed a significant decrease in mean speed and the percentage speed limit violators over time. The largest decrease was found in the first year of the enforcement project and in the fourth year of the project, when the enforcement effort was further intensified. There were similar decreases in speeding at both the enforced roads and at the nearby comparison roads that were not subjected to the targeted speed enforcement project, which may be explained by spillover effects. The best estimate for the safety effect of the enforcement project is a reduction of 21% in both the number of injury accidents and the number of serious casualties. This was based on comparison between the number of accidents/casualties during the enforcement project (5 years) and and the 8 preceding years on the enforced roads and at all other roads outside urban areas in the same region.
... Several researchers ͑e.g. Zaal 1994;ETSC 1999;Elvik 2001͒ have reported that the strategy of strengthening law enforcement has been found to be the most effective way to improve driver behavior and subsequently to reduce the number of road crashes. While other alternatives such as raising the awareness level of drivers through education campaigns could yield a long-term positive influence on driver attitudes and beliefs. ...
Speeding behavior is a complex problem that requires a full understanding of drivers' attitudes and beliefs. Such understanding could lead to effective design and robust interventions to improve the speeding behavior of drivers. In this article, the attitudes and beliefs of a sample of 402 drivers from Al Ain are analyzed using the framework of the Theory of Planned Behavior as a reference. Al Ain is the fourth largest city in the United Arab Emirates, located about 120 km from Dubai. A multiple regression analysis was applied to assess the relationship between self-reported speeding behavior and the drivers' attitudes and beliefs. The results indicated a significant association between the attitudes and beliefs and self-reported speeding behavior. The attitudes and beliefs were also explored in the context of the demographic characteristics of the drivers. This study recommends strengthening law enforcement by particularly increasing police patrols and introducing tougher speeding fines in Al Ain to reduce excessive speeding. Other alternatives such as awareness campaigns for building drivers' awareness might yield long-term positive influence on driver attitudes and beliefs about speeding. However, these alternatives would take time, and, without the presence of tighter speed controls through law enforcement, such awareness campaigns may not be very effective.
... This lack of data makes it difficult to interpret the real effects of enforcement and makes defining the optimal level of enforcement impossible. Third, the research literature seems to suggest that the effects of increasing the amount of traffic law enforcement can only be achieved within restricted areas that are in the foci of enforcement experiments, but not at a national level (e.g., Elvik, 2001;Goldenbeld et al., 1999;Zaal, 1994). ...
Traditionally, traffic enforcement has been an important means of improving traffic safety. Many studies have provided evidence of connections between the level of police enforcement and both driving behavior and the number of traffic accidents. In Northern Kosovo, there has been little, if any, traffic enforcement during the last 13 years. This situation has created a very rare research opportunity - it is now possible to directly study the influence of traffic enforcement on the attitudes and behavior of drivers by comparing two regions, one with traffic enforcement and one without it (Serbia vs. Northern Kosovo). The sample in the present study consisted of 424 drivers (204 from Serbia and 220 from Northern Kosovo). Questionnaires included items about the behaviors of the drivers (e.g., speeding, seat belt, drunk driving) and their attitudes. We also conducted field observations of driving behavior. The results indicated that the lack of enforcement affects almost every type of behavior that we examined. Compared with drivers in Serbia, drivers in Northern Kosovo drive faster, exceed speed limits more frequently, use seat belts less frequently, drive after exceeding the legal limit for alcohol more often, commit aggressive and ordinary violations more frequently and are generally involved in more risky situations.
... Afbeelding 4.2. De relatie tussen de toe-of afname van de handhavingsinspanning en de stijging of daling van het percentage letselongevallen (Elvik, 2001). ...
Reassessment of priorities for the regional traffic enforcement teams
The Traffic Enforcement Team of the National Public Prosecutor’s Office asked SWOV to carry out a study for the purpose of a reassessment of the priorities for the regional traffic enforcement teams. This report discusses the results of this study. The essence of the Traffic Enforcement Team of the National Public Prosecutor’s Office’s request was to make clear the extent to which the present priorities are still valid and whether new and different priorities need to be formulated and how this can be the basis for the legitimacy of traffic enforcement during the following ten years.
Partly due to the efforts of the regional traffic enforcement teams, traffic behaviour in recent years has (greatly) improved on several points. This was one of the reasons for asking how valid the present priorities still are. I may be the case that better results may be obtained by a redistribution of the enforcement efforts (focusing on different priorities or on specific target groups). The Traffic Enforcement Team of the National Public Prosecutor’s Office can use this to contribute to achieving the Dutch national target that has been formulated: a reduction of the annual number of road fatalities to a maximum of 500 and of serious road injuries to a maximum of 10.600 in 2020 (Ministerie van Verkeer en Waterstaat, 2008; 2010).
This study has been carried out in two phases. In the first phase an inventory was made of dangerous traffic behaviours, and the second phase was used to analyse how traffic enforcement influences such traffic behaviours.
Also in the first phase, the behaviours that are considered a road safety hazard were briefly described and an inventory was made of what is known about how hazardous the behaviour is, its prevalence (i.e. how often does it occur), whether special target groups for enforcement can be distinguished, and what is known about regional or international differences. Some behaviours appear to be very hazardous and can also be influenced by enforcement. Examples are traffic behaviour related to alcohol or speeding. Other behaviours, e.g. driving under the influence of drugs, are also hazardous and can be influenced by enforcement, but efficient enforcement tools are not yet available. There are also behaviours that are not easily influenced by enforcement, for instance driving while fatigued or distracted. For these behaviours other influencing methods, like engineering or public information, are more obvious tools. The inventory is concluded with a survey of the behaviours that have been discussed, which behaviours are already included in the present priorities, and which behaviours can be influenced by traffic enforcement.
The second phase of the study discussed those behaviours that can be influenced by traffic enforcement. For each behaviour it has been investigated which level of enforcement is already being used, and what the direct or indirect effect may be of more or less traffic enforcement. The relation between effort and effect has been investigated for driving speed and alcohol in earlier research; for other behaviours this relation is not so clear. This second phase is concluded with an overview of the analysis results per type of behaviour and the conclusion about its enforcement, either as a spearhead or not.
A concluding section discusses how traffic enforcement is organized in the Netherlands and which recommendations can be made concerning effectiveness and efficiency. There is special attention for the dose-response relation, in other words: the relation between the amount of enforcement and the size of the effect on behaviour and/or crashes. Availability of knowledge about the amount of enforcement that is used and its effects is found to be of the utmost importance. Furthermore, developments are described that may affect enforcement in years ahead. Finally, recommendations are made for three areas. Firstly, these are recommendations concerning the present priorities (Are they still valid? Can new priorities be identified?). Secondly, there are recommendations about themes or target groups: these concern different behaviours involving the same target group or the same theme. For example, these are not wearing a moped helmet and moped riders riding their vehicle without a licence. It is suggested how an integral approach may have reciprocal effects on the approaches towards different behaviours. Thirdly, recommendations are made for further research. The study has found several knowledge gaps. These are lacunas in knowledge about the hazards or prevalence of separate behaviours, about the relation between dose and effect, and about the optimal combination of enforcement and public information. To obtain traffic enforcement in the Netherlands that is organized in the best possible way and is also future-proof, research into these knowledge gaps is essential.
... on than the linear form. This implies that a given percentage change of the intervention variable causes a constant change of responses. As a result, the marginal effect depends on the base level: the lower the enforcement and penalty level, the stronger the behavioral reaction to a given intervention. This pattern is common for behavioral effects. Elvik (2001), for instance, assumed a similar curve, when he derived a dose–response relationship between police enforcement and number of injury accidents from a synthesis of several studies. The results suggest limited effectiveness in increasing the wearing rate of seat belts just by means of stronger enforcement and higher fines, even if the reg ...
To what extent can traffic offences be reduced through stronger enforcement, higher penalties, and the provision of information to road users? This question was addressed with respect to the offences of "speeding" and "driving unbelted." Data were collected by a telephone survey of admitted speeders, followed by 438 face-to-face stated response interviews. Based on the data collected, separate statistical models were developed for the two offences. The models predict the behavioral effect of increasing enforcement density and/or penalty size as well as the additional effect of providing information to car drivers. All three factors are predicted to be effective in reducing speeding. According to the model, one additional enforcement event per year will cause a driver to reduce his current frequency of speeding by 5%. A penalty increase of 10 Euros is predicted to have the same effect. An announcement of stronger enforcement or higher fines is predicted to have an additional effect on behavior, independent of the actual magnitudes of increase in enforcement or fines. With respect to the use of a seat belt, however, neither an increase in enforcement density nor its announcement is predicted to have a significant effect on driver behavior. An increase in the penalty size is predicted to raise the stated wearing rate, which is already 90% in Austria. It seems that both the fear of punishment and the motivation for driving unbelted are limited, so that there is only a weak tradeoff between the two. This may apply to most traffic offences, with the exception of speeding, which accounts for over 80% of tickets alone, whereas all other offences account for less than 3% each.
... This lack of data makes it difficult to interpret the real effects of enforcement and makes defining the optimal level of enforcement impossible. Third, the research literature seems to suggest that the effects of increasing the amount of traffic law enforcement can only be achieved within restricted areas that are in the foci of enforcement experiments, but not at a national level (e.g., Elvik, 2001;Goldenbeld et al., 1999;Zaal, 1994). ...
Implementation of law and traffic enforcement plays one of the key roles in shaping of attitudes and consistent behaviour patterns. The goal of this research is to determine to what extent implementation of law and traffic enforcement affects the shaping of drivers' attitudes and behaviour, i.e. what attitudes and behavioural patterns are influenced the most by this. In that sense, comparison of drivers' attitudes and behaviour was done between almost identical areas, but significantly different in the level of traffic law enforcement: one has a high level of traffic law enforcement (Serbia without AP Kosovo and Metohija), and the other low level, or the law is almost not enforced at all (northern AP Kosovo and Metohija). The results showed that in the environment where traffic enforcement is not applied, drivers tend to take more risks, as well as that the lack of traffic enforcement affected the attitudes of young drivers.
... Given the fact that in many countries traffic law enforcement forms a central part of the road safety program, there is still a considerable limitation in the extent of the scientific knowledge about the most (cost-)efficient ways of enforcing traffic violations in general and speed violations in particular. One of the reasons, as pointed out by Elvik (2001), is that studies of police enforcement do not always describe the different aspects of the enforcement situation, such as the severity of penalties, the incidence of violations before the start of the enforcement, and the way enforcement actions were divided over place and time. This situation complicates the task of drawing lessons from evaluation studies. ...
In an evaluation study, the effects of targeted speed enforcement on speed and road accidents were assessed. Enforcement was predominantly carried out by means of mobile radar and focused on rural non-motorway roads. Information and publicity supported the enforcement activities. The evaluation covered a period of 5 years of enforcement. The speed data of these 5 years and the year preceding the enforcement project showed a significant decrease in mean speed and the percentage speed limit violators over time. The largest decrease was found in the first year of the enforcement project and in the fourth year of the project, when the enforcement effort was further intensified. There were similar decreases in speeding at both the enforced roads and at the nearby comparison roads that were not subjected to the targeted speed enforcement project, which may be explained by spillover effects. The best estimate for the safety effect of the enforcement project is a reduction of 21% in both the number of injury accidents and the number of serious casualties. This was based on comparison between the number of accidents/casualties during the enforcement project (5 years) and and the 8 preceding years on the enforced roads and at all other roads outside urban areas in the same region.
Introduction. The implementation of the Weighing in Motion System (WIM) in Ukraine has been started in compliance with the State Targeted Economic Program for the Development of Public Highways of State Importance in 2018-2022 and was aimed at preserving the road surface from damaging and reducing expenses for road maintenance.
In order to ensure transparency in the field of state planning for the road construction, reconstruction and repair, Ukravtodor ensures the publication of up-to-date WIM information via interactive map http://bit.ly/wiminbrief and annual statistical reports.
The paper describes an analysis of traffic volume coefficients based on WIM data.
Problems. The need for improving the method of calculating of road pavement structures (non-rigid and rigid) reliability under existing traffic loads, taking into account the WIM data on traffic volume and traffic condition.
Purpose. Clarification of traffic conditions and traffic loads on road pavement.
Materials and method. Mathematical modelling using survey data.
Results. Up-to-date traffic volume coefficients.
Conclusions. The implementation of WIM System and WIM sites network expansion is a progressive way for traffic volume and traffic load monitoring and reducing destructive impact of overloaded vehicles on road pavement. WIM data is suitable for traffic load modelling loads and road pavement designing.
ntroduction. Road traffic accidents (hereinafter — traffic accidents) are a serious problem that affects the lives and health of the younger generation, as according to statistics, young people under the age of 35 are most often injured and killed in traffic accidents. Today, in Ukraine, the level of fatalities and injuries due to traffic accidents is quite high, and the level of traffic safety remains extremely low. In the UK, traffic accidents are the leading cause of death for people aged from 5 to 34 and account for more than 15% of fatalities in this age group. Ukraine is one of the leaders among the European countries in terms of specific accident rates and the consequences of road accidents. On average, in EU member states there are 5 percent of traffic fatalities per 100,000 inhabitants, while in Ukraine this indicator is 8.22 percent of people (according to 2019 statistical data). Problem statement. The main cause of accidents with serious consequences and deaths is overspeeding. Purpose. Therefore, it is extremely important to evaluate the effectiveness of automatic photo and video registration of traffic violations that affect the severity of the consequences of traffic accidents. Materials and methods. Empirical methods of scientific research are used to analyze the impact of automatic photo and video registration systems of traffic violations. Results. The article presents a brief diagnosis of accidents with fatalities and/or injuries due to speeding and the main factors influencing speeding by drivers. Also the impact of the system of automatic photo-video fixation of traffic violations on reducing the level of accidents and the experience of other countries in the implementation of similar systems. Conclusions. Using the empirical methods of scientific research it is proved that automatic photo and video registration systems prevent the occurrence of traffic accidents with serious consequences. This is confirmed by comparing the results before and after the installation of automatic photo and video registration systems.
Despite recent improvements in tackling road safety challenges, particularly in developed countries, road traffic crashes account for 1.35 million deaths annually and cost over 65 us$ billion. This paper reviews the existing socio-economic costs literature, highlights research gaps, and draws attention to the lack of analysis in developing countries, which account for 90% of the fatalities. We rely on both simple descriptive analyses and formal econometric analyses. Our descriptive results show an upward trend over the recent years, mostly in high and middle-income countries. The paper focuses on the differences in estimating the socio-economic costs of road traffic crashes using two popular methodologies, the willingness-to-pay (wtp) and the human capital (hc). Our econometric analysis shows that papers that use wtp tend to compute the impact as a percentage of gdp that is on average ̃1% higher than those that use the hc approach. Likewise, studies using the human capital method tend to underestimate the total socio-economic costs by a factor of two compared to the cost derived from the wtp approach; this gap then reduces substantially when accounting for population density, countries' income levels, and road safety outcomes. Further, the paper stresses the underreporting problem and the inexistence of a mechanism to reasonably account for it in socio-economic costs calculations. The paper concludes by advocating for more studies focusing on low and middle-income countries using a combination of common approaches with other valuation methods.
Context: Every government implements various policies to mitigate road traffic injuries (RTIs). Many of these interventions are performed by traffic police. To evaluate effectiveness and efficiency of police enforcement, numerous studies have been conducted. Potential capabilities of epidemiology could get opportunity to improve these studies. The aim of this study was to extract and discuss some related methodological points of traffic police effectiveness and efficiency from related studies, in view of epidemiology discipline. Evidence Acquisition: Related articles were searched with "traffic police", "effectiveness", "efficiency" and "road safety" keywords in ScienceDirect, PubMed and Safetylit databases. Related papers were selected and read carefully to summarize and discuss the epidemiological points with aims of giving clues to improve quality of studies. Results: From a total of 797 articles, 20 were eligible which among them 17 articles were about effectiveness and 3 of them were about efficiency evaluations. Discussed points were the method of study, taking a holistic view to all positive and negative side effects, desired inputs and outputs, relation pattern between police enforcement and outcome and potential confounders. Conclusions: Better understanding of the effectiveness and efficiency mechanism and having valid evaluation required considering specific theories and points in this field. Applying a dynamic approach with considering epidemiological concepts and sophisticated statistical models could improve quality of studies in this field. Keywords: Police; Epidemiology; Effectiveness; Efficiency Language: en
Cette contribution se propose d'aller plus en avant sur le caractère durable de la politique de sécurité routière en proposant à la fois une définition originale et une approche conceptuelle opérationnelle. Une politique durable de sécurité routière repose ainsi sur trois piliers : de l’efficacité pour réduire l’accidentalité, de la rationalité économique et de l’acceptabilité sociale. Et c'est la combinaison ordonnée et cohérente de ces trois piliers qui permet de déterminer si une politique publique présente un caractère durable. Les trois piliers font l'objet d'une présentation détaillée. La contribution propose ensuite une application au cas de la politique d'automatisation du contrôle de la vitesse en France.
In addition to the immediate physical injuries they suffer, road crash victims may also be subject to ongoing deterioration of their state of health in terms of permanent physical and mental problems, disabilities, etc. These various health shocks entail recourse to care and treatment, the upshot being increases in health expenses. In France little is known about the financial impact of road crashes on victims. This paper uses data from a sample of 601 individuals suffering from The analysis of these data reveals that the costs incurred by road crash victims are significantly associated with such factors as age and seriousness of impairment. road crash - induced physical impairment. Information about these individuals includes details of their personal and socioprofessional characteristics, together with data provided by their health insurance offices regarding their use of treatment and their medical expenses.
Beheersing van rijsnelheden, een van de pijlers van verkeersveiligheidsbeleid, wordt voor een belangrijk deel gerealiseerd door de toepassing van snelheidslimieten in combinatie met snelheidscontroles door de politie. In de komende jaren biedt nieuwe voertuig-technologie interessante mogelijkheden voor snelheidsbeheersing. De nieuwe technologie kan opereren in aanvulling op bestaande controles, technologisch geïntegreerd met controles of zelfs ter vervanging van controles. Dit artikel gaat in op de wetenschappelijke kennis over snelheiciscontroles en op alternatieve snelheidsbeheersingssystemen zoals Adaptive/Advanced Cruise Control (ACC) en Intelligente Snelheidsassistentie (ISA). Tevens besteedt het artikel aandacht aan meningen en voorkeuren van partijen die met deze vernieuwingen te maken zullen krijgen.
This paper presents an accident modification function for speed enforcement. The function describes the percentage effect of enforcement on the number of injury accidents as a function of the relative change in the amount of enforcement. Thirteen studies that have evaluated the effects of different levels of enforcement, each containing between four and eight data points, were used as data source. A hypothesis regarding the shape of an accident modification function was formulated to help assess the plausibility of the estimated relationships. In the first stage of analysis, functions were fitted to the data points of each study by means of weighted regression analysis. Many of these functions were highly implausible and likely to be influenced by outlying data points and random variation. In the second stage of analysis, data from all studies except two were pooled and data points referring to identical or almost identical levels of enforcement were aggregated to reduce the influence of random variation. The number of data points was thus reduced from 63 to 15 and an accident modification function was fitted to the data points. The function was consistent with the hypothesis guiding the study.
Traffic enforcement in the Netherlands; an inventory of knowledge and knowledge needs
The purpose of traffic enforcement is to ensure that road users behave safely, in accordance with the goals of traffic laws and rules.
This report describes the mechanisms by which traffic enforcement can contribute to behaviour changes and, with them, to road safety. It also presents an overview of some important traffic enforcement developments in the Netherlands. However, the core of the report is an inventory of recent knowledge and knowledge needs. What do we know of the quality and effectiveness of traffic enforcement, and what do we still need to know in order to deploy enforcement as efficiently and effectively possible? The emphasis in this literature study lies on Dutch publications and specific developments in the Netherlands. In addition, there is extra attention for speed enforcement because this has been studied and evaluated more often than other behaviour, such as: drink-driving, seatbelt and helmet use, and red light running.
How traffic enforcement mechanisms work
Traffic enforcement can be seen as a chain, beginning with laws and the conducting of enforcement activities, and ending with a change in traffic behaviour among some road users. Police controls along the road are the enforcement pressure, or 'objective chance' (of being caught). Based on this pressure, what they see in the media, and what they hear from friends and acquaintances, road users estimate what the chance is of being caught breaking the law: the 'subjective chance' (of being caught). If road users estimate this chance sufficiently large, they will avoid breaking the laws, and thus there is prevention. It is better for road safety to prevent traffic offences (general prevention) than actually catching offenders and punishing them (specific prevention). This means that traffic enforcement must especially succeed in turning the threat of punishment into a disciplining and norm establishing influence on the behaviour of several million motorists.
In general, the bigger the subjective chance (of being caught), and the greater the certainty of punishment, and the quicker the penalty follows the offence, the greater the general prevention effects of police surveillance. Each of these elements is a link in the chain of enforcement and, to continue using this metaphor, the complete chain is only as strong as the weakest link. If, for example, the subjective chance is small, the penalty size, punishment certainty and its speed will not make much difference in preventing offences. The subjective chance can be increased by: publicizing surveillance activities, very visible controls, an unpredictable series of random controls, controls at times and places in which there is a large chance of really catching offenders, and carrying out controls that are difficult to avoid.
Although fear of being caught is the central mechanism in how traffic enforcement works, public support for obeying traffic laws is also a significant success factor in traffic enforcement.
Traffic enforcement in the Netherlands
In the Netherlands in the past, traffic enforcement has demonstrably contributed to safer traffic. It has helped reduce the number of crashes through drink-driving and speeding. Lasting success requires continually striving to achieve further improvement in enforcement by means of new laws, new instruments, new insights, and new policy spearheads.
During the last 10 years, there have been a number of interesting developments in and around traffic enforcement that have positively influenced its effectiveness and efficiency: the Administrative Enforcement of Traffic Offences Act, regional enforcement plans, and (theoretically) the ideas for sustainable enforcement. Experiments with new types of sustainable enforcement should certainly be stimulated. It is from such a variety that we can learn.
A specific problem is the small but stubborn group of road users who are insufficiently influenced by the current traffic enforcement methods. Offender-directed deployment of inconspicuous video cars can affect this group, and it is certainly worth developing this approach further. Another specific, but also new, problem is driving under the influence of drugs and medicines. This, especially in combination with alcohol, leads to a very large crash rate. For the time being there is no legal limit for blood contents of drugs and/or medicines. Neither is there a valid method of measuring drugs and medicine use on the roadside. Various (international) studies are working on this.
Knowledge about the 'quality' of traffic enforcement
One can measure the 'quality' of traffic enforcement in many ways. This report chooses six approaches: 1) the legal framework, i.e. the law and Public Prosecutor's Office guidelines for tracing, catching, and prosecuting, 2) priorities at the national and regional levels, 3) the organization of cooperation between various bodies, 4) the choice of deploying (a combination of) enforcement methods, 5) the extent to which one learns from data, research, and public feedback during implementation, and 6) the way in which road users are informed of traffic controls.
The legal framework determines, among others, the nature and severity of penalties. When choosing the best workable penalties (leading to less recidivists), it is often a matter of being custom-made: different sorts of penalty affect different groups of offenders the best. What often works better than a single sanction is a combination of sanction components (temporary driving licence suspension, financial damage, free choice of a rehabilitation course for a quicker return of the driving licence).
For the priorities of police control, cost-effectiveness analyses and cost-benefit analyses can provide important information. These can lead to strategic decisions being taken about the priority of different sorts of traffic enforcement in comparison with each other, but also in comparison with other road safety measures.
With regard to the methods, the emphasis on speeding and red light running during the last 15 years has shifted from police stops to control using automatic or semi-automatic systems. This has been done to enlarge the objective chance, and with it the subjective chance (of being caught), and with that, increase the control efficiency. Various studies have shown that automatic or semi-automatic control systems have a positive road safety effect on speeding. Anyway, this shift has not had an adverse effect on the absolute number of police stops in traffic. On the contrary, this number has only increased.
According to experts, communication about speeding and speed enforcement must not only be aimed at increasing the subjective chance, but just as much at enlarging the support for traffic laws and for controls. Speeding is especially difficult to influence by communication alone. Although attitudes towards a safe speed often become more positive through a special campaign, behaviour changes often do not occur.
Knowledge needs
In our changing society, the traffic enforcement must be regularly critically examined. In order to continually improve traffic enforcement, more knowledge is needed. The knowledge needs about the design and implementation of traffic enforcement can be illustrated by using three main questions for the near future:
1. Which data can provide an indication of the return of traffic enforcement?
2. How can traffic enforcement strategies be best tuned to the local traffic situation?
3. How can speeding control be best combined with information and communication?
Besides answering these questions, good management of the current knowledge on police control is essential. This knowledge should be bundled and made better available. This means that we have to think about an information system in which project managers can quickly find information that is important to them.
What next with traffic enforcement?
In comparison with other EU countries, the quality of traffic enforcement in the Netherlands is certainly not bad. This is because of important characteristic elements such as random alcohol controls, a planned design of region-wide projects, reviewing control data for evaluation, the liability of the vehicle owner, and the maintaining of a limited number of policy spearheads.
The successes achieved in the past are, however, no guarantee for the future. Traffic enforcement is a field in which specialized, formal knowledge as well as informal rules of thumb from practice is needed to ensure traffic enforcement's quality. Additional systematic knowledge development, as well as distributing current knowledge certainly needs a fresh impulse.
During a workshop about traffic enforcement in 2002 with experts from police, research, and policy, some criticised the traffic enforcement in the Netherlands. In the discussion about effects of speed enforcement, the 'small' speed changes were often sneered at. A speed reduction along a few hundred metres road can indeed be called small, but it can be very effective in reducing speeds in certain situations, for example, in the vicinity of schools, dangerous crossroads, etc. New technological methods, such as road segment control, can also influence behaviour over much greater distances and time. In addition, a certain density of controls along a route can also have effects over longer distances.
Nearly all road safety experts agree that a better, more sustainable approach of speeding lies in the technological adaptations to the vehicle. Examples of this are vehicle recorders, adaptive cruise control (ACC), and intelligent speed adaptation (ISA) in which voluntary use can be stimulated. There are also technical solutions to seatbelt use and drink-driving that make offending physically impossible, e.g. the alcohol lock and the seatbelt lock. Regardless of the future developments of new technologies and any new limit systems, there will always be an important traffic surveillance, control, and enforcement task for the police. For this, it is important to apply new (digital) control techniques, and to combine them with stops and human contact.
In order to prevent road fatalities, police organizations all across the world have implemented various enforcement programmes
(random breath testing, sobriety checkpoints, random road watch, photo-radar, mixed programmes and red-light cameras) that
are designed to deter deviant driving behaviours, which significantly increase the risks of serious accidents. Our systematic
review assesses the effect of tough police interventions. It appears that all of the evaluated studies—except three—led to
an average decrease, ranging between 23 and 31 per cent, of accidents causing injuries.
Injury accidents occurring in the home, during educational, sports or leisure activities were estimated from samples of hospital data, combined with fatality data from vital statistics. Uncertainty of estimated figures was assessed in simulation-based analysis. Total economic costs to society from injuries and fatalities due to such accidents were estimated at approximately NOK 150 billion per year. The estimated costs reveal the scale of the public health problem and lead to arguments for the establishment of a proper injury register for the identification of preventive measures to reduce the costs to society.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any references for this publication.