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Conceptual Origins, Current Problems, Future Directions
... Later studies have pushed this line of reasoning a step further by trying to identify more specific sets of opportunities, assuming that different movements react differently to the general opportunity structures and that they might be subject to certain aspects of the general institutional setting that apply to them but not to other movements (Koopmans et al, 2005;Giugni, 2010). In brief, political opportunities are movement specific, field specific and issue specific (Kriesi et al, 1995;McAdam, 1996;McAdam et al, 1996;Meyer, 2004;Berclaz and Giugni, 2005). ...
... The notion of 'gendered opportunities' (McAdam, 1996;McAdam et al, 1996;McCammon et al, 2001) may be seen as a further move in this direction, one that could help us better understand issues relating to the role of gender and the presence of a gender gap in politics. Following McCammon et al (2001), by 'gendered opportunities', we mean certain aspects of the broader context that the change of redefines gender relations. ...
... Most importantly, with this focus, we are looking at the role of a dimension of political opportunity structures that has often been overlooked. While political opportunity theorists have most often focused on input aspects, such as the openness or closedness of the institutionalized political system, the structure of political alignments, or the propensity and capacity for repression (McAdam, 1996), policies are important because they capture the output side of opportunities. ...
We examine the role of ‘gendered opportunities’ for political participation by analysing original survey data covering nine European countries alongside relevant macro-level factors. We hypothesize that gender interacts differently with certain features of the broader context – here, government spending on public services – across various modes of participation, leading to ‘gendered opportunities’ for political engagement. By analysing data for three different modes of participation, namely voting, protest and consumerist participation, we show that the political context provides ‘gendered opportunities’ for political participation and that the gender gap is not homogeneously distributed across modes but varies depending on the repertoire. Our findings clearly highlight how the relationship between gender and the broader context for political participation is a complex one, suggesting that further work must consider the macro–micro linkages leading to differential gender inequalities in political participation.
... Along with the dimensions mentioned above, another significant aspect that scholars have proposed to assess political opportunities is the presence of repression (Davenport, 1995(Davenport, , 2004Della Porta, 1995;McAdam, 1996). Indeed, Della Porta (1996) argues that repression can be considered as a barometer of political opportunity by taking into account its direct and visible impact on social movements, and in particular, on a movement's behaviour. ...
... To study social movements and political opportunities, sociologists have mostly employed retrospective case studies based on the analysis of newspapers (e.g., Eisinger, 1973;McAdam, 1982McAdam, , 1996 or comparative historical accounts (e.g., Brocket, 1991;Kitschelt, 1986;Rucht, 1998;Tarrow, 1994;Tilly, 2008). Although mainly based on secondary data, these approaches have been shown to be valuable for the analysis of those structural 'objective' political conditions that challengers to the status quo must confront to achieve their goals. ...
... Along with political openness, scholars have argued that the presence of repression is another significant aspect that should be considered when assessing political opportunities (see Della Porta, 1995;Earl, 2011;McAdam, 1996;Tilly, 1978). ...
... This resonates with the theory of political opportunity structures, which claims that the forms and relative success of political resistances are results of the interaction between movements in civil society and political institutions (della Porta, 2022). Specifically, political opportunity structure theory has identified receptiveness of established political parties, disagreement among political parties, and the ability to align with political or social elites, as crucial factors for resistance groups' ability to gain influence over policymaking on a national level (Goodwin, 2012;McAdam, 1996). Likewise, studies have emphasised the openness of the legal process for resistance groups in terms of formal law and access to decision-makers (Hilson, 2002). ...
... Social movement literature on political opportunity structures has emphasised that a receptiveness among established political parties, political elite dissensus, and an ability to align with political or social elites are crucial factors in determining the potential for localised resistances to scale up and gain influence over national politics (Goodwin, 2012;McAdam, 1996). The discursive change we have analysed is clearly facilitated by, and premised on, the entrance into Parliament and growing political influence of the anti-wind Sweden Democrats. ...
... In the past five decades, a growing literature has provided further insights into the key elements of political opportunities besides formal institutional venues of participation, including informal norms and procedures of decision-making (Kriesi et al., 1997); the number of power centres and the (in)stability of political alignments (McAdam & Tarrow, 2019); and legitimacy problems with political systems and the emergence of social grievances (McAdam, 1996). But it is still a question of which further elements of the 'political environment' and the 'context' play a role in shaping the political opportunities of movements and advocacy groups (see Giugni, 2009). ...
... The legitimacy and support of Viktor Orbán and his party have been constantly high in the past 12 years, offering no possibility for advocacy groups to capitalise on social crises to promote their agenda, which is a well-known strategy (McAdam, 1996). The increasing relative welfare of Hungarians, coupled with increasing political control of the society, are probably the main causes of what the interviews described as the 'apathy' of people. ...
... Aunque existe un consenso sobre esta definición de las estructuras de oportunidades políticas, hay varios autores que han examinado diferentes aspectos de estas estructuras institucionales o relaciones de poderes informales. Siguiendo a McAdam (1996) y en un esfuerzo por ordenar esta literatura, las cuatro dimensiones más importantes de estas oportunidades políticas son: a) el grado de apertura relativa del sistema político institucionalizado, b) la estabilidad o inestabilidad de las alianzas entre las élites, c) la presencia o ausencia de aliados entre las élites, y d) la capacidad y propensión del Estado a la represión 4 . McAdam (1996) también ha señalado que el tipo de pregunta de investigación planteada determina últimamente la importancia de unas de estas cuatro dimensiones en comparación a otras. ...
... Siguiendo a McAdam (1996) y en un esfuerzo por ordenar esta literatura, las cuatro dimensiones más importantes de estas oportunidades políticas son: a) el grado de apertura relativa del sistema político institucionalizado, b) la estabilidad o inestabilidad de las alianzas entre las élites, c) la presencia o ausencia de aliados entre las élites, y d) la capacidad y propensión del Estado a la represión 4 . McAdam (1996) también ha señalado que el tipo de pregunta de investigación planteada determina últimamente la importancia de unas de estas cuatro dimensiones en comparación a otras. Por ejemplo, para estudiar la variación temporal y espacial de las protestas sociales, las dimensiones formales de las oportunidades políticas como el grado de apertura relativa del sistema político, y la capacidad y propensión del Estado a la represión serían las dimensiones más útiles de tomar en cuenta (por ejemplo, McAdam, 1982;Tarrow, 1989). ...
Este libro se encuentra entre los mejores relacionados con la investigación en la subdisciplina de política comparada. Escrito por una talentosa nueva generación de politólogos peruanos y editado por Carlos Meléndez y Alberto Vergara, sus artículos engranan seriamente con lo más destacado de la teoría de política comparada, a la vez que ofrecen abundante y novedosa investigación empírica sobre el Perú. La iniciación de la política consigue ubicar al Perú en una perspectiva comparada como ningún otro libro que yo haya leído previamente sobre ese país. Es una referencia obligada no solo para los estudiantes peruanos sino para cualquier estudiante de política comparada en el mundo que busque una mejor comprensión sobre el Perú.
... A linha interpretativa que se quis oferecer com este estudo utiliza duas estratégias de ação política adotadas pelos principais partidos: a minimização do "risco político" (Bussotti, 2014) e a utilização das "oportunidades políticas" (Tilly, 1978;Tarrow, 1996;McAdam, 1996). Estas dimensões são ilustradas no ponto relativo ao modelo de análise deste estudo. ...
O processo da descentralização em Moçambique: entre avanços e recuos. O processo de descentralização em Moçambique teve início em 1994, terminando com a aprova-ção do último pacote legislativo em 2018. Foi levado a cabo pela Frelimo, mediante uma perspetiva conservadora cuja fina-lidade principal era limitar a concessão de possíveis espaços políticos às oposições, principalmente a Renamo. Foi apenas desde 2012-2013 que a Renamo viu a descentralização, e até o federalismo, como oportunidade para conquistar alguns espa-ços significativos na gestão do poder, pelo menos a nível local. A partir de uma abordagem multidisciplinar, de tipo histórico, político e jurídico, a investigação demonstra que a estratégia de contenção do risco por parte da Frelimo foi bem sucedida. palavras-chave: risco político; oportunidades políticas; transição democrática; Frelimo; Renamo. The decentralization process in Mozambique: between progress and setbacks. The decentralization process in Mozam-bique began in 1994 and ended with the approval of the last legislative package in 2018. It was carried out by Frelimo from a conservative perspective whose main purpose was to limit the granting of possible political space to the opposition, especially Renamo. It was only since 2012-2013 that Renamo saw decentralization, and even federalism, as an opportunity to win some significant spaces in the management of power, at least at local level. From a multidisciplinary, historical, political , and legal approach, the research shows that Frelimo's risk containment strategy was successful.
... Jack M. Bloom (2015) explains that the theory of political opportunity structure examines how the state reacts to social movements, whether by suppressing, co-opting, or accommodating their demands. 6 Dough McAdam (1996) synthesized various perspectives on political opportunity from researchers like Charles Brockett (1991), Kriesi et al. (1992), Dieter Rucht (1996), and Sidney Tarrow (1994, identifying four main elements in political opportunity: the relative openness or closure of the institutionalized political system, the stability or instability of political elites, the presence or absence of elite allies and the state's capacity and inclination toward repression. 7 ...
This article explores the da’wah activities of Prophet Muhammad through the perspective of social movements to provide new insights. This article explains that the Prophet Muhammad was not only a religious activist who worked to spread Islam but also a statesman who successfully led his followers to establish a new state in Yathrib (Medina). This research focuses on the Prophet's endeavours in political activism through the movement aimed at achieving social and political change. This study will analyse the da’wah movement using social movement perspectives, focusing on structural-functional theory, resource mobilization theory, political opportunity structure, and framing theory. This article argues that the success of the Prophet's da’wah and political initiatives is rooted in the structural conditions of Mecca and the mobilization strategies. The strength of religious narratives and the capacity to exploit narrow political opportunities while generating the new ones have played a vital role to support da’wah activities. This research uses a historical qualitative methodology, leveraging primary and secondary sources to analyse the socio-political landscape of Mecca, the Prophet's resource mobilization techniques, and the framing of his religious messages. This article is an initial investigation into the integration of social movement theories within the context of Islamic social movements, highlighting the importance of overcoming Western secular dominance of social movement studies.
... Als Teil der Möglichkeitsstruktur wird dabei alles angesehen, was Menschen ermutigt oder entmutigt, sich an politischen Protesten zu beteiligen, unabhängig davon, ob diese Situation formell etabliert oder dauerhaft ist (Tarrow 2011): »die Sta-bilität oder die Gespaltenheit der Eliten, das Vorhandensein oder die Abwesenheit von Verbündeten […] unter den Eliten, Konfliktstrukturen« (Pollack 2000) oder der Zugang zum formalisierten System der politischen Entscheidungsfindung (McAdam 1996). Das Ausmaß, in dem es politischen Initiativen gelingt, »to be able to gain access to power and to manipulate the political system«, ist jedoch keineswegs gleichzusetzen mit dem Aufkommen von Protest (Eisinger 1973). ...
... Some authors suggest that the repression attitude is not an autonomous variable and it cannot be grouped with the others. It is an expression of the closure of the political system rather than an independent variable (McAdam 1996). Sidney Tarrow (1994), for example, includes state repression in the degree of openness of a political system variable. ...
This thesis examines the organisational principles, repertoires of contention, practices, and the political culture of the Centro Sociale Occupato Rivolta as an expression of the Disobedient movement. The study, which is based on 42 interviews, participant observation and original documents, discusses the main theories on social movements which combine different theoretical perspectives, namely resource mobilisation, new social movements and the theory of political opportunity structure. Providing a definition of CSO as a convenient name to indicate a number of profoundly heterogeneous experiences that rely on illegal occupations of empty buildings and the principle of self-management, the study interprets the Rivolta as a proactive subject and political entrepreneur. These two concepts refer to the attempt of the Rivolta to overcome their identity as a new-left organisation, its ability of mobilising symbolic and material resources and to its continuous change and development. The case of the Rivolta shows that a movement actor has to continually 'destroy' old conditions and create new ones in order to survive and expand. The combination of different theoretical approaches and the analysis of the Rivolta has allowed the research to highlight some specific issues. Firstly, this movement area has overcome the dichotomy between conflict for recognition and for socio-economic resource distribution. While the Rivolta is an actor that mobilises resources, it also aims to promote its autonomous cultural identity and to extend social and political rights in society. Secondly, the relations between local and national institutions and the Disobedient movement area, far from being linear, either in terms of conflict or dialogue, are changeable and discontinuous. The study shows that the extra-institutional advocacy of this movement network still persists and has been combined with institutional participation. Finally, the thesis shows that the movement area to which the Rivolta belongs, in exploiting the opportunities offered by the general context, has set its struggles, claims and protests both at the local and the global dimension, marginalising national issues and targets.
... Fourth is the state's capacity and propensity for repression. the factors mentioned above directly determine how much political opportunity a social movement has (Mcadam, 2008). ...
The study of the rise of Islamic conservatism in the context of local politics has not been the main focus of studies on Islamic conservatism in Indonesia. Studies on Islamic conservatism have so far emphasized the national political aspect, which illustrates that there has been a change in the dynamics of Islam towards a conservative turn. This article responds to various studies on Islamic conservatism in Indonesia by focusing on the emergence of local Islamic conservatism movements in West Sumatra Province after the New Order. West Sumatra is one of the regions predominantly inhabited by ethnic Minangkabau, which has long been known as a driving force in the Indonesian Islamic renewal and modernism movement. This research uses a qualitative method, with a case study approach, by interviewing actors, religious groups, traditional and religious leaders, and local Islamic organizations. This study found that the change in the spectrum of Islam from Islamic modernism to Islamic conservatism was influenced by several factors. First, the agency factor of post-New Order political openness was utilized by local Islamic organizations to promote religious conservatism. Second, the structural factor of political opportunities is the momentum in the promotion of Islamic conservatism. Third, Local identity was used as an instrument to promote Islamic conservatism in West Sumatra. This study is different from previous studies, as historical factors are the main factors in the proliferation of local Islamic conservatism movements such as in West Java, South Sulawesi, Solo, and West Sumatra.
... The argument presents a structuralist vision for the emergence of social movements because it assumes that social structures provide the 'ends and opportunities' for localized collective action. While social movement scholars have extensively debated the role of opportunity structures in explaining proximate causes of movement mobilization (McAdam, 1996;Goodwin and Jasper, 1999), the origins of social movements belong to the canon of social movement scholarship as unquestioned historical fact. This may seem surprising given the lively scholarly debates that followed the emergence of 'new' social movements in the 1960s that some observers deemed fundamentally different from their 'old' class-based predecessors (Melucci, 1980(Melucci, , 1981. ...
Conventional wisdom situates the historical origins of social movements in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries by attributing their emergence to the rise of democracy, capitalism, and the nation-state. In this article, I challenge this scholarly orthodoxy by presenting primary sources and historical scholarship that demonstrate how the German Peasants’ Revolt of 1524 and 1525 meets Charles Tilly’s criteria for a modern social movement. By challenging the standard narrative of social movements as a product of modernity, this article breaks with the dichotomy between modern and premodern social movements and encourages us to rethink the concept of social movements.
... While we acknowledge the existence of diverse conceptualisations (e.g., Davenport, 1995;Della Porta, 1996;McAdam, 1996) and forms of repression (e.g., mobilising influence or counter-protesters; deploying spies and informers for infiltration; see Saab et al., this volume, for an overview), we subscribe to Tilly's broad definition of it as "the cost of collective action to the contender resulting from interaction with other groups; as a process, any action by another group which raises the contender's cost of collective actions" (1978, p. 55). This definition allows us to bear in mind three additional ideas regarding repression. ...
Protest violence may be one of the most controversial topics in collective action. In this chapter, we provide a comprehensive review of how both protesters and non-participants nevertheless might come to endorse violence as a form of resistance against perceived restrictions on the right to protest in both repressive and less repressive contexts (e.g., democratic systems). Moreover, we shed light on the insufficiency of the pervasive distinction between normative and non-normative collective action that many social psychological works use to characterize street protests. Then, we provide an overview of “Five Dimensions to Unlock Protest Violence” (FiveDi), an interdisciplinary and multi-agent framework drawing upon the Elaborated Social Identity Model of collective action (ESIM), in which protest violence is acknowledged as a meaningful and context-dependent behavior. Finally, we conclude with some recommendations aimed at getting a better understanding of the occurrence and (de-)escalation of protest violence.
... They refer to a government-led weakening of political institutions supporting a democracy (Esen & Gumuscu, 2019). This major change in how democratic institutions function offer fewer opportunities to movements to influence political insiders (McAdam, 1996). In short, democratic erosion indicates a more closed opportunity structure for democratic influence (Buzogány et al., 2022;Robertson, 2010). ...
In this article, we demonstrate how social movements try to adjust to closing political opportunities during democratic erosion with a case study of the 2023 electoral cycle in Turkey. Using the framework of Doug McAdam and Sidney Tarrow’s analysis of the reciprocal relationship between social movements and elections, we conclude that many previously influential movements found themselves offside as the political field and the rules of the game changed. The peculiarities of this case provide insights to social movement scholars to study changing structural factors in countries that experience democratic backsliding to various degrees. While anti-incumbent movements and parties react to democratic erosion/try to prevent it by becoming more active, the right-wing movements might strengthen these regimes through alliances.
... While we acknowledge the existence of diverse conceptualisations (e.g., Davenport, 1995;Della Porta, 1996;McAdam, 1996) and forms of repression (e.g., mobilising influence or counter-protesters; deploying spies and informers for infiltration; see Saab et al., this volume, for an overview), we subscribe to Tilly's broad definition of it as "the cost of collective action to the contender resulting from interaction with other groups; as a process, any action by another group which raises the contender's cost of collective actions" (1978, p. 55). This definition allows us to bear in mind three additional ideas regarding repression. ...
Protest violence may be one of the most controversial topics in collective action. In this chapter, we provide a comprehensive review of how both protesters and non-participants might come to endorse violence as a form of resistance against perceived restrictions on the right to protest in both repressive and less repressive contexts (e.g., democratic systems). Moreover, we argue that the pervasive distinction between normative and non-normative collective action employed in many social-psychological works to characterise street protests is insufficient. Then, we provide an overview of "Five Dimensions to Unlock Protest Violence" (FiveDi), an interdisciplinary and multi-agent framework drawing upon the Elaborated Social Identity Model of collective action (ESIM), in which protest violence is acknowledged as a meaningful and context-dependent behaviour. Finally, we conclude with some recommendations aimed at getting a better understanding of the occurrence and (de-) escalation of protest violence.
... Communitarians can therefore credibly campaign on the promise of democratisation through renationalisation, while the cosmopolitan promise of democratising IOs might appear much less credibleand thus hollowfrom the outset. In the vocabulary of social movement research, then, we find a political opportunity structure that strengthens the mobilisation chances of communitarians while undermining those of cosmopolitans (e.g., McAdam, 1996). ...
In the wake of international organisations' (IOs) politicisation, treaty-based transfers of authority to or from IOs have virtually come to a standstill. Instead, we increasingly see instances of informal internationalisation and unilateral renationalisation of IO authority. In this article, we introduce a Political Contest Theory (PCT) that explains both phenomena at the same time. PCT builds on the postfunctionalist assumption that, in the age of politicisation, IO authority transfers activate a transnational cleavage between communitarian and cosmopolitan factions fighting over the 'right' locus of political authority. Yet, beyond extant postfunctional theorising, PCT specifies the mechanisms through and the conditions under which either the one or the other faction may prevail. We argue that communitarians can rely on a structural mobilisation advantage which allows them to assert unilateral renationalisations, whereas cosmopolitans can rely on an institutional power advantage which allows them to push through informal internationalisations. Moreover, PCT highlights a pattern of mutual reinforcement between the systematic advantages enjoyed by the opposing factions that is likely to exacerbate the polarisation over IO authority transfers in the future.
... Opportunities may present themselves in the form of a divided elite, increased political pluralism, a decline in repression, or the increased enfranchisement of the population. Movements can exploit such openings in order to gain a foothold in the political system (McAdam, 1996). The success of the African-American Civil Rights movement in the United States is an example of a movement that was able to navigate a changing political landscape to achieve its goals (McAdam, 1982). ...
... Political opportunities are thus shaped by the "relative openness or closure of the institutionalized political system," elite alignments and shifts, and shifts in state capacity and the propensity for repression. 221 Political opportunity, then, encompasses "the formal institutional or legal structure of a given political system" and "the more informal structure of power relations that characterize the system at a given point in time." 222 Jurisdiction as a political resource also bears upon the openness or closedness of the state. ...
Jurisdiction is foundational to the exercise of judicial power. It is precisely for this reason that subject matter jurisdiction, the species of judicial power that gives a court authority to resolve a dispute, has today come to the center of a struggle between corporate litigants and the regulatory state. In a pronounced trend, corporations are using jurisdictional maneuvers to manipulate forum choice. Along the way, they are wearing out less-resourced parties, circumventing hearings on the merits, and insulating themselves from laws that seek to govern their behavior. Corporations have done so by making creative arguments to lock plaintiffs out of court and push them into arbitration, and failing that, to lock plaintiffs into federal court rather than state court, or to punt federal cases to administrative agencies that may lack the power or will to resolve the underlying issues in the case. These efforts have largely been successful. This Article offers a panoramic view of how over recent decades federal courts have acquiesced in a corporate-driven effort to leverage jurisdictional doctrines to their unique private advantage, and contends that together, these doctrinal changes constitute an inflection point in U.S. law and procedure. We argue that corporate adjudicatory practice has slanted judicial power in favor of deregulatory efforts that undermine legal commitments to equality, dignity, and participation. The shifts in jurisdiction, which may seem to be merely technical and apolitical, are a core part of the architecture of what we call the oligarchic courthouse—one where courts as public institutions transform their procedures to meet private, corporate interests at the expense of public goals, thereby cementing economic power and translating it into concentrated political power that undermines the possibility of robust democratic life. The trends we describe in federal subject matter jurisdiction resonate with earlier corporate battles at the turn of the twentieth century. But the construction of today’s oligarchic courthouse holds implications for democracy that are not simply a reprise of earlier corporate efforts. To show the scope of the implications, the Article steps back and clarifies why jurisdiction matters to democracy. Drawing on law and social mobilization literature, we argue that jurisdiction functions as a political resource that facilitates opportunities for democratic contestation and both reflects and shapes the openness and closedness of the state. Having centered jurisdiction in a larger account of democracy, we explore how the oligarchic courthouse, by entrenching economic power and narrowing participatory options for workers, consumers, and other less-resourced litigants, can be nested in a larger account of democratic decline in the United States.
... Theoretically, police violence is an act of closing-down while dialogue opens up. In practice, the effect may be reversed, and research suggests that police repression may help protesting actors gain public support and influence as their pathways are exposed through widespread media attention (McAdam, 1996;Tarrow, 2011), potentially changing the scalar dynamics. ...
The development of new mines forefronts the contested nature of sustainable development. Various competing pathways of sustainability underlie mining-related conflicts, often reaching beyond the local scale of contested locations. While powerful actors tend to 'close down' around particular pathways, 'opening-up' through the consideration of multiple pathways might be necessary for addressing complex situations and conflicts. Whether closing-down or opening-up occurs depends on governance structures and actors' interventions, but little is known of the dynamics involved. This paper develops understudied spatial dimensions of protest by clarifying how political opportunity structures may play out differently at different scales and in consequence impact scalar strategies of both social movements and state actors. The study comparatively analyses three mine development processes in Arctic, peripheral Sweden facing socioeconomic challenges and where mining threatens indigenous reindeer husbandry. Formal interactions are mapped by data from administrative records, while informal strategies and underlying frames are assessed through interviews and focus groups. The study shows that when there is a multiplicity of government authorities and influential mining-sceptical allies at different scales, some subnational units 'open-up' in response to mining-sceptical actions. Such 'opening-up' may influence policy decisions at higher scales, even the international. Local participation therefore constitutes a way to challenge the scalar hierarchy of the state and promote a broader and more nuanced range of pathways to sustainability. As 'opening-up' is not legally required, the results between the different cases differed, and where the opportunity structures were 'closed' mining-sceptics turned to confrontation and litigation.
... However, the movement would never have been able to take advantage of the means necessary to achieve its relevance and success without the external structures of 'political opportunities' available to it, which provide both incentives for collective action and constraints to it, thus influencing its success or failure (Meyer & Minkoff, 2004;Sawyers & Meyer, 1999). It is important to understand how mobilizations frame their problems and demands (Mena & Waeger, 2014) and how they begin, develop, succeed or fail (McAdam, 1996). The real point, therefore, is to identify the determinants of the development or failure of mobilizations through the shift from one structural situation to another in a political context (Koopmans, 1999). ...
This study compares adivasi movements against two mining projects commissioned in India by Vedanta Resources, a London-based Indian mining corporation. One is the resistance of the Dongria Kondh to the bauxite mining and aluminium processing projects at Niyamgiri. The movement succeeded when the Supreme Court of India scrapped the project in 2013. The other is the movement of the Binjhal against a gold mining project at Sonakhan. The project was to be started in 2015, but intense opposition led the chief minister promise to stop it. We argue that both the movements, which had only ‘cultural resources’ available, established solidarity by mobilizing history, memory and folk imaginaries. The participation of external civil society organizations led to a resounding success across scales in the case of Niyamgiri. But the local contextualization of culture, and limited networks, constrained the success of the Sonakhan movement to the local scale. The ultimate successful outcome for both however depended on the available ‘political opportunities’ across times and scales.
... My analyses of the actions and effects of societal groups draw upon concepts taken from the sociological literature on social movements (e.g., McAdam 1996) and the political science literature on interest groups (e.g., Maloney, Jordan, and McLaughlin 1994). Social movement organizations and interest groups both engage in conventional types of advocacy like lobbying and public education, and also undertake organizational activities like membership drives. ...
... Although the concept of POSs was used for the first time by Eisenger (1973), Tarrow (1997) contributed the most to its operationalisation by identifying its three dimensions: the degree of openness of political access, the degree of stability of political preferences, and the strategic availability of potential allies; to which he later added the political conflict between elites (Tarrow, 1989). These dimensions were synthesised by McAdam (1996) as the degree of openness of the political system, stability of the alignments between elites, presence or absence of allies between elites, and capacity of the state and its propensity towards repression. Based on these four constitutive dimensions, Kriesi pointed out three general properties in relation to the political system: the "formal institutional structure, informal procedures and strategies in force regarding the challengers, and the configuration of power relevant to the confrontation with them" (Kriesi, 1992, p. 117). ...
This article aimed to determine how the structure of political opportunities in Spain has changed in connection to the cycles of protest associated with the 15-M anti-austerity movement and Catalan independence process between 2011 and 2017. To do this, we compared both episodes of conflict based on an analytical model developed through theories of the political process. In addition, we used evidence from the analysis of statistical records, barometers of public opinion, newspapers, and research carried out by other authors. This article discusses the similarities and differences between both episodes in relation to the different variables making up the structure of political opportunities. We end by identifying the impacts of both episodes on these structures as well as the state responses when trying to manage the challenges launched by them. Finally, the institutionalisation dynamics followed by both movements were compared and we also examined their conclusions in two different outputs: transformation of the party system in the case of the Spanish 15-M movement and repression and imprisonment of the pro-independence leaders in the Catalan one. To conclude, it is made clear that the chances of social co-mobilisation success increase when political opportunities are broadened, when the existence of allies is proven, and when the opponents' weakness are made evident. However, we also expound how, when faced with intensified protests, government forces and the state apparatus may respond with reform or repression, or with a complex combination of both.
... In addition to economic structural causes of protest, social movement scholars have also long focused on "political opportunity structures" or "consistentbut not necessarily formal or permanent-dimensions of the political struggle that encourage people to engage in contentious politics" (Meyer 2004; see also Tarrow 2011;Tilly 1978). These include opening (or closing) political institutions, changing elite alignments, the introduction (or loss) of new elite allies, and alterations in the state's capacity for and willingness to engage in repression (see McAdam 1996). Political opportunities are said to both interact with and operate separately from purely economic factors. ...
China has become a land of social protests. Yet the Chinese state possesses considerable capacity and is rising on the world stage day by day. Why and how do Chinese people take to the streets? Where does their activism lead? This paper draws on a rich body of existing literature to provide an overview of the broad landscape of Chinese contentious politics and to dig deeper into a few common or emerging forms of social conflict. It then explores the various structural and political opportunity-based explanations for why protest occurs in China, before describing the ways in which different organizations and different framings of issues by citizens affect how protests play out. Shifting to where protests lead, the paper briefly surveys a variety of coercive and conciliatory institutions China possesses for social control and then documents distinct patterns in the state’s handling of different types of resistance—repressive, tolerant, concessionary, and mixed approaches—followed by an examination of the multifaceted impact of unrest. The conclusion offers suggestions for future researchers. Reviewing major concepts, debates, perspectives, and emerging research directions in studies of contentious politics in the world’s most populous country, this paper contributes to a more nuanced understanding of authoritarian politics and authoritarian resilience more generally.
... Tarrow eta beste autore zenbaitek «aukera politikorako egitura» kontzeptua (political opportunity structure) sortu zuten aspaldi, inguru politikoaren barruan jendearen partaidetza kolektiborako pizgarriak eskaintzen dituzten osagarri formal nahiz ez formalen multzoa izendatzeko (Tarrow, 1994;. Aukera politikorako egituraren zati osatzaile batzuk sistema politikoaren irekiera-mailarekin loturik daude -maila horrek arautzen baitu parte-hartzerako sarbidea-, baita gobernu eta oposizioaren arteko harreman aldakorrak definitzen dituzten lerrokatze politikoekin, balizko aliatuen presentziarekin eta elite politikoen barnean sortzen diren gatazkekin ere (Tarrow, 1994;McAdam, 1996). ...
Artikulu honetan Bilboko partaidetza-instituzioen diseinuaren azterketa egin da eta udal horretan partaidetzarako dagoen aukera-egituraren osagarri batzuk identifikatu dira. Ikusi da identifikaturiko osagarri horiek indarrean dauden parte-hartzerako moldeak baldintzatzen dituztela genero-ikuspegitik eta, hartara, emakumeen bazterketa bultzatzen dutela herritarren partaidetza-praktiketan. Artikuluan jorratutako azterketaren arreta elkartea oinarritzat hartzen duten partaidetza-instituzioetan jarri da bereziki. Arretagune horrek agerian utzi du, konpromiso zabalak erabilita, tokiko gobernuek genero-ikuspegia integratu beharra dutela ez soilik udaleko partaidetza-instituzioetan, baita governance demokratikoan parte hartzen duten praktika eta aktore guztien baitan ere, gizarte zibileko elkarteak eta mugimenduak barne.
... It usually does refer to the institutional, social and historical context in which social movements act and to the resources that specific context provides to the social movements. POS is also criticized for accounting for all variables from the external environment (Suh 2001) such as the party system (Jenkins and Klandermans 1995), local institutional settings (Amenta and Zylan 1991), state capacity for repression (McAdam 1996) and many others. At the same time, political opportunities are also studied as a dependent variable in social movement research, as external political environments, influenced by and modified by social movements (Tarrow 1996). ...
In this article, taking Serbia as a case study, we address the issue of how social movements in illiberal democracies adapted to the effects of the pandemic and the governmental responses. We show that, contrary to expectations, these social movements have intensified their activities and visibility and adapted their agenda during the crisis. Our research studies two movements dealing with socio-economic issues – the right to housing and the right to food as particularly active during pandemics. While the pandemic further constrained the possibility for collective action, these social movements have quickly shifted their priorities towards solidarity with the most vulnerable groups, engaged directly with citizens, and pragmatically approached the polarized media environment, mobilizing broad public support. This finding indicates that social movements in illiberal democracies can exhibit resilience and adaptability to rapidly changing circumstances, even though questions about their sustainability and the attainability of their goals persist.
... Third, external interventions amplified the amount of pressure AIDS activists could exert after destabilizing the alignment between government organizations. Changing power dynamics between elites can improve the prosperity of social movements (McAdam 1996), and even without influence over China's political structure, transnational AIDS institutions shifted political opportunities favorably to AIDS activists by targeting health departments. In 2005 the Global Fund mandated the participation of grassroots NGOs in AIDS interventions by threatening to cut China's funding. ...
Existing research has focused on the extent to which transnational interventions compel recalcitrant governments to reduce levels of domestic repression, but few have considered how such interventions might also provoke new forms of repression. Using a longitudinal study of repression against AIDS activism in China between 1989 and 2013, the author proposes that transnational institutions' provision of material resources and reshaping of organizational rules can transform a domestic repressive apparatus in specific policy areas. The intervention of transnational AIDS institutions not only constrained traditional violent coercion but also generated new forms of "diplomatic repression" through (1) changing repressive motives by moving AIDS from the margin to the center of mainstream politics and (2) supplying resources, networks, and models of action that enabled government organizations to reformulate health social organizations as new repressive actors with innovative repertoires of strategies inside and outside China's territory.
... Opportunity-based approaches emphasize that the context in which a dissident movement operates is crucial to understand collective behavior (Meyer, 2004;Almeida, 2003;Slater, 2009). Levels of repression, organizational capacities and movement infrastructures, as well as framing and coordination skills by movement elites are key factors to explain backlash protests (McAdam, 1996;Anisin, 2016;Goldstone and Tilly, 2001;Rozenas and Y. Zhukov, 2019;Ives and Lewis, 2020). For instance, scholars have examined how levels of state repression affect protest sizes and frequencies, with some detecting a non-linear relationship: increasing repression levels increase protest levels only up to a certain threshold above which collective action becomes too costly (Gurr, 2015(Gurr, [1970; Muller and Weede, 1990;Lyall, 2009;Sullivan, Loyle, and Davenport, 2012;Shadmehr, 2014). ...
This study investigates how different targets of state-sanctioned arrests shape the likelihood of collective action. We hypothesize that leader arrests are especially likely to result in backlash protests. Leader arrests symbolize the suppression of social collectives, they create collective grievances, and constitute focal points for mobilization. Building on a global sample of arrests of cultural identity group members, we qualitatively traced for each arrest whether it sparked a backlash protest. Drawing on coarsened exact matched models, we find that protests are significantly more likely following leader arrests. In contrast, mass arrests are not significantly linked to backlash protests. Additional tests show that organizational membership does not drive this findings, whereas the symbolic value of leaders is linked to protest outbreaks. Our findings cast doubt on the narrow focus on quasi-constant structural variables and make the case for the disaggregation of repression and the importance of triggering events.
... In contrast, this article places the challenges of designing participatory budgeting within the city's distinctive political opportunity structure that is anchored at a specific layer within the multilevel governance hierarchy: the neighborhood level. We refer this structure to the contextual circumstances providing the policy process with the specific level of capacity for implementation and change (see McAdam, 1996). It regards this particular institutional as well as structural context, within which participatory policies unfold, as a critical element of the budgeting process, impacting their outcomes. ...
Participatory budgeting originally aimed to promote greater political representation and resource distribution for vulnerable populations. As it globally circulates, however, existing literature points out that its local interpretations and implementations often fall short of proper tools and mechanisms to advance its emancipatory potential. So far, the roles of different actors, objectives, and toolkits that contribute to diverging local experiences and outcomes have been widely studied. In contrast, extant research has rarely addressed the implications of different spatial contexts and their challenges—and the implicit potential—considering the distinctive institutional arrangements and opportunity structures at the urban scale. This article investigates how the policy idea of participatory budgeting landed in Vienna at the district level in 2017 (Partizipatives BürgerInnen-Budget), its outcomes, and how it evolved into a city-level project for climate change adaptation (Wiener Klimateam). It explores how the local institutional and structural conditions—including the political backing for such initiatives—influence the motivations, expectations, and experiences among different governmental stakeholders at multiple governance levels, shaping place-specific outcomes of participatory budgeting. It unpacks the specific opportunities and constraints of the deployed participatory tools in budgeting processes, according to three core values of democratic governance (legitimacy, justice, and effectiveness). The conclusion discusses the potential trade-offs between these three dimensions and argues that the current form of participatory budgeting in Vienna may increase legitimacy in the process but have less of an impact on the effectiveness of the delivery and the empowerment of vulnerable populations in the outcome.
Visible protests reflect both continuity and change. This Element illustrates how protest around long-standing issues and grievances is punctuated by movement dynamics as well as broader cultural and institutional environments. The disability movement is an example of how activist networks and groups strategically adapt to opportunity and threat, linking protest waves to the development of issue politics. The Element examines sixty years of protest across numerous issue areas that matter for disability including social welfare, discrimination, transportation, healthcare, and media portrayals. Situating visible protest in this way provides a more nuanced picture of cycles of contention as they relate to political and organizational processes, strategies and tactics, and short-and-long-term outcomes. It also provides clues about why protest ebbs and flows, when and how protest matters, who it matters for, and for what. This Element also has a video abstract: www.cambridge.org/Pettinicchio
This article is a comparative study of the influences that consociational democracies have on political mobilization. By drawing on theories on collective action, social movements and ethnopolitics, it offers a novel explanation of how the consociational political system affects oppositional political mobilization. The nature of the political system has a strong causal relationship with the identity of the political mobilization. While some political systems generate national oppositional political mobilization, consociational democracies create a divisive environment that prevents cross-sectarian mobilization. Three case studies were examined to test the theory: Iraq, Lebanon and Iran. These countries share many similarities in terms of economic conditions, and social diversity but differ in political mobilization. While political mobilization in Iraq and Lebanon has mostly represented a particular sect within the society at different intervals, Iran, by contrast, witnessed more nationalistic political movements.
Abstract: Visible protests reflect both continuity and change. This Element illustrates how protest around long-standing issues and grievances is punctuated by movement dynamics as well as broader cultural and institutional environments. The disability movement is an example of how activist networks and groups strategically adapt to opportunity and threat, linking protest waves to the development of issue politics. The Element examines sixty years of protest across numerous issue areas that matter for disability including social welfare, discrimination, transportation, healthcare, and media portrayals. Situating visible protest in this way provides a more nuanced picture of cycles of contention as they relate to political and organizational processes, strategies and tactics, and short-and-long-term outcomes. It also provides clues about why protest ebbs and flows, when and how protest matters, who it matters for, and for what.
The last decade has seen the disappearance of nationalist political violence in two minority nations of Western Europe: the (Spanish) Basque Country and Corsica. Considering the importance of violence in the politics of these two communities (since 1959 in the Basque Country and 1976 in Corsica), the 2014 announcement by the Front de libération nationale corse of its ‘demilitarization’ and the dissolution of Euskadi Ta Askatasuna in 2018 represented potential critical junctures in the political development of both the Basque Country and Corsica. What, then, was the impact of the end of political violence in the two communities and why did this new ‘civil peace’ play out differently across the two cases, if it did? This article traces the process of political development in the Basque Country and Corsica through and after the end of violence. It shows that such end led to a strengthening of nationalism and a surge of claims for increased autonomy much more in Corsica than in the Basque Country. Then, the paper looks for an explanation for this divergence. It focuses on four differences between the two cases that could logically account for the different outcomes: constitutional status (the Basque Country has legislative and fiscal autonomy whereas Corsica has neither); the configuration of political power within each community (Basque nationalists dominate Basque politics whereas non-nationalist forces controlled Corsica until recently); the ideological positioning of the nationalist parties (more divergent in the Basque Country than in Corsica); and the levels of past violence (high in the Basque Country and low in Corsica). All these factors make post-violence alliances between nationalist forces easier in Corsica than the Basque Country.
The massive demonstrations as part of the Defending Islam Action against Ahok in 2016 have had a broad impact on the dynamics of contemporary Indonesian politics. The event has not only created socio-political polarization in society but also seeped into local political dynamics in West Sumatra. So far, most studies have focused on the motives and causal factors of the Islamic defense action with its various implications, but there are still few studies that explain the influence of this action on the local Islamic conservatism movement in West Sumatra. Specifically, this study answers the question of how the influence of the Defending Islam Action on the local Islamic conservatism movement in West Sumatra after the 212 rally. A deep understanding of the development of Islamic conservatism in the local context can develop theories of Islamic conservatism in explaining the Islamic revival movement in Indonesia. This research uses a qualitative method by interviewing a number of actors of the local Islamic conservatism movement in West Sumatra. The results of this study show that the transformation of national politics in the issues of the Defending Islam Action has a significant impact Zulfadli 2 on the local Islamic conservatism movement. The national political factor not only affects the local Islamic conservatism movement but also the proliferation of such movements locally, that are active in responding to social, political and religious issues. The national political factor followed by local political decentralization is a political opportunity for local Islamic conservatism groups to carry out conservative Islamic agendas in West Sumatra.
This research explains movements by peasants in Cipari, Cilacap, Central Java, Indonesia, in demanding their land rights. Compared with similar cases in Indonesia, efforts by Cipari peasants paid off in the end and presented a unique case of success. Cipari peasants obtained ownership rights to the land on their terms. Through an empirical case study approach, we found that the Cipari peasant movement to fight for land rights lasted for a long period of time, beginning in the post-independence era and extending through the post-collapse of Indonesia’s New Order regime. For Cipari peasants, land is not just a means of production or economic resource but also has socio-cultural value and, more importantly, embodies spiritual (religious) values. These social and cultural factors provided the main driver for Cipari peasants to persist in undertaking their resistance movement. Over a long process, Cipari peasants obtained legal title to land in the form of land certificates. We show that the Cipari peasant social and resistance movement emerged and continued to develop not solely because of political opportunities but especially due to its socio-cultural values about land.
En-Nahda Hareketi’nin öncülü olan İslami Eğilim Hareketi’ne (İEH) odaklanan bu makalenin temel sorusu, 1981-1989 arası dönemde İEH’nin Tunus’taki toplumsal hareketlilik sürecini açıklamaktır. Bu makale, İEH’nin Tunus’ta neden ve nasıl ortaya çıktığını, bir siyasi parti kurduğunu, Tunus’taki diğer hareketlerden farklı hedefler yarattığını ve ittifak tercihlerinde, stratejilerinde ve politikalarında dikkate değer bir ılımlılık, pragmatizm ve esneklik gösterdiğini incelemektedir. Bu makale, İEH’yi Sosyal Hareket Teorisi (SHT) doğrultusunda incelemekte ve bu bağlamda, Sidney George Tarrow, Doug McAdam ve Charles Tilly tarafından geliştirilen Siyasi Süreç Modeli’ni (SSM) uygulamaktadır. Makale, SSM’yi uygulayarak Batılı olmayan yarı otoriter bir siyasi ortamda toplumsal hareketliliği incelemenin yanı sıra söz konusu dönemde değişen ve dönüşen siyasi fırsat yapılarını, örgütsel dinamikleri ve çerçeveleme süreçlerini ortaya çıkararak literatüre katkıda bulunmaktadır. İEH örneğinden yola çıkan bu makale, İslami bir hareketin devlet baskısına rağmen siyasi fırsat yapıları, örgütsel dinamikler ve çerçeveleme süreçleri aracılığıyla ılımlılıkla ayakta kalabileceğini ve tabanını harekete geçirebileceğini savunmaktadır. (Alıntı için: Sivrikaya, Halil Atilla. "Siyasi Süreç Modeli ve Tunus’ta “İslami Eğilim Hareketi”,". Türkiye Ortadoğu Çalışmaları Dergisi, 10, 2 (2023): 161-197.)
Over time, the concept of social movement has evolved as society has changed, but has always implied collective action in the public space. The form of social contestation has changed, according to the conjuncture of each historical period. In 18th century, the transition from the Old Regime to Liberalism provoked movements considered by some authors as “primitive” or “premodern”, as they were spontaneous, sporadic and depoliticized. Industrial society of the 19th century gave rise to the labor movement and trade unionism, which from then on organized the social movements. In the 20th century there were changes and innovation in the collective way of acting, there was the emergence of a series of social movements that differ from the traditional in terms of the objectives and actors involved, such as the pacifist, ecologist, feminist movements, acting on the fringes of parties and unions. The 21st century has witnessed a set of movements that begin on social networks, such as Generation Scratch, Outraged, Occupy Wall Street, Screw the Troika, and quickly outgrow local scales to become global. Through the use of a theoretical and conceptual framework derived from the theories of social movements and taking into account the current transformation of collective action that has been witnessed in the 21st century, we intend to verify if we are facing a new social phenomenon or another phase of “repertoire” change.
The prevalence and character of political action has changed throughout the Global North, as individuals increasingly turn away from more conventional forms of political participation towards more everyday, continuous types of actions. In this study, I conceptualize one form of everyday political action as a politics of community. A politics of community describes a form of purposeful, collective action that individuals engage in in their attempts to challenge, change, or maintain the social organization of society. In a politics of community, individuals form a distinct and recognizable group that attempts to build community spaces, or interactions in which individuals experience a sense of intimacy and feelings of belonging and being at home. One group that engages in a politics of community is the extra-parliamentary left in Sweden.
Adopting a theoretical perspective with roots in interactionist thought, this study analyzes the social world of the extra-parliamentary left in southern Sweden. The extra-parliamentary left, a political group with radical left-libertarian principles, is a stigmatized actor within the arena of Swedish politics. Utilizing an ethnographic method, this study focuses not only on how this stigma arises, but also how individuals become and maintain an identity as extra-parliamentary leftists. I show that extra-parliamentary leftists often achieve stigma in interactions with other political actors, allowing the extra-parliamentary left to become a distinct and recognizable community. In these interactions, extra-parliamentary leftists engage in self-stigmatization to achieve not only a radical identity in Swedish politics, but also as a means of pursuing social change. Second, this study shows that individuals only become extra-parliamentary leftists through participation in the activities of the extra-parliamentary left. I demonstrate that individuals often first encounter extra-parliamentary habits in orbiting social worlds and learn to view these habits as desirable only in interaction with significant others. Third, I explore how extra-parliamentary leftists use self-segregation in their attempts to create community spaces, attempting to create interactional patterns removed from the dominant patterns in Swedish society. I demonstrate that these community spaces remain fragile and vulnerable to interruption, and that the extra-parliamentary left must constantly find ways to address these breaches and recreate community spaces or risk disintegration.
The dissertation concludes in noting both the inherent contradictions and challenges involved in radical political action as well as the importance of context in understanding radicality. I argue that focusing on routine, everyday action and interaction allows us to better examine and understand how individuals join and recreate groups involved in collective political action. Finally, I argue that studying the accomplishment of collective action, rather than solely its consequences, allows us to not only better understand changing patterns of political behavior but even the power relations and structures at work within our societies.
La presente tesis estudia la gestión cívica de equipamientos en la ciudad de Barcelona como oportunidades para la profundización democrática y el fortalecimiento comunitario. La gestión cívica es una categoría política-legal, consistente en la transferencia de equipamientos de titularidad municipal a entidades sin ánimo de lucro, para que sean estas quien administren y desarrollen su proyecto de forma abierta al barrio o la ciudad, con respaldo económico del consistorio. La transferencia de los equipamientos se desarrolla bajo el pretexto de mejorar la cohesión social de la ciudad y promocionar la participación ciudadana en la gestión del bien común, entre otros objetivos sociales. De este modo la investigación se focaliza en la identificación y comprensión de las circunstancias que favorecen que los equipamientos de gestión cívica devengan prácticas democráticas y de desarrollo comunitario.
Para lograr el objetivo de la investigación se propone una aproximación al objeto de estudio basado en una triple óptica analítica, en que se estudia la gestión cívica desde las tres dimensiones que la definen como experiencia ciudadana de gestión de recursos municipales, y que permiten analizar su potencial democrático y de fortalecimiento comunitario: 1) la gestión cívica como práctica de la administración pública local, 2) la gestión cívica como práctica comunitaria, y 3) la gestión cívica como bien común.
En la primera de les dimensiones se estudia la coordinación entre el Ayuntamiento de Barcelona y las entidades gestoras de los citados equipamientos. Partiendo del paradigma teórico de la gobernanza en red, se analiza el marco regulador de la gestión cívica, los espacios de coordinación, además de los posibles déficits democráticos de las redes de coordinación establecidas. Los resultados muestran como la aprobación de las Bases de gestió cívica (2015) incrementaron la transparencia en las redes de gobernanza, a pesar de la insuficiente adaptación, tanto de la normativa como de los procedimientos administrativos, a la idiosincrasia de les citadas entidades. Queda constatado como estas carencias absorben tiempo y recursos a las entidades gestoras, afectando su misión originaria e incentivando su despolitización.
En la segunda dimensión de análisis, se estudia el potencial fortalecimiento comunitario que pueden promover los equipamientos de gestión cívica en su territorio de referencia (habitualmente el barrio), a través de los conceptos de capital social puente y de transparencia en la gestión. Los resultados exhiben las dificultades, pero también las múltiples estrategias implementadas por los equipamientos de gestión cívica para conseguir que una diversidad de entidades y grupos del territorio hagan uso del equipamiento, estimulando la creación de capital social puente. Entre la pluralidad de equipamientos, destacan los casales de barrio, como los tipos de infraestructuras sociales que mayor consciencia muestran y más estrategias aplican en favor del fortalecimiento comunitario.
En la tercera de las dimensiones, se investiga la gobernanza interna de los equipamientos de gestión cívica como bienes comunes. Se analizan las normas y los espacios para la gestión del equipamiento desde el punto de vista democrático y de inclusión de la diversidad social. La mayoría de los equipamientos ofrecen diferentes órganos para la implicación de la ciudadanía en la gestión del centro, destacando entre la pluralidad de los equipamientos, aquellos que están gestionados por una plataforma de entidades. En términos de la composición social de los órganos de gestión se observa una tendencia a la homogeneidad social, con una manca de representación de colectivos no hegemónicos (mujeres, jóvenes y personas racializadas).
En síntesis, esta tesis contribuye a valorar el potencial democrático y el fortalecimiento comunitario de la gestión cívica, y especialmente a identificar sus condicionantes, a través del estudio de caso de la ciudad de Barcelona. Los resultados, además de generar un diálogo con la teoría y profundizar el conocimiento con el contraste empírico, pueden servir también para promover futuras investigaciones en el ámbito de la innovación en la administración de recursos de titularidad municipal por parte de la ciudadanía organizada, así como evaluar el impacto que dichas prácticas generan en su entorno territorial.
What is known today as Green ideology has its beginnings in the environmentalist movement, which emerged as a significant social movement in the second half of the twentieth century. It was part of the new social movements that replaced the traditional labor movement that was closely associated with trade unions. The new social movements, for their part, have the support of the new middle class, they had a specific, one could say ignorant, attitude toward the state and a specific decentralized organizational structure. In this chapter, attention is paid to the historical development of environmentalism, its social characteristics, and its relationship with new social movements. The chapter ends with the beginnings of the transformation of environmentalist movements in individual countries into the newly formed Green parties.
This research article examines the Global Feminism Social Movement in the social media movement through #MeToo addiction. This article aims to (1) study the movement against sexual harassment with #MeToo and (2) analyze the discourse practice of #MeToo. Use a qualitative research methodology and documentary research.
The results showed that the Global Feminist Social Movement against sexual harassment with millions of #MeToo addicts on social media. It uses a new tactic through discourse or language operations in line with the 4th-wave feminist paradigm that can challenge the traditional norms of patriarchalism. The movement can also release the pressure from the shackles of patriarchy. Furthermore, it can dismantle social relationships to have a more gender balance. #MeToo is also a discourse operative aimed at scrambling for virtual space to create real-world impact. It is also an effort to create global social justice or universal values to change society for the better for all genders.
How and why do advocates choose frames, and what are the effects of these choices? This study draws on two decades of data about the Center for the Child Care Workforce (CCW), an advocacy organization founded by feminist early childhood educators in 1977 to raise child care wages. It traces how contextual factors shape framing choices, and how framing choices shape advocacy goals and claims. Archival research and interview data reveal that discursive barriers led CCW to lobby for ensuring “quality” child care, a strategic choice that inadvertently prioritized professional educators’ interests over those of other caregivers.
Chapter 2 of this book addresses key concepts and theory relevant to this research, as well as the emergence of the global migration governance. It first discusses how actors other than states have emerged in the international governance system and how they are conceptualized in international relations theory (section 2.1). Second, it addresses how the international governance of migration has evolved and how the GCM fits into that governance (section 2.2). In this section, the author clusters the emergence of a global governance about migration in five phases: the early stages of building norms and institutions (1919–1989); the post-cold war era and the early 2000s, where conversations, new approaches, and stocktaking took place at the global level; the era of migration and development (2006–2015); the set-up of a new architecture for global migration governance with the New York Declaration, and the Global Compacts on Migration and on Refugees; and the current (and insecure) period for implementation, review and follow-up. This chapter also defines NSAs and local authorities, arguing that researchers must be distinct about the types of actors they are investigating (section 2.3)
In the closing stages of the Second World War, a wave of labor unrest broke out all over the world. The big industrial workplaces were often the centers of the revolts. In Denmark, the two general strikes, the August Uprising (Augustoprøret) of 1943 and the People’s Strike (Folkestrejken) of 1944, were key flashpoints in this phenomenon, but the wave of labor protest continued after the end of the war. The chapter is questioning the old but still prevailing assumption of popular grievance as decisive for the success of political protest and social movements by focusing on the two biggest mass labor protests in the early post war period, the July 4 Demonstration in 1945 and the Typographical Strike in 1947. The argument goes that organization and mobilization at the meso-level need to be studied to understand mass labor protest. The analysis is mainly based on archival material from the lead actors of the two events, namely the combined union organizations at the shipyard and diesel engine manufacturer Burmeister & Wain, and the Communist-led Copenhagen branch of the Danish Typographical Union. Communist activists played key roles, but Social Democrats also took part in the protests.
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