But That's Just Good Teaching! The Case for Culturally Relevant Pedagogy

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Lawrence Erlbaum Associates (Taylor & Francis Group)
But That's Just Good Teaching! The Case for Culturally Relevant Pedagogy
Author(s): Gloria Ladson-Billings
Source:
Theory into Practice,
Vol. 34, No. 3, Culturally Relevant Teaching (Summer, 1995), pp.
159-165
Published by: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates (Taylor & Francis Group)
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Gloria
Ladson-Billings
But
That's
Just
Good
Teaching!
The
Case
for
Culturally
Relevant
Pedagogy
OR
THE
PAST 6 YEARS
I
have been
engaged
in
research with excellent teachers of African
American students
(see,
for
example,
Ladson-Billings,
1990, 1992b, 1992c,
1994).
Given the
dismal aca-
demic
performance
of
many
African American
stu-
dents
(The
College
Board,
1985),
I am not
surprised
that various
administrators,
teachers,
and teacher edu-
cators have
asked me to share and discuss
my findings
so that
they might incorporate
them
in
their work.
One
usual
response
to what
I
share is the comment
around which
I
have based this
article, "But,
that's
just good teaching!"
Instead of some
"magic
bullet"
or intricate formula and
steps
for
instruction,
some
members of
my
audience are shocked to hear what
seems to them like
some rather routine
teaching
strat-
egies
that are a
part
of
good teaching. My response
is to affirm
that, indeed,
I
am
describing good
teach-
ing,
and to
question why
so
little of
it
seems to be
occurring
in
the classrooms
populated by
African
American
students.
The
pedagogical
excellence
I
have studied is
good teaching,
but it is
much more than that. This
article is
an
attempt
to describe a
pedagogy
I have
come
to
identify
as
"culturally
relevant"
(Ladson-
Billings,
1992a)
and to
argue
for its
centrality
in the
academic success of
African American and other
children who have not been
well served
by
our nation's
public
schools.
First,
I
provide
some
background
in-
Gloria
Ladson-Billings
is associate
professor of
educa-
tion at the
University
of
Wisconsin-Madison.
formation about other
attempts
to look at
linkages
between school and
culture.
Next,
I
discuss the theo-
retical
grounding
of
culturally
relevant
teaching
in
the context of a
3-year
study
of successful teachers
of African American
students.
I
conclude
this discus-
sion
with further
examples
of
this
pedagogy
in
action.
Linking Schooling
and Culture
Native
American educator Cornel
Pewewardy
(1993)
asserts that
one of the reasons Indian
chil-
dren
experience
difficulty
in schools is that educa-
tors
traditionally
have
attempted
to insert
culture into
the
education,
instead of
inserting
education into the
culture. This notion
is,
in
all
probability,
true for
many
students who are not
a
part
of the
White,
middle-
class mainstream.
For almost 15
years,
anthropolo-
gists
have looked at
ways
to
develop
a closer
fit
between students' home culture
and the school.
This
work has had a
variety
of
labels
including "culturally
appropriate"
(Au
&
Jordan,
1981),
"culturally
con-
gruent"
(Mohatt
&
Erickson,
1981),
"culturally
re-
sponsive"
(Cazden
&
Leggett,
1981;
Erickson &
Mohatt,
1982),
and
"culturally compatible"
(Jordan,
1985;
Vogt,
Jordan,
&
Tharp,
1987).
It has
attempted
to locate the
problem
of
discontinuity
between what
students
experience
at home
and what
they experi-
ence at school
in the
speech
and
language
interac-
tions of teachers
and students.
These
sociolinguists
have
suggested
that
if
students'
home
language
is
incorporated
into the
classroom,
students
are more
likely
to
experience
academic
success.
THEORY INTO
PRACTICE,
Volume
34,
Number
3,
Summer 1995
Copyright
1995
College
of
Education,
The Ohio State
University
0040-5841/95$1.25

THEORY
INTO'PRACTICE
/
Summer 1995
Culturally
Relevant
Teaching
Villegas
(1988),
however,
has
argued
that
these
micro-ethnographic
studies
fail to deal
adequately
with
the
macro social
context
in which student
fail-
ure
takes
place.
A
concern
I have voiced
about stud-
ies situated
in
speech
and
language
interactions
is
that,
in
general,
few have considered
the needs
of
African
American
students.'
Irvine
(1990)
dealt
with the lack
of what she
termed "cultural
synchronization"
between
teachers
and
African
American students.
Her
analysis
includ-
ed the
micro-level classroom
interactions,
the
"mid-
level" institutional
context
(i.e.,
school
practices
and
policies
such as
tracking
and
disciplinary
practices),
and the macro-level
societal context.
More
recently
Perry's
(1993)
analysis
has included
the historical
context
of the African
American's
educational
struggle.
All of
this
work-micro
through
macro
level-has
contributed
to
my
conception
of
culturally
relevant
pedagogy.
What is
Culturally
Relevant
Pedagogy?
In the current
attempts
to
improve pedagogy,
several
scholars have advanced
well-conceived
con-
ceptions
of
pedagogy.
Notable
among
these
scholars
are Shulman
(1987),
whose
work
conceptualizes
ped-
agogy
as
consisting
of
subject
matter
knowledge,
pedagogical
knowledge,
and
pedagogical
content
knowledge,
and
Berliner
(1988),
who
doubts
the
abil-
ity
of
expert pedagogues
to relate their
expertise
to
novice
practitioners.
More
recently,
Bartolome
(1994)
has decried
the search for the
"right" teaching
strat-
egies
and
argued
for
a
"humanizing
pedagogy
that
respects
and uses the
reality,
history,
and
perspec-
tives of students as an
integral
part
of educational
practice" (p.
173).
I have defined
culturally
relevant
teaching
as a
pedagogy
of
opposition
(1992c)
not unlike critical
pedagogy
but
specifically
committed
to
collective,
not
merely
individual,
empowerment.
Culturally
rele-
vant
pedagogy
rests on three criteria
or
propositions:
(a)
Students
must
experience
academic
success;
(b)
students must
develop
and/or maintain cultural
com-
petence;
and
(c)
students must
develop
a critical con-
sciousness
through
which
they challenge
the status
quo
of the
current
social order.
Academic
success
Despite
the
current social
inequities
and hostile
classroom
environments,
students must
develop
their
academic
skills.
The
way
those
skills are
developed
may
vary,
but
all students need
literacy,
numeracy,
technological,
social,
and
political
skills
in
order to
be active
participants
in a
democracy. During
the
1960s
when
African
Americans were
fighting
for
civil
rights,
one of the
primary
battlefronts
was the
classroom
(Morris,
1984).
Despite
the federal
gov-
ernment's
failed
attempts
at
adult
literacy
in
the
South,
civil
rights
workers
such as
Septima
Clark
and Esau Jenkins
(Brown, 1990)
were able to
teach
successfully
those same
adults
by ensuring
that the
students learned
that
which was most
meaningful
to
them.
This
approach
is
similar to that advocated
by
noted critical
pedagogue
Paulo Freire
(1970).
While
much has been
written about the need to
improve
the self-esteem
of
African
American stu-
dents
(see
for
example,
Banks &
Grambs,
1972;
Branch &
Newcombe, 1986;
Crooks,
1970),
at base
students
must demonstrate
academic
competence.
This
was
a
clear
message given by
the
eight
teachers
who
participated
in
my study.2
All of
the teachers
demanded,
reinforced,
and
produced
academic ex-
cellence
in their students.
Thus,
culturally
relevant
teaching requires
that
teachers attend to students'
academic
needs,
not
merely
make them "feel
good."
The trick of
culturally
relevant
teaching
is
to
get
students to "choose"
academic excellence.
In
one
of
the
classrooms
I
studied,
the
teacher,
Ann
Lewis,3
focused a
great
deal of
positive
atten-
tion on the
African American
boys
(who
were
the
numerical
majority
in her
class).
Lewis,
a
White
woman,
recognized
that
the African American
boys
possessed
social
power.
Rather than allow that
pow-
er to influence their
peers
in
negative
ways,
Lewis
challenged
the
boys
to demonstrate academic
power
by drawing
on issues
and
ideas
they
found
meaningful.
As the
boys began
to
take on academic
leadership,
other
students saw this as a
positive
trait and devel-
oped
similar behaviors. Instead of
entering
into an
antagonistic relationship
with
the
boys,
Lewis found
ways
to value their skills and abilities
and
channel
them
in
academically important ways.
Cultural
competence
Culturally
relevant
teaching requires
that
students
maintain some cultural
integrity
as
well
as
academic
excellence.
In
their
widely
cited
article,
Fordham and
Ogbu
(1986)
point
to
a
phenomenon
called
"acting
White,"
where African American
160

Ladson-Billings
But That's
Just Good
Teaching!
students fear
being
ostracized
by
their
peers
for
dem-
onstrating
interest
in
and
succeeding
in
academic
and
other school related tasks. Other scholars
(Hollins,
1994;
King,
1994)
have
provided
alternate
explana-
tions of this behavior.4
They suggest
that for too
many
African American
students,
the school remains
an alien and hostile
place.
This
hostility
is manifest
in
the
"styling"
and
"posturing" (Majors
&
Billson,
1992)
that the school
rejects.
Thus,
the African Amer-
ican student
wearing
a hat in
class or
baggy pants
may
be sanctioned for
clothing
choices rather than
specific
behaviors. School is
perceived
as a
place
where African American students cannot "be them-
selves."
Culturally
relevant
teachers utilize students'
culture as a vehicle for
learning.
Patricia Hilliard's
love of
poetry
was shared with her students
through
their own love of
rap
music.
Hilliard is an African
American woman who had
taught
in
a
variety
of
schools,
both
public
and
private
for about 12
years.
She came into
teaching
after
having stayed
at
home
for
many years
to care for her
family.
The mother of
a
teenaged
son,
Hilliard was
familiar with the music
that
permeates
African
American
youth
culture. In-
stead
of
railing against
the
supposed
evils of
rap
music,
Hilliard
allowed her second
grade
students to
bring
in
samples
of
lyrics
from what both
she and
the students determined to
be non-offensive
rap
songs.5
Students were
encouraged
to
perform
the
songs
and
the teacher
reproduced
them on an over-
head so that
they
could
discuss literal
and
figurative
meanings
as well as
technical
aspects
of
poetry
such
as
rhyme
scheme,
alliteration,
and
onomatopoeia.
Thus,
while the
students were
comfortable
us-
ing
their
music,
the teacher
used it as a
bridge
to
school
learning.
Their
understanding
of
poetry
far
exceeded what either the
state
department
of educa-
tion
or the local school
district
required.
Hilliard's
work
is an
example
of how academic
achievement
and
cultural
competence
can
be
merged.
Another
way
teachers can
support
cultural
compe-
tence was demonstrated
by
Gertrude
Winston,
a White
woman
who has
taught
school for 40
years.6
Winston
worked hard to
involve
parents
in
her classroom.
She
created an "artist or
craftsperson-in-residence"
pro-
gram
so that the
students could both learn
from each
other's
parents
and affirm
cultural
knowledge.
Win-
ston
developed
a
rapport
with
parents
and invited
them to
come into the classroom
for 1 or
2
hours
at
a
time for a
period
of
2-4
days.
The
parents,
in con-
sultation
with
Winston,
demonstrated
skills
upon
which Winston later built.
For
example,
a
parent
who was known
in
the
community
for
her delicious sweet
potato pies
did
a
2-day residency
in
Winston's fifth
grade
classroom.
On
the first
day,
she
taught
a
group
of
students7
how
to make the
pie
crust.
Winston
provided
supplies
for
the
pie baking
and the
students
tried their
hands at
making
the crusts.
They placed
them in the
refriger-
ator
overnight
and made the
filling
the
following
day.
The
finished
pies
were served to
the entire
class.
The
students who
participated
in
the "seminar"
were
required
to conduct
additional research on
var-
ious
aspects
of what
they
learned.
Students from
the
pie baking
seminar did
reports
on
George
Washing-
ton Carver and his
sweet
potato
research,
conducted
taste
tests,
devised a
marketing plan
for
selling pies,
and
researched the
culinary
arts to find
out what
kind of
preparation
they
needed to
become cooks
and chefs.
Everyone
in
Winston's class was
required
to
write a detailed thank
you
note
to the
artist/crafts-
person.
Other
residencies were
done
by
a
carpenter,
a
former
professional
basketball
player,
a
licensed
prac-
tical
nurse,
and a church
musician. All
of
Winston's
guests
were
parents
or
relatives of her
students.
She
did not
"import"
role
models with
whom the
stu-
dents
did not have
firsthand
experience.
She was
deliberate in
reinforcing
that the
parents
were a
knowledgeable
and
capable
resource.
Her
students
came to
understand the
constructed
nature of
things
such as
"art,"
"excellence,"
and
"knowledge."
They
also
learned that
what
they
had and
where
they
came
from
was of
value.
A
third
example
of
maintaining
cultural
com-
petence
was
demonstrated
by
Ann
Lewis,
a
White
woman whom I
have described
as
"culturally
Black"
(Ladson-Billings,
1992b;
1992c).
In
her sixth
grade
classroom,
Lewis
encouraged
the students
to use
their
home
language
while
they acquired
the
secondary
discourse
(Gee,
1989)
of
"standard"
English.
Thus,
her students
were
permitted
to
express
themselves
in
language
(in
speaking
and
writing)
with which
they
were
knowledgeable
and
comfortable.
They
were then
required
to
"translate" to the
standard
form.
By
the
end
of the
year,
the
students were
not
only
facile at
this
"code-switching"
(Smitherman,
1981)
but could
better use both
languages.
161

THEORY INTO PRACTICE
/
Summer
1995
Culturally
Relevant
Teaching
Critical
consciousness
Culturally
relevant
teaching
does not
imply
that
it
is
enough
for students to chose academic excel-
lence and remain
culturally
grounded
if
those
skills
and
abilities
represent
only
an individual achievement.
Beyond
those individual characteristics of
academic
achievement and cultural
competence,
students must
develop
a broader
sociopolitical
consciousness that
allows them to
critique
the cultural
norms,
values,
mores,
and
institutions that
produce
and maintain
social
inequities.
If
school
is
about
preparing
stu-
dents for active
citizenship,
what better
citizenship
tool than the
ability
to
critically analyze
the
society?
Freire
brought
forth the notion of
"conscienti-
zation,"
which is "a
process
that invites
learners
to
engage
the world and others
critically"
(McLaren,
1989,
p.
195).
However,
Freire's
work
in
Brazil was
not
radically
different from work that
was
being
done
in
the southern
United States
(Chilcoat
&
Ligon,
1994)
to
educate and
empower
African
Americans
who
were
disenfranchised.
In
the classrooms of
culturally
relevant teach-
ers,
students are
expected
to
"engage
the world and
others
critically."
Rather than
merely
bemoan the
fact that their
textbooks were out of
date,
several of
the teachers
in
the
study,
in
conjunction
with their
students,
critiqued
the
knowledge represented
in the
textbooks,
and the
system
of
inequitable funding
that
allowed
middle-class students
to have
newer texts.
They
wrote letters to
the editor of the
local
newspa-
per
to inform the
community
of the
situation. The
teachers
also
brought
in
articles and
papers
that
rep-
resented
counter
knowledge
to
help
the
students de-
velop multiple
perspectives
on a
variety
of
social
and historical
phenomena.
Another
example
of this kind
of
teaching
was
reported
in
a
Dallas
newspaper
(Robinson,
1993).
A
group
of
African
American
middle school
students
were
involved
in
what
they
termed
"community prob-
lem
solving"
(see
Tate,
this
issue).
The kind
of social
action curriculum in
which the
students
participated
is similar
to that advocated
by
scholars who
argue
that
students need
to be
"centered"
(Asante,
1991;
Tate,
1994)
or
the
subjects
rather than the
objects
of
study.
Culturally
Relevant
Teaching
in
Action
As
previously
mentioned,
this
article and its
theoretical
undergirding
come from a
3-year
study
of
successful teachers of
African American
students.
The teachers
who
participated
in the
study
were
ini-
tially
selected
by
African American
parents
who
be-
lieved them
to be
exceptional.
Some of the
parents'
reasons for
selecting
the
teachers
were
the enthusi-
asm
their children
showed in school
and
learning
while
in
their
classrooms,
the consistent level of
re-
spect
they
received from
the
teachers,
and their
per-
ception
that the teachers understood
the need for
the
students to
operate
in the dual
worlds of their
home
community
and the
White
community.
In
addition to the
parents'
recommendations,
I
solicited
principals'
recommendations.
Principals'
reasons for
recommending
teachers were the
low
number of
discipline
referrals,
the
high
attendance
rates,
and
standardized
test scores.8
Teachers whose
names
appeared
as both
parents'
and
principals'
rec-
ommendations were asked to
participate
in
the
study.
Of the nine teachers'
names who
appeared
on
both
lists,
eight
were
willing
to
participate.
Their
partici-
pation required
an
in-depth
ethnographic
interview
(Spradley,
1979),
unannounced classroom
visitations,
videotaping
of
their
teaching,
and
participation
in
a
research collective with
the other
teachers
in
the
study.
This
study
was
funded for 2
years.
In a third
year
I
did a
follow-up
study
of
two of the teachers to
investigate
their
literacy teaching
(Ladson-Billings,
1992b;
1992c).
Initially,
as I
observed
the teachers
I
could not
see
patterns
or
similarities
in
their
teaching.
Some
seemed
very
structured and
regimented,
using daily
routines
and activities.
Others seemed
more
open
or
unstructured.
Learning
seemed to
emerge
from stu-
dent
initiation
and
suggestions.
Still others
seemed
eclectic-very
structured
for
certain
activities and
unstructured for
others. It
seemed to
be a
research-
er's
nightmare-no
common
threads
to
pull
their
practice together
in
order to relate
it to
others. The
thought
of their
pedagogy
as
merely idiosyncratic,
a
product
of their
personalities
and
individual
perspec-
tives,
left
me
both
frustrated and
dismayed.
Howev-
er,
when I
was able to
go
back over
their
interviews
and
later when
we met
together
as a
group
to
discuss
their
practice,
I
could see that in
order to
understand
their
practice
it
was
necessary
to
go
beyond
the
sur-
face
features of
teaching
"strategies"
(Bartolome,
1994).
The
philosophical
and
ideological
underpin-
nings
of
their
practice,
i.e. how
they thought
about
themselves
as teachers and how
they thought
about
others
(their
students,
the
students'
parents,
and other
162

Ladson-Billings
But That's Just Good
Teaching!
community
members),
how
they
structured
social
relations within
and outside
of the
classroom,
and
how
they
conceived
of
knowledge,
revealed
their
similarities
and
points
of
congruence.9
All
of
the teachers
identified
strongly
with teach-
ing.
They
were not
ashamed or
embarrassed
about
their
professions.
Each
had chosen to
teach
and,
more
importantly,
had chosen
to teach
in this
low-income,
largely
African American
school district.
The teach-
ers saw
themselves
as a
part
of the
community
and
teaching
as a
way
to
give
back to
the
community.
They
encouraged
their students
to do the same.
They
believed
their work
was
artistry,
not a technical
task
that could be
accomplished
in a
recipe-like
fashion.
Fundamental
to
their beliefs
about
teaching
was that
all of
the students could
and must succeed.
Conse-
quently,
they
saw their
responsibility
as
working
to
guarantee
the success of each
student.
The students
who seemed
furthest behind received
plenty
of
indi-
vidual
attention and
encouragement.
The teachers
kept
the relations
between them-
selves
and their students
fluid and
equitable.
They
encouraged
the students
to act as
teachers,
and
they,
themselves,
often functioned as
learners
in
the class-
room. These
fluid
relationships
extended
beyond
the
classroom
and into the
community.
Thus,
it was
com-
mon
for the teachers
to be seen
attending
community
functions
(e.g.,
churches,
students'
sports
events)
and
using
community
services
(e.g.,
beauty parlors,
stores).
The teachers
attempted
to create a bond
with
all of the
students,
rather than an
idiosyncratic,
indi-
vidualistic connection
that
might
foster an
unhealthy
competitiveness.
This bond was nurtured
by
the
teachers'
insistence on
creating
a
community
of learn-
ers as a
priority.
They encouraged
the
students to
learn
collaboratively,
teach each
other,
and be re-
sponsible
for each other's
learning.
As teachers
in
the
same
district,
the teachers
in
this
study
were
responsible
for
meeting
the same
state
and local curriculum
guidelines.10
However,
the
way
they
met and
challenged
those
guidelines helped
to define
them as
culturally
relevant
teachers. For
these
teachers,
knowledge
is
continuously
recreated,
recycled,
and shared
by
the teachers
and the stu-
dents.
Thus,
they
were not
dependent
on state cur-
riculum frameworks
or textbooks to decide
what and
how to teach.
For
example,
if the state curriculum
framework
called
for
teaching
about the
"age
of
exploration,"
they
used this
as an
opportunity
to examine
conven-
tional
interpretations
and
introduce
alternate
ones.
The content
of the curriculum
was
always open
to
critical
analysis.
The teachers
exhibited
a
passion
about what
they
were
teaching-showing
enthusiasm
and vitali-
ty
about
what was
being taught
and learned.
When
students
came to them
with skill
deficiencies,
the
teachers worked
to
help
the
students build
bridges
or
scaffolding
so that
they
could be
proficient
in
the
more
challenging
work
they experienced
in
these
classrooms.
For
example,
in
Margaret
Rossi's sixth
grade
class,
all of the
students were
expected
to learn
alge-
bra.
For those who
did not know basic number
facts,
Rossi
provided
calculators. She
believed that
by
us-
ing particular
skills
in context
(e.g., multiplication
and division
in the context of
solving equations),
the
students would
become more
proficient
at those skills
while
acquiring
new
learning.
Implications
for Further
Study
I
believe
this work has
implications
for both
the research
and
practice
communities. For research-
ers,
I
suggest
that
this kind of
study
must be
repli-
cated
again
and
again.
We need to know much more
about the
practice
of successful teachers for African
American
and other students
who have been
poorly
served
by
our schools. We need to have an
opportunity
to
explore
alternate
research
paradigms
that include the
voices of
parents
and
communities
in
non-exploit-
ative
ways."
For
practitioners,
this research reinforces the
fact that the
place
to
find
out about classroom
prac-
tices
is the naturalistic
setting
of the classroom and
from the lived
experiences
of teachers. Teachers need
not
shy
away
from
conducting
their own research
about their
practice
(Zeichner
&
Tabachnick,
1991).
Their
unique perspectives
and
personal
investment
in
good practice
must not be overlooked. For both
groups-researchers
and
practitioners
alike-this
work is
designed
to
challenge
us to reconsider what
we mean
by "good" teaching,
to
look for it
in
some
unlikely places,
and to
challenge
those who
suggest
it
cannot
be made available
to all children.
Notes
1. Some
notable
exceptions
to this
failure to consider
achievement
strategies
for African American students are
163

THEORY
INTO
PRACTICE / Summer
1995
Culturally
Relevant
Teaching
Ways
With
Words
(Heath, 1983);
"Fostering Early
Liter-
acy
Through
Parent
Coaching"
(Edwards,
1991);
and
"Achieving
Equal
Educational Outcomes
for Black Chil-
dren"
(Hale-Benson, 1990).
2. I
have
written
extensively
about
this
study,
its meth-
odology, findings,
and results elsewhere.
For a full dis-
cussion of
the
study,
see
Ladson-Billings
(1994).
3. All
study
participants'
names are
pseudonyms.
4.
At the 1994
annual
meeting
of
the American Educa-
tional Research
Association,
King
and Hollins
presented
a
symposium
entitled,
"The Burden of
Acting
White
Revisited."
5.
The
teacher
acknowledged
the
racism,
misogyny,
and
explicit
sexuality
that
is a
part
of the
lyrics
of some
rap
songs.
Thus,
the students
were directed to use
only
those
songs
they
felt
they
could
"sing
to
their
parents."
6.
Winston retired after the first
year
of the
study
but
continued to
participate
in the
research
collaborative
throughout
the
study.
7. Because the
residency
is more
than a demonstration
and
requires
students
to work
intensely
with the artist
or
craftsperson,
students
must
sign up
for
a
particular
artist.
The
typical group
size was
5-6 students.
8. Standardized
test
scores
throughout
this district were
very
low.
However,
the teachers
in the
study
distinguished
themselves because
students
in
their classrooms consis-
tently produced
higher
test scores than
their
grade
level
colleagues.
9.
As
I
describe the
teachers
I
do not
mean to
suggest
that
they
had no individual
personalities
or
practices.
However,
what
I
was
looking
for in
this
study
were
ways
to
describe the
commonalties of
their
practice.
Thus,
while this discussion of
culturally
relevant
teaching
may
appear
to infer an essentialized notion of
teaching
prac-
tice,
none is
intended.
Speaking
in this
categorical
man-
ner
is a
heuristic
for
research
purposes.
10.
The
eight
teachers were
spread
across four
schools
in
the district and were
subjected
to the
specific
admin-
istrative
styles
of four different
principals.
11. Two sessions at the
1994
annual
meeting
of the
American Educational Research Association in New Or-
leans
entitled,
"Private Lives in Public
Conversations:
Ethics of Research Across Communities of
Color,"
dealt
with concerns for the ethical
standards
of
research
in
non-White communities.
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