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A Handbook of Slavic Clitics
... verbadjazente Stellung), Richtung der phonologischen Abhängigkeit (Proklise vs. Enklise; Klitika sind prosodisch defizient) sowie Bestand und Umfang der Klasse klitischer Elemente (Ostslavisch vs. West-und Südslavisch) 1 typisiert. Verschiedene Autoren (Rappaport 1988, Franks 2010, Franks und King 2000, Bošković 2015 weisen dem Polnischen -explizit oder implizit -eine typologische Sonderstellung innerhalb des Slavischen zu und kontrastieren es mit Sprachen wie dem Tschechischen oder Bosnisch-Kroatisch-Serbischen (BKS). Diese These erhielt spätestens mit Franks (2009) Einzug in die Communis Opinio. ...
... (2) a. Das Polnische wird mit diesen Special-Clitic-Sprachen als Simple-Clitic-Sprache kontrastiert (u.a. bei Franks 2009, 2010, Franks und King 2000, Rappaport 1988 (Narodowy Korpus Języka Polskiego, NKJP) erhoben. Gesprochene Sprache macht 10% des Datenvolumens des NKPJ aus (Przepiórkowski et al. 2009: 49). ...
... Für Special-Clitic-Sprachen wird die Wirksamkeit strenger Ordnungsprinzipien innerhalb der klitischen Gruppe geltend gemacht.Franks und King (2000; s. dort in den Abschnitten zu den Einzelsprachen) fassen folgende Muster zusammen:BKS: li > aux > dat > akk > gen > se refl > je Sln.: naj > bi / aux prät > refl > dat > akk > gen > aux fut / je Bg.: šte > aux > dat > akk > e Maz.: da > ne >ḱe / bi > aux > dat > akk > e / se Tsch.: li > cond / aux > dat na / refl > dat a > akk / gen 12 ...
... Az utolsó feltételt nem tudjuk biztosan ellenőrizni, mivel az ukrán nyelv klitikum-rendszere meglehetősen szegényes és nem tartalmaz inflexiós klitikumokat. Franks-King (2000) nagyon kevés ukrán klitikumszerű elemet sorolnak fel: a kizárólag múlt idejű igealakokkal előforduló kondicionális enklitikumot, valamint a klitikum tulajdonságokkal rendelkező tagadó és más partikulákat, de nem írnak egyetlen segédige-klitikumról sem a sztenderd ukránban. ...
... Két írást szeretnék kiemelni, amely ennek a szerkezetnek a tulajdonságait tárgyalja az ukrán északnyugati dialektusokban: Danylenko (2012), valamint Franks-King (2000). Mindkét forrásban klitikumként utalnak a vizsgált jövőidő-képzőre. ...
... Az inszeptív értelmezés azért sem tűnik valószínűnek, mert az ukrán nyelvben, akárcsak az oroszban és a magyarban, van inszeptív (inchoatív) akcióminőség, amivel kifejezhető egy olyan cselekvés, amely a jövőben kezdődik el, sőt egy azon mondatban előfordulhat egy inszeptív ige és egy folyamatos jövő idejű igealak is: Az eddigi példamondatok alapján tehát úgy tűnik, hogy a folyamatos jövő idejű igealaknak az ukrán nyelv dialektusaiban sincs inszeptív jelentése, azonban ezt nem tudhatjuk biztosan, amíg nem áll rendelkezésre anyanyelvi beszélőktől származó adat erre vonatkozóan. Franks-King (2000) a hucul dialektus klitikumrendszerét mutatják be, amely némileg hasonlít a lengyel nyelv klitikumrendszerére. Kiemelik a múlt idejű klitikumokat, valamint a jövő idejű igealakokat, amelyekre inflected infinitive-ként utalnak. ...
... Previous research ( [1], [2], [3]) shows that the word order of the older Czech pronominal (and auxiliary) enclitics follows one of the two main patterns: 1. the pronominal enclitic is in the Wackernagel's position (also called the post-initial position), i.e. the second position in a clause, the example (1) demonstrates this pattern for the enclitic pronominal form mi 'to me', 2. the pronominal enclitic is in the contact position, i.e. in the position that is in the immediate vicinity of its superordinate verb, its governor (hence, also called verbadjacent position). This pattern is demonstrated in the example (2) Both word-order patterns (positions) exist in modern Slavic languages [4], so that the situation of older Czech -showing the same variation -is relevant for research of contemporary Slavic languages as well. ...
... (the symbol []* represents zero or more syntactic units of the clause) or the enclitic (E) occurs after the initial phrase of any type, except its governor ([]) and the enclitic is immediately followed by its governor (G), schematically (4) ...
... It should be noted that the example (9) was not attested in Slavic languages [4] and should be considered ungrammatical. ...
The paper focuses on analyzing the relationship among word order positions of pronominal enclitics in the history of Czech. Specifically, we look at the Wackernagel’s position and the contact position and we try to decide whether these two positions compete, as usually taken for granted, or whether there is a certain kind of cooperation between them. The results show that the positions do not compete, at least not in the majority of cases. We used a corpus-based on selected books of the first edition of the Old Czech Bible and Kralice Bible for the analysis.
... Nevertheless, although Serbian does not possess articles, it does possess both strong and weak pronouns (clitics), similarly to Greek. Serbian clitics are known as "second position" clitics, which make clitic clusters (Franks & King, 2000; Schütze, 1994 among others). Greek clitics are verb-adjacent and this clitic feature enables Greek to have different clause structures such as clitic doubling (Philippaki-Warburton, 1987;Anagnostopoulou, 1994;; Alexiadou & Anagnostopoulou, 1997 among others), clitic left dislocation (CLLD, Philippaki-Warburton, 1987;Tsimpli, 1990;Anagnostopoulou, 1994;Alexiadou & Anagnostopoulou, 2000 among others), hanging topic left dislocation (Alexiadou. ...
... The clitic is the unmarked form whereas the full pronoun is used for emphasis. With respect to clitic pronouns, Serbian clitics are so-called "second-position" clitics (Zec & Inkelas, 1990;Schütze, 1994;Franks & King;2000 among others). "Second position" or Wackernagel's clitic (cf. ...
... we are introduced yesterday him her Franks & King (2000) argue that clitics cannot serve as an independent prosodic domain; they must attach to other "adjacent domains for stress assignment purposes" since they are prosodically weak and unaccented (2000: 4). More specifically, clitics must be attached to nonclitics in order to form prosodically valid units. ...
The general goal of this dissertation is to investigate four basic effects (word order, morphological,
language and task effects) on the different grammatical phenomena in two morphologically rich
languages, Serbian and Greek, in order to determine the level to which the comprehension and the
production is impaired in agrammatism.
The data presented in the thesis is drawn from the study of five non-fluent aphasics, three native
speakers of the Serbian and two native speakers of the Greek language.
More specifically, in order to investigate the agrammatic comprehension of thematic roles and the
patients’ ability to use morphological cues in both canonical and non-canonical word order, a
sentence-picture matching test with orally presented dislocation, focus and restrictive relative
constructions was used. The results of this test indicated a general above chance performance on
constructions in canonical (SVO) order by both Greek- and Serbian-speaking agrammatics.
Nevertheless, a better performance of the Greek aphasics on both focus and object relative
constructions has also been found. Finally, theta-role reversal was statistically and significantly a
more frequent error type in OVS in comparison to SVO order for both language groups.
On the other hand, a prompted act-out test aimed to investigate the effect of movements on both
discourse-linked and non-discourse linked wh-questions. The results of this task revealed an above
chance performance on canonical wh-questions, which were much better understood than noncanonical
equivalents by both language groups (similar results were found in Hickok & Avrutin,
1996; Avrutin, 2000; Salis & Edwards, 2005 by English-speaking agrammatics).
The second experiment is comprised by two tests, a grammaticality judgment and a sentence
repetition task, which aimed to examine whether agrammatics both comprehend and produce case
markers and subject-verb agreement in both grammatical and ungrammatical sentences and
whether they equally well comprehend and produce canonical (SVO) and non-canonical (VOS)
word order combining syntactic cues with morphological ones. Finally, another goal of this second
xiii
experiment was to investigate whether there is a different performance by agrammatics on the
judgment and the production task.
The results of this experiment revealed a general above chance performance on the grammaticality
judgment task by both language groups; patients also showed that they retain the ability to
recognize S-V agreement (similar to Friedmann's study on Hebrew and Arabic, 2003 and
Varlokosta’s et. al., 2006 and Nanousi’s et al., 2006 studies on Greek) and/or case marking errors.
On the other hand, a deterioration of performance on the sentence repetition task has been noted;
the patients confronted great difficulties especially in the repetition of ungrammatical
constructions. It also must be emphasized that the patients of both language groups performed
significantly better on SVO than on VOS clauses (in line with Friedman et al.’s results, 2001).
These results suggest that although both Greek and Serbian are highly inflected languages,
sentence comprehension and production of non-canonical word orders (OVS and VOS
respectively) was relatively impaired and, in this respect, similar to the performance of aphasic
patients with native languages with poor inflectional morphology (e.g. English). In addition, the
better performance on some of the non-canonical structures (e.g. focus and object relatives) in the
results of the Greek-speaking patients indicates that agrammatics of this language group managed
to use some of the morphological cues in non-canonical word order in contrast to their Serbianspeaking counterparts.
... In syntactic theory, clitics are analyzed either as head elements (Franks 2008; or as so-called non-branching elements that cannot be modified by other words (Bošković 2001;2004;Pancheva 2005). The descriptions of Slavonic languages has made a valuable contribution to clitic studies and grammatical theory (Jakobson 1963;Zaliznjak 1985;Franks and King 2000;Rudin 1988;Dimitrova-Vulchanova 1999;Kosta and Schürcks 2009;Franks 2017). Slavonic languages make use of clitic pronouns, cf. ...
... clustering clitics a and b and they remain contiguous, they are placed in a rigid order a > b ('a immediately precedes b') (Zaliznjak 1993;Franks and King 2000). The same principle holds for Slavonic languages with verb-adjacent clitics (Bulgarian, Macedonian) and for world's languages with VP-internal clitics (French, Spanish, Italian, Romanian, Modern Greek, Albanian). ...
This entry entitled "Clitics" (ch. 6.5.) has been submitted for the volume: Jan Fellerer, & N. Bermel (Eds.), The Oxford Guide to the Slavonic Languages. Oxford University Press.
... The clitics conforming to the criterion (i) are called clustering, while the rules predicting clitic-internal ordering are called clitic templates or ranking rules (Zaliznjak 1993, 282;Franks, King 2000). True clusters must be distinguished from occasional sequences of phonetically adjacent clitics. ...
... Finally, Balkan Slavic languages including Bulgarian use both AUX1 and AUX2: most auxiliaries take AUX1, while the 3Sg =je takes AUX2 (Franks, King 2000;Zimmerling 2013, 111, 337). ...
The world’s languages with clitic clusters pattern with four major types of the word order systems, depending on the presence or absence of the 2P condition and the parameter of clitic-verb adjacency. Bulgarian has a double-focus system of clitic placement (2P condition and clitic-verb adjacency), which has typological parallels outside Europe but lacks direct counterparts in modern European languages. Neither the analogy with standard 2P languages without clitic-verb adjacency nor the analogy with the Romance systems with vP-internal clitics captures the profile of the Bulgarian clitic syntax. Historically, the rise of the clitic-verb adjacency is an innovation of Bulgarian, but its exact time and triggers are unclear. The language of the Wallachian letters (ca. 1386-1509) has a marked tendency towards the clitic-verb adjacency and is typologically similar to Modern Bulgarian but still has residual #XP – CL – [Y] – V orders. This idiom spoken by the L2 speakers of Middle Bulgarian cannot be viewed as a source of the Modern Bulgarian but hints that the clitic-verb adjacency parameter could develop in the history of Bulgarian because of the contact influence on the part of some Non-Slavic clitic systems.
... Following Sportiche (1996) clitics are considered heads of their own projection, called Clitic Voice, whose function is the licensing of a specificity feature (Sportiche 1996: 268). SC clitics, on the other hand, are P2 clitics, licensed by both syntax and prosody, according to Franks &King 2000 andBošković 2004. They are the pronominal realisation of an argument and move to a higher position in the structure. ...
... Following Sportiche (1996) clitics are considered heads of their own projection, called Clitic Voice, whose function is the licensing of a specificity feature (Sportiche 1996: 268). SC clitics, on the other hand, are P2 clitics, licensed by both syntax and prosody, according to Franks &King 2000 andBošković 2004. They are the pronominal realisation of an argument and move to a higher position in the structure. ...
This contribution provides an overview of generative accounts of second language
(L2) acquisition developed since the late 1980s that focus on formal features as instantiation
of language-specific properties. It will discuss the process of reanalysis of formal features,
which will entail the identification of vulnerable domains, as well as its outcome, on the basis
of examples from relevant existing studies. Assuming parallels between L2 acquisition and
language contact, considerations on learnability and vulnerable domains will also be relevant
when addressing the question of which direction development may take in situations of
language contact and the resulting language change.
... 2. O RC ocorre em diversas línguas indo-europeias (búlgaro, macedónio, sérvio, esloveno, espanhol, romeno, albanês e grego) e em línguas semíticas (amárico, hebreu) (cf., entre outros, Strozer 1976;Rivas 1977;Steriade 1980;Jaeggli 1982;Borer 1984;Suñer 1988;Dobrovie-Sorin 1990;Anagnostopoulou 1994Anagnostopoulou , 2006Demonte 1995;Uriagereka 1995;Sportiche 1996;Torrego 1998;Aoun 1999;Franks & King 2000;Philippaki-Warburton et al. 2004;Kallulli & Tasmowski 2008a;Franks 2009;Runic 2014;Kramer 2014;Harizanov 2014;Baker & Kramer 2016). O fenómeno está ainda documentado em trabalhos sobre o lubukusu, uma língua bantu falada no Quénia (cf. ...
... (113) DP-grande b) O RC é um fenómeno de concordância de objeto, em que o clítico é a manifestação dos traços-φ do associado; a concordância estabelece-se ou numa configuração especificador-núcleo, com movimento do associado para o especificador de um núcleo funcional verbal ou, na fase pós Chomsky (2000Chomsky ( , 2001, numa relação de Agree entre o núcleo funcional (probe) e o associado (goal); em ambos os casos, o clítico é o spell-out de um núcleo funcional após validação dos traços-φ (cf., entre outros, Borer 1984;Suñer 1988;Sportiche 1996;Franco 2000;Franks & King 2000;Morais 2006;Anagnostopoulou 2016). ...
Este artigo investiga a construção de redobro de clítico (RC) em português europeu (PE), que se caracteriza pela dupla expressão de um argumento através de um clítico e de um pronome forte. Em PE, esta construção manifesta-se obrigatoriamente em contextos discursivos e sintáticos em que o clítico, enquanto elemento átono e necessariamente adjacente a um hospedeiro verbal, não pode receber acento prosódico nem participar em construções que requerem autonomia morfossintática. O padrão altamente restritivo da configuração de redobro nesta língua opõe o PE a outras línguas românicas, como o espanhol ou o romeno, em que o RC pode manifestar-se opcionalmente com expressões nominais plenas. Neste trabalho, procuro explicar o contraste entre o RC em PE e noutras línguas propondo que à designação de RC correspondem duas construções distintas. Concretamente, defendo que em PE o clítico não é a manifestação do redobro de um argumento, como é tradicionalmente assumido nas análises para outras línguas, mas o próprio argumento redobrado. Na análise que apresento, clítico e pronome forte estão associados por movimento e a configuração de redobro resulta da produção das duas cópias da cadeia de movimento para satisfação de um requisito em PF. O RC em PE é, nesta perspetiva, um fenómeno de interface que envolve duas operações independentemente motivadas: o movimento sintático do clítico para cliticização ao hospedeiro verbal e a realização do pronome forte em PF para atribuição de acento prosódico.
... Omission of an object with a specific reference can occur in Turkish, not only with 3rd-person pronouns but with 1st-and 2nd-person pronouns as well -even though there is a preference for omission of inanimate and nonhuman objects. An object pronoun, however, can appear in Turkish with a wide-focus question (Franks and King 2000). See (9). ...
... Turkish lacks object clitics and weak pronouns (Franks and King 2000;Halpern and Fontana 1993). Similarly, Turkish lacks definite articles; case and number are marked as nominal suffixes. ...
We examine spontaneous production data from the dialect of Modern West Thracian Greek ( mwtg ) (the local dialect of Evros) with regard to a hypothesis of syntactic borrowing of verbal transitivity. We argue that mwtg allows omission of the direct object with specific reference, in contrast to Standard Modern Greek ( smg ) and other Modern Greek ( mg ) dialects (spoken in Greece), but similar to Turkish. Object omission in mwtg is possible only in contexts where smg and other mg dialects show obligatory use of the 3rd-person clitic. We argue that syntactic borrowing in the case of language contact follows the transfer with second language learners: the relevant elements that host uninterpretable features are used optionally. Moreover, the definite article, in contrast to the indefinite article, is also affected by language contact. The 3rd-person clitic and the definite article are affected by contact as uninterpretable clusters of features. We claim that interpretability plays a significant role in transitivity in cases of language contact.
... In Polish, direct objects can be realized as full NPs (determiners or adjectives are optional), full or clitic pronouns, and null objects. Full pronouns show characteristics typical of full NPs, while clitic pronouns have a special form, function, and distribution (see Franks & Holloway King, 2000;Rinke et al., 2019 andSopata, 2016). In the context provided in Example 1, direct objects may be expressed in Polish by lexical NPs, clitics, and null objects: ...
Aims and objectives
This study investigates the acquisition of referential expressions for direct objects by child heritage speakers of Polish living in Germany. Our main research questions are how object expression develops in bilingual children and whether their path or pace of acquisition differs from monolingual children.
Methodology
We investigate the use of referential expressions in an elicited production task. In all, 39 Polish-German bilingual children participated in the test.
Data and analysis
We compare the data of four age groups of bilingual children – 3- to 4-year-olds, 5- to 6-year-olds, 7- to 8-year-olds, and 9- to 10-year-olds – to each other and to monolingual children at the respective ages. For the analysis of participants’ responses, we ran a generalized linear mixed model (GLMM) with a multinominal dependent variable.
Findings
The results show that child heritage language (HL) speakers of Polish display knowledge of semantic and pragmatic constraints of object realization from early stages on. However, from age 5 and up to age 9 to 10, they still produce high rates of inappropriate null objects and show a deceleration in the development of this knowledge, compared to monolingual children. This protracted development is attributed to reduced input in the HL, mainly due to the enrolment in the majority language school.
Originality
This study is the first to investigate the development of referential expressions for direct objects in child heritage speakers of Polish in the age span 3 to 10 years.
Significance
The study relates the higher rates of null objects in the bilingual production to the varying degrees of exposure to the HL during language development. Deceleration in the pace of object acquisition by the HL speakers at the age of 5 to 6 years is attributed to a prolonged stage of acquisition of integrating rules of syntactic and pragmatic knowledge.
... • li is a second position enclitic, it must appear after the first prosodic word (Browne 1974, Franks and King 2000, Rivero 1993, Bošković 2001, Franks 2017cf. Progovac (1996). ...
I discuss the contextual distribution of Serbian polar questions and contribute to the cross-linguistic pool in this domain. It is shown that positive polar questions and negative polar questions are sensitive to: (a) epistemic bias and (b) evidential bias (Sudo 2013). I argue that the distribution of Serbian polar questions is due to the interplay of syntax, semantics and pragmatics, captured by AnderBois' (2019) inquisitive semantics of questions. Since this system crucially relies on syntax and semantics of negation, I will show that it provides independent support for:-two syntactic positions for negation in questions (Progovac 2005, Milićević 2006);-both negations being contentful (Milićević 2006).
... For more discussion see e.g. Toman (1993), Veselovská (1994), Cardinaletti and Starke (1999), Franks and King (2000), Rezac (2005) and Dotlačil (2007). ...
... This prediction works perfectly for Italian in (61a) (Czech, Kučerová 2014: 135) 11 The reference to the D-feature in T is related to the proposal in holding that the EPP can be satisfied by the Tense head itself, provided it houses the D-feature (pronominal features). 12 The standard reason for ungrammaticality of such constructions in Czech grammar is taken to be the clitic status of the auxiliary verb in the verb first position (e.g., Franks and King 2000;Bošković 2001). Kučerová (2014) argues against this point extensively. ...
... Slavic clitics have been the focus of attention in a number of works in the recent decades (Franks, King 2000;Franks 2017;Zimmerling 2013;Migdalski 2016; among many others), with accounts also on the diachrony of cliticization in (one or more) Slavic languages. 1 The diachrony of the Bulgarian clitics has drawn particular interest because Bulgarian is part of the Balkan Sprachbund and as such it exhibits verb-adjacent cliticization pattern, but also because it displays various patterns in its history. 2 Although it has been claimed that the position of clitics in Old Church Slavonic (OCS) 3 texts mostly echoes their placement in the Greek originals, there are numerous exceptions reflecting patterns in the language of the scribes (especially in constructions without parallels in Greek; see Sławski 1946, among others). ...
The article traces back the formation of the clitic cluster in Bulgarian starting from the Old Church Slavonic through Middle Bulgarian up to the Early Modern Bulgarian and beyond. It offers a hypothetical two-layer structure of the cluster – with the main layer consisting of a (pronominal) core and a (verbal) periphery, and a secondary layer hosting (‘quasi-clitical’) elements that exhibit, both diachronically and synchronically, a behaviour that is not strictly consistent with that of the clitical elements. The language material from three corpora shows that there was no change in the positions of the elements in the core, and the changes in the periphery observed are mainly due to the changes in the set of the elements (as a result of the restructuring of the pronoun system and changes in the auxiliary system, as well as the loss of some early clitics, such as the discourse markers).
... In the generative framework the Slavic clitics and their characteristics are described in King (1996) and Franks and King (2000). For a wide sampling of cross-linguistic data concerning the order of individual pronominals and AUXs inside these clitic clusters, see Vos and Veselovská (1999). ...
... Entsprechend dem Titel wird ein Vergleich grundlegender Clitic-Climbing-Konstruktionen in den Sprachen Tschechisch, Slovenisch und Polnisch vorgenommen. Alle hier betrachteten Sprachen verhalten sich hinsichtlich des Clitic Climbing gleich, der von Rappaport (1988), Franks & King (2000) und Franks (2010) angenommene typologische Sonderstatus des Polnischen ist somit fraglich. Der Artikel ist wie folgt strukturiert: Abschnitt 2 gibt eine Einführung in das Phänomen. ...
... The eventual semantic interpretation of an NP, i.e. whether it is definite or indefinite, depends on the information structure and the word order of the sentences (see underlined phrases in examples 5 and 6). Though Russian does not mark specificity overtly, it has a range of indefinite pronouns (equivalent to some and any in English), which do mark different degrees of specificity for NPs (Dahl, 1970;Franks & King, 2000;Gülzow & Gagarina, 2007;Haspelmath, 1997;Ioup, 1977). To mark definiteness, Russian has demonstratives (e.g. ...
Although a considerable number of studies have shown D(eterminer) elements, i.e. determiners and pronominal clitics, to be particularly vulnerable to impairment in monolingual children with Developmental Language Disorder (DLD), little is known about the use of appropriate or/and grammatically correct referring expressions in the children's narrative production. Grammars of languages that differ in the way they encode and realize their D system may be viewed as the ideal context to disentangle the contribution of language (L1) transfer and morpho-syntactic impairment to reference use in the L2. The aim of the current study is to examine L1 effects in the use of referring expressions of 5-to 11-year-old Albanian-Greek and Russian-Greek children with DLD, along with typically developing (TD) bilingual groups speaking the same language pairs when maintaining reference to characters in their narratives. The three languages differ in their D elements, since Albanian and Greek have morphologically rich D systems in contrast to Russian, which lacks a definiteness distinction. Children produced oral 2 First Language 00(0) narratives in Greek by using the Greek versions of two stories (Cat and Dog) which have been designed within the Multilingual Assessment Instrument for Narratives (MAIN) tool of the COST Action IS0804. Results show that the groups did not differ in referential appropriateness. Regarding grammatical correctness, both groups with DLD produced more ungrammatical forms than TD children, while Russian-Greek children with DLD produced more ungrammatical article-less NPs than the other groups. The overall results reflect the joint contribution of language impairment and L1-specific typological properties in the definite forms used for character maintenance by bilingual children with DLD.
... Based onFranks & King (2000) ...
This article proposes that the present tense forms of the be ‐auxiliary byti (AUX ) in Old Russian should be identified as weak pronouns, based on their prosodic, morphological, and syntactic properties. The loss of AUX in Old Russian, which distinguishes East Slavic from West and South Slavic languages, is ascribed to the competition between AUX and strong subject pronouns as a consequence of the reanalysis of AUX as a weak subject pronoun. This reanalysis was triggered by the early loss of synthetic past tenses in Old Russian. The AUX 's position to the right of pronominal clitics indicates that the AUX remains in its initial merge position either as an auxiliary verb or as a subject pronoun. The co‐occurrence of AUX in situ and a null subject in Old Russian implies that rich verbal agreement and null subjects are unrelated with verb raising to I⁰.
... C°, where they form a cluster with other types of clitics.^''® The claim that SC pronominal clitics are arguments generated within VP, rather than just verbal inflection, is supported by the fact that SC does not allow clitic doubling (Halpem & Fontana, 1994;Franks & Holloway King, 2000). ...
Research on Down syndrome (DS), a genetic disorder caused by a chromosomal abnormality, has uncovered unusual disparities between linguistic and cognitive development in this population. Dissociations between language and cognition are further reflected in the linguistic system itself, particularly between the computational components of the language faculty, such as morphosyntax and phonology on the one hand, and modules associated with the general processing systems, namely lexical knowledge, pragmatics and semantics, on the other. In an attempt to further elucidate the relationship between different linguistic modules in what seems to be a selective grammatical deficit in DS, this study focuses on the knowledge of binding, a module of grammar known to pose particular difficulties to children during the course of typical language acquisition. Performance of two groups of young adults with DS, English and Serbo-Croatian (SC) speakers, was compared to that of typically developing children at different stages of linguistic development. It was found that both English and SC-speaking subjects with DS had specific difficulties assigning an appropriate interpretation to reflexives, traditionally claimed to be governed by Principle A of standard Binding Theory (Chomsky, 1981; 1986), as opposed to pronouns, constrained by Principle B in the same framework. Not previously evidenced in the literature, this pattern is the reverse of the well- known 'Delay of Principle B Effect' attested in typical acquisition, at least in English-speaking children (Jakubowicz, 1984; Chien & Wexler, 1990; amongst others). Typically developing SC-speaking children showed mastery of both Principle A and Principle B, in line with reports on the acquisition of languages that use clitic forms as well as full pronouns in the object constructions tested. The findings suggest that the process of acquisition of binding in DS may be qualitatively different from typical linguistic development, rendering the traditional 'delayed but non-deviant' characterisation of language development in DS no longer tenable. In view of the well-known problems with standard Binding Theory, the analysis was couched within the Reflexivity framework of Reinhart & Reuland (1993). It is argued that the pattern shown in DS crosslinguistically is not caused by the unavailability of a binding principle but rather by a specific deficiency in establishing a binding relation between an anaphor and its antecedent. This contrast is one which is more readily characterised in the Reflexivity framework that in standard Binding Theory, thereby lending some support to the former. Moreover, the fact that the same deficit is found in both English and Serbo-Croatian speakers with DS adds considerable weight to the claim that grammar is selectively impaired in this disorder.
... In contrast to the V2-phenomenon in Germanic, there is no complementary distribution of second position clitics and complementizers in Slavic. Clitic auxiliaries follow the complementizer in embedded clauses; seeFranks and King (2000) for discussion. ...
In Czech, German, and many other languages, part of the semantic focus of the utterance can be moved to the left periphery of the clause. The main generalization is that only the leftmost accented part of the semantic focus can be moved. We propose that movement to the left periphery is generally triggered by an unspecific edge feature of C (Chomsky 2008) and its restrictions can be attributed to requirements of cyclic linearization, modifying the theory of cyclic linearization developed by Fox and Pesetsky (2005). The crucial assumption is that structural accent is a direct consequence of being linearized at merge, thus it is indirectly relevant for (locality restrictions on) movement. The absence of structural accent correlates with given-ness. Given elements may later receive (topic or contrastive) accents, which accounts for fronting in multiple focus/contrastive topic constructions. Without any additional assumptions, the model can account for movement of pragmatically unmarked elements to the left periphery (‘formal fronting’, Frey 2005). Crucially, the analysis makes no reference at all to concepts of information structure in the syntax, in line with the claim of Chomsky (2008) that UG specifies no direct link between syntax and information structure.
... [hrWaC v2.2 ] Although clitics (CLs) in Bosnian, Croatian, and Serbian (BCS) 3 have attracted considerable attention in the syntactic literature (cf. Franks and King 2000, Browne 2004, Bošković 2004, Progovac 2005, Diesing and Zec 2011, the 2 We index CTPs and their respective CLs with 1 and infinitive complements and their respective CLs with 2. 3 The label Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian (BCS) is used to refer to the Štokavian language use common to the varieties used in Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Montenegro, and when referring to other works in which that term is used. Since our empirical study targets the language structures in codified language, we later use the single label Croatian. ...
In the paper, we discuss the phenomenon of clitic climbing (CC) out of infinitive complements in contemporary Croatian. Based on the first theoretical work and some empirical findings on CC in Czech and Bosnian, Croatian and Serbian (BCS) and the observation that differences in CC linked to register have been reported for some languages, we elaborate on the claim that CC varies in respect of both register and the Raising-Control Dichotomy. The following research questions are addressed: Does clitic climbing out of the single infinitive in Croatian depend on the type of complement-taking predicate (CTP) with respect to the Raising-Control Distinction? Does CC appear with equal frequency in standard and colloquial Croatian if the type of CTP verb (Raising vs Control) as a variable remains constant? Our study is based on data for two types of complement-taking predicates: a) Raising (8 different verbs) and b) Subject Control (8 non-reflexive + 8 reflexive verbs). The data was extracted from the Forum subcorpus of hrWaC v2.2 and from the Croatian Language Repository and Croatian National Corpus. Our data suggest that not only the Raising-Control Dichotomy, but also diaphasic variation have an impact on CC from infinitive complements.
... Croatian clitics are second-position elements -they occupy the second position in the clause (Franks and King 2000, Ćavar and Wilder 1994, Halpern 1995. The second position of the clitic(s) in an embedded clause is calculated relative to the first overt element in the minimal clause that contains them, as shown in (1) However, in infinitival (e.g., subject control) configurations, pronominal clitics can climb into the matrix clause, as shown in (2b). ...
In this article the behavior of clitics in subject- versus object-control infinitival constructions is explained by arguing that the two constructions have different structures. I argue that object-control infinitival constructions are CPs, and are therefore structurally richer than subject-control infinitival constructions, which are TPs and do not involve a CP projection. This results in different behavior of the clititcs in the two configurations.
... [hrWaC v2.2 ] Although clitics (CLs) in Bosnian, Croatian, and Serbian (BCS) 3 have attracted considerable attention in the syntactic literature (cf. Franks and King 2000, Browne 2004, Bošković 2004, Progovac 2005, Diesing and Zec 2011, the 2 We index CTPs and their respective CLs with 1 and infinitive complements and their respective CLs with 2. 3 The label Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian (BCS) is used to refer to the Štokavian language use common to the varieties used in Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Montenegro, and when referring to other works in which that term is used. Since our empirical study targets the language structures in codified language, we later use the single label Croatian. ...
In the paper, we discuss the phenomenon of clitic climbing (CC) out of infinitive complements in contemporary Croatian. Based on the first theoretical work and some empirical findings on CC in Czech and Bosnian, Croatian and Serbian (BCS) and the observation that differences in CC linked to register have been reported for some languages, we elaborate on the claim that CC varies in respect of both register and the Raising-Control Dichotomy. The following research questions are addressed: Does clitic climbing out of the single infinitive in Croatian depend on the type of complement-taking predicate (CTP) with respect to the Raising-Control Distinction? Does CC appear with equal frequency in standard and colloquial Croatian if the type of CTP verb (Raising vs Control) as a variable remains constant? Our study is based on data for two types of complement-taking predicates: a) Raising (8 different verbs) and b) Subject Control (8 non-reflexive + 8 reflexive verbs). The data was extracted from the Forum subcorpus of hrWaC v2.2 and from the Croatian Language Repository and Croatian National Corpus. Our data suggest that not only the Raising-Control Dichotomy, but also diaphasic variation have an impact on CC from infinitive complements.
... As suggested by Flores et al. (2017a), this complexity may lead Portuguese HSs to avoid the use of clitic pronouns in favorable contexts. Since the Polish clitic system does not show the same phonological and syntactic context sensitivity, it is less complex (see Franks and King 2000) than the EP clitic system. We conclude that, therefore, Polish HSs display less difficulty in using clitic pronouns, even in unfavorable contexts. ...
This paper compares the production of different types of direct objects by Portuguese–German and Polish–German bilingual school-aged children in their heritage languages (HLs), Polish and European Portuguese (EP). Given that the two target languages display identical options of object realization, our main research question is whether the two HLs develop in a similar way in bilingual children. More precisely, we aim at investigating whether bilingual children acquiring Polish and EP are sensitive to accessibility and animacy when realizing a direct object in their HL. The results of a production experiment show that this is indeed the case and that the two groups of bilinguals do not differ from each other, although they may overgeneralize null objects or full noun phrases to some extent. We conclude that the bilingual acquisition of object realization is guided by the relevant properties in the target languages and is not influenced by the contact language, German.
... See also Klavans (1985), Kanerva (1987), Halpern (1995), Boškovic´ (2001), Aikhenvald (2002) and Anderson (2005). Some famous examples of special clitics come from the Slavic languages; see Franks and King (2000) for descriptions. Nevis et al. (1994) is a bibliography of clitic research prior to 1991. ...
Understanding Morphology offers students an introduction to the study of word structure that starts at the very beginning. Assuming no knowledge of the field of morphology, the book present a broad range of morphological phenomena from a variety of languages. The goal is to shed light on major issues of analysis, so chapters are structured around essential questions: What are the basic units of the lexicon -- words or morphemes? Is there a categorical difference between inflection and derivation? Do the same principles apply to both word formation and sentence formation? What makes on morphological rule more productive than another? Are inflectional paradigms part of the morphological architecture? To answer these questions, the authors draw on the best research available, discussing a variety of theoretical approaches. This second edition also expands the discussion of several topics, including frequency effects, the structure of the lexicon, and productivity. Each chapter includes a summary, suggestions for further reading, and comprehension exercises (with answers). New to this second edition are exploratory exercises which allow students to put what they have read into practice and extend their knowledge.
In an experiment on processing effort in sentence comprehension, preference hypotheses on word order and relative clause position were tested in German as a second or foreign language. The experiment involved 62 Slovenian students of German studies in Maribor as participants. The linguistic material consisted of 16 utterances, each with a main clause and a relative clause and each of them a subject-initial or object-initial. The relative clause could occur either after the first or second noun phrase. The procedure used was the self-paced reading paradigm. After each test unit, the participants were asked a comprehension question, either about the subject of the main clause or about the subject of the relative clause. The experiment confirmed the hypotheses that response accuracy to a comprehension question was higher when a clause was subject-initial and when the relative clause occurred after the first noun phrase of the main clause. The experiment did not confirm the assumed interaction between word order and position of the relative clause.
In modern society, digital technology is becoming increasingly important and, at the same time, is experiencing a growing interest in the research landscape. Without digital technology, active participation in professional or private life is no longer imaginable. The European Union also takes this fact into account by establishing digital competence as one of the key competencies for lifelong learning (European Commission 2006, 2018). The development of digital competence and the use of digital technologies in the teaching-learning process also poses major challenges for teacher educators and future teachers, as teachers are expected to contribute to better teaching quality through the use of ICT while serving as role models for the next generations. On the one hand, teachers must have their own digital competence, and on the other hand, they should design lessons in such a way that learners also develop the necessary digital competence. Based on the relevant literature, it can be seen that the concept of digital competence has changed with the development of digital technologies. According to the survey, the course proved to be a successful dovetailing of theory and practise, enabling future teachers to acquire sufficient digital competence for beginners in both areas (learning and teaching). The selfassessment shows that they are able to plan and design lessons and integrate digital media into various learning processes. They can create collaborative learning opportunities and are able to promote self-directed learning. Future teachers will be able to communicate successfully using digital media. They are less digitally literate in the area of assessing learning outcomes. Although today's students belong to the generation of digital natives, they do not automatically have highly developed digital competence that they can easily apply in their professional lives, nor should it go unmentioned that digital competence varies widely among future teachers. For this reason, designing the course in the context of teacher training is more than necessary.
South-Western Ukrainian dialects have retained the option of auxiliary clitics in the formation of the past tense. At the same time, they have past-tense forms without auxiliary clitics as in Northern Ukrainian dialects, and in Standard Ukrainian based on South-Eastern dialects. A sample corpus study suggests that South-Western Ukrainian also shows a higher frequency of subject pro-drop than Standard Ukrainian. The South-Western Ukrainian pattern presents the precise mirror image of the same two features in South-Eastern ‘Borderland’ Polish. Here, the dialect adopted the option of past-tense forms without auxiliary clitics, next to those with them as in Standard Polish. At the same time, it shows a higher frequency of non-pro-drop than Standard Polish. I argue that these matching facts are the result of long- standing language contact that worked simultaneously in two directions: the increase in the use of an existing dialectal Ukrainian pattern under Polish influence, as well as the increase in the use of an existing dialectal Polish pattern under Ukrainian influence. As a result, both dialects show the same variation between past-tense forms with auxiliary clitics and without them, and they have mutually converging tendencies in subject pro-drop – the Ukrainian dialect adapting towards Polish pro-drop, and the Polish dialect towards Ukrainian non-pro- drop. The bi-directionality of influence in the SWU dialectal area, thus, goes beyond other, unidirectional language-contact scenarios.
This paper examines how grammatical categories are structured in classes with different degrees of syntactic deficiency, paying special attention to pronouns. We take Cardinaletti and Starke's (1999) tripartite classification of pronouns as a starting point of our discussion and show that their three-way distinction is not sufficient to fully capture the phenomenon, based on old and modern Slavic data. We also demonstrate that their "Minimize Structure" principle is challenged by diachronic data from Slavic. This paper is organized as follows. Section 1 reviews Cardinaletti and Starke's (1999) deficiency hierarchy and Cetnarowska's (2004) criticism of their system. In Sections 2 and 3, a four-way pronoun hierarchy is proposed, based on data from Old Russian, Polish, Macedonian, and Slovenian. Section 4 concludes the paper.
The paper deals with the acquisition of Slovak word order in written texts of students of Slovak as a foreign language. Its attention is focused on identifying the correct and incorrect placement of enclitic components, and their erroneous usage is analysed with respect to different investigated variables (types of enclitic components, types of syntactic construction, distance from lexical/syntactic anchor, and realization in pre- or post-verbal position). The paper also pays attention to the error rate regarding individual proficiency levels of students, and error distribution in two language groups, Slavic and Non-Slavic learners, is compared.
This dissertation investigates syntactic and semantic properties of the aspectual-temporal domain, arguing that TP is not universal. Chapter 1 assumes a cross-linguistic structural difference in the nominal domain with DP projected only in languages with overt articles, and explores the idea that the difference has a clausal parallel, with TP being the correlate of DP. By postulating a link in terms of morphological realization of projections, I propose TP is projected only in languages with overt temporal morphology; languages without it lack TP. Correlating the presence of DP and TP provides the right split regarding finiteness mismatches in VP-ellipsis (Chapter 2) and aspectual tenses (Chapter 4). Chapter 2 examines VP-ellipsis under finiteness mismatches between the elided and antecedent VP. I show languages differ in its availability, arguing that the explanation here lies in the presence/absence of the TP-layer: only no-TP languages allow finiteness mismatches. In TP-languages, the lack of identity in the T-feature in such cases violates the feature-identity requirement for ellipsis. Chapter 3 discusses VP-ellipsis under aspectual mismatches in Serbian, showing that VP-ellipsis is restricted by aspect, not finiteness, thus supporting the claim from Chapter 2 that Serbian is a no-TP language. This Chapter also provides new insights regarding the phasal partitioning of clauses and proposes a phase-based parallelism requirement on ellipsis. Chapter 4 investigates the semantic consequences of the presence/absence of TP. I show that, in the absence of TP, temporal interpretation can be derived by aspectual and modal components. Furthermore, the no-TP analysis accounts for various non-deictic temporal interpretations, as shown for Serbian. This Chapter also demonstrates that Serbian and Bulgarian differ regarding aspectual tenses, arguing that the difference stems from the presence of TP in Bulgarian, and its absence in Serbian. Chapters 4-5 explore semantic distribution of various verbal forms; I show that these forms are often misclassified, calling for their re-examination. By examining verbal morphology of a number languages, Chapter 5 establishes a correlation between temporal morphology and the presence/absence of TP in a language, which is then postulated as the main criterion in establishing the TP/no-TP language distinction: languages without temporal morphology lack TP.
The aims of this paper are twofold. The first objective is to check whether Polish anticausatives are causative in their lexical semantic or syntactic representation. Four diagnostics supporting the presence of a cause in anticausatives are examined against the Polish data, including cause PPs, modification by by itself, the interpretation of negation, and the occurrence of dative causes. Evidence is provided that none of these diagnostics proves the presence of a cause in syntax or semantics of Polish anticausatives. The causative meaning of anticausatives comes from the complex event structure built in the syntax, but interpreted as causative at the syntax-semantics interface. The paper also aims to offer a syntactic analysis of Polish anticausatives in the Minimalist Program of Chomsky (2000, et seq.). The validity of three approaches to the structure of anticausatives is tested against the Polish data, including the unaccusative analysis of Schäfer (2008), the reflexive account of Koontz-Garboden (2009) and Cuervo, 2014, Cuervo, 2015, and the predication-based approach of Den Dikken and Dekány (2019). Schäfer's (2008) analysis seems to best fit the Polish data, since Polish anticausatives are unaccusative and contain a reflexive marker, equipped with φ-features, but lacking a theta role, hence functioning as an A-expletive.
This paper deals with word order in complex verb phrases consisting of auxiliaries and infinitive complements in heritage Polish. In Polish, infinitive complements normally follow auxiliaries, but discontinuous structures occur if required by the information structure. We investigate the occurrence and evaluation of adjacent and discontinuous word order patterns in relation to (a) the chronological age at testing and (b) the age of onset of the acquisition of the majority language, German. Therefore, we distinguish between simultaneous bilinguals (2L1, n = 61), early sequential bilinguals (cL2, n = 41) and an age-matched monolingual control group (ML, n = 50). The data consist of elicited oral narratives as well as acceptability judgments. We found that both 2L1 and cL2 bilinguals differ from the ML, but the difference depends on the age at testing and the type of data (oral production or evaluation). While 2L1 bilinguals show a u-curve development, which is shaped by the interplay of delayed acquisition in childhood and attrition in early adulthood, cL2 bilinguals started to prefer discontinuous structures rather early. Only in adulthood do both groups converge and exhibit an overuse and over-acceptance of discontinuous structures compared to the ML, which is due to cross-linguistic influence from German. However, language-internal factors (such as clause structure) also turned out to impact the distribution of adjacent and discontinuous structures in heritage (and monolingual) Polish.
Collocations in the Croatian language have been described in detail (Blagus
Bartolec 2014). However, research on collocational competence in Croatian as a first
or foreign language is still sparse. Previously, only the factors that influence the collocational competence of Croatian native speakers (NSs) were investigated, showing
that NSs have the best knowledge of collocations with high frequency and associative
strength (Ordulj and Cvikić 2017). The most extensive research on collocational acquisition in Croatian as a foreign language (CFL) in heterogeneous groups was done by
Ordulj (2017). This research showed that participants with lower proficiency had very
poor collocational competence, while participants with higher proficiency showed an
equal knowledge of noun collocations in the nominative case and in oblique cases.
This paper aims to deepen previous findings and to examine productive knowledge
of noun collocations based on their frequency, associative strength, morphological
features, and the proficiency level of Polish students of Croatian. Collocations used in
this research were collected from essays written by students of Croatian at B1 and B2
CEFR (2005) proficiency levels. The hrWaC corpus was used to count the frequency of
collocations, and the associative strength of collocational constituents was assessed
by native speakers of Croatian. The respondent sample comprised 27 students of Cro�atian in Krakow, Poland, who were divided into two proficiency level groups: lower
(2nd and 3rd year of studies) and higher (4th and 5th year of studies). The influence
of morphological features on collocational knowledge was tested with two fill-in-the blank tasks containing collocations in the nominative and oblique cases. The analysis
of productive tasks showed that morphological features do not influence collocational
knowledge at the lower or higher proficiency level. In both cases participants pro�duced the best results in tasks with collocations of high frequency.
Forthcoming in a special issue of Journal of Slavic Linguistics, with papers presented at the Formal Approaches to Slavic Linguistics 28 conference, held at Stony Brook University on May 3-5, 2019.
A cross-linguistically extremely rare kind of clitic, the endoclitic, happens in Pashto. Like infixes, endoclitics can embedded within a word, in any case, by parting words separated into isolated nonadjacent pieces which themselves may not have any importance. Not at all like infixes, be that as it may, endoclitics are not affectations; their importance is irrelevant to that of their host word. This paper investigates about the portion of the issues endoclitics cause for preparing Pashto, both composed furthermore, spoken.
This dissertation focuses on the syntactic aspects of Romanian-Serbian code-switching (CS). It explores a number of issues concerning several domains and theoretical mechanisms, especially the structure of the nominal domain, the structure and derivation of coordinated structures, cliticization (both second-position and verbal clitics), the nature of affixal articles, phases, and the mechanisms of Agree and case-licensing. In addressing these questions, a fundamental assumption is Bošković’s (2008, 2012) dichotomy which divides languages into NP (languages without articles) and DP (languages with articles). This distinction is especially relevant here, as the languages involved differ in this respect – Romanian having, and Serbian lacking articles. Chapter 2 focuses on the TNP-internal CS, examining the interaction between Romanian definite articles, Serbian nouns, and Serbian adjectives. By examining the requirements of these elements, I propose a new mechanism for article cliticization involving Agree and Affix Hopping that can account for both Romanian and CS constructions. Chapter 3 tackles the interaction between the nominal and the verbal domain through Left-Branch Extraction (LBE). Since the same nominal allows or disallows LBE in CS depending on its position, LBE is used to determine the points of CS, where CS within a phasal domain only affects that particular phasal domain, and not the entire structure. Chapter 4 investigates coordinated TNPs in CS, further examining the behavior of NP vs. DP elements and showing that NP elements are more flexible than DP elements in terms of the switches they allow. Chapter 5 focuses on clitics in CS, Romanian having verbal and Serbian second-position clitics. I show that word-internal CS is allowed as long as the elements involved do not form a morphosyntactic head (X0). Chapter 6 looks at case assignment in CS. Romanian Case-assigners are shown to behave differently than Serbian Case-assigners in CS, with Serbian verbs behaving differently in CS than they do in Serbian. Overall, while the findings illustrate relevant CS aspects, they highlight the functionality of analyzing elements outside of their input grammar, creating derivations that can exceptionally be found only in CS.
This paper discusses the syntax of the past tense auxiliaries in the vernacular Old Russian plusperfect construction of the type дал был, дал есми был. I prove that the past tense auxiliaries behaved as enclitics both with the order дал есми был and with the order дал был есми. The order of the pluperfect auxiliaries reflects different types of a clitic template characteristic of late Old Russian dialects. In the 15 th century, the order <дал> есми был was characteristic for the official style of the Moscow charters, while Polotsk charters from the same period generalized the reversed order <дал> был есми. In the 16 th century, the order <дал> был есми has established in the Moscow official tradition as well. The pluperfect auxiliaries were excluded from the clause-initial position and other non-enclitic positions, sentences of the type *#был есмь дал ~ #был дал есмь are not attested. In the clause-internal position, both groups of the Old Russian dialects grammaticalized the fixed contact order of the auxiliaries #...был есми... дал ~ #дал был есми irrespective of the position of the verb. This distribution proves that the pluperfect auxiliaries in the Old Russian texts from the 14 th –16 th centuries have the features typical of the clustering enclitics in the world's languages with Wackernagel's law.
The aim of this paper is to determine the differences in fixed word order between Slovene dialectal discourse and Standard Slovene written discourse, with a particular focus on whether we can claim that some word order characteristics are present in Slovene dialectal discourse in general (in comparison with Standard Slovene written discourse). We will focus on only selected sentence elements that are subject to fixed word order rules, specifically, on the word order variant of adjective modifiers in agreement with the noun and noun/prepositional phrase modifiers in a noun phrase, the position of clitics in an utterance, the order of clitics in a clitic cluster, the initial position of a modal verb in an utterance, the position of the verb or its part in a compound verb form, the word order characteristics of the utterance introduced by an adverbial or particle and the position of a stressed particle and an adverbial.
Despite the fact that these arguments might assume a wide variety of thematic interpretations (recipients, goals, possessors, sources, beneficiaries, malefactives, etc.), I demonstrate that their meaning is derived structurally from the position in which they are licensed. Crucially, only one dative occurs within a structural domain. The intra-linguistic comparison of a variety of constructions further leads to the conclusion that in each context datives are prominent arguments introduced at the periphery of a structural domain. This proposal explains the ability of datives to bind nominative subjects, to serve as structural subjects in impersonal predicative constructions, and to interact with nominative subjects in bi-clausal environments.
This paper investigates the shift of pronominal clitics into weak pronouns in the Slavic
languages. Specifically, we intend to show that pronominal clitics, which are heads, were
degrammaticalized into weak pronouns as phrases in Old Polish, Macedonian, and Old Russian. This change is presented as a reverted diachronic reflection of a hierarchical typology of pronouns. The paper establishes the trigger and preconditions of this process and shows the way it proceeded in these languages. In particular, we argue that the change in the tense system across Slavic triggered the degrammaticalization of pronominal clitics. Through this investigation, we demonstrate that grammaticalization can be disturbed and reversed by other changes in the same linguistic system and restricted by both general syntactic principles and particular conditions operating in the system.
