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... verbadjazente Stellung), Richtung der phonologischen Abhängigkeit (Proklise vs. Enklise; Klitika sind prosodisch defizient) sowie Bestand und Umfang der Klasse klitischer Elemente (Ostslavisch vs. West-und Südslavisch) 1 typisiert. Verschiedene Autoren (Rappaport 1988, Franks 2010, Franks und King 2000, Bošković 2015 weisen dem Polnischen -explizit oder implizit -eine typologische Sonderstellung innerhalb des Slavischen zu und kontrastieren es mit Sprachen wie dem Tschechischen oder Bosnisch-Kroatisch-Serbischen (BKS). Diese These erhielt spätestens mit Franks (2009) Einzug in die Communis Opinio. ...
... (2) a. Das Polnische wird mit diesen Special-Clitic-Sprachen als Simple-Clitic-Sprache kontrastiert (u.a. bei Franks 2009, 2010, Franks und King 2000, Rappaport 1988 (Narodowy Korpus Języka Polskiego, NKJP) erhoben. Gesprochene Sprache macht 10% des Datenvolumens des NKPJ aus (Przepiórkowski et al. 2009: 49). ...
... Für Special-Clitic-Sprachen wird die Wirksamkeit strenger Ordnungsprinzipien innerhalb der klitischen Gruppe geltend gemacht.Franks und King (2000; s. dort in den Abschnitten zu den Einzelsprachen) fassen folgende Muster zusammen:BKS: li > aux > dat > akk > gen > se refl > je Sln.: naj > bi / aux prät > refl > dat > akk > gen > aux fut / je Bg.: šte > aux > dat > akk > e Maz.: da > ne >ḱe / bi > aux > dat > akk > e / se Tsch.: li > cond / aux > dat na / refl > dat a > akk / gen 12 ...
... Az utolsó feltételt nem tudjuk biztosan ellenőrizni, mivel az ukrán nyelv klitikum-rendszere meglehetősen szegényes és nem tartalmaz inflexiós klitikumokat. Franks-King (2000) nagyon kevés ukrán klitikumszerű elemet sorolnak fel: a kizárólag múlt idejű igealakokkal előforduló kondicionális enklitikumot, valamint a klitikum tulajdonságokkal rendelkező tagadó és más partikulákat, de nem írnak egyetlen segédige-klitikumról sem a sztenderd ukránban. ...
... Két írást szeretnék kiemelni, amely ennek a szerkezetnek a tulajdonságait tárgyalja az ukrán északnyugati dialektusokban: Danylenko (2012), valamint Franks-King (2000). Mindkét forrásban klitikumként utalnak a vizsgált jövőidő-képzőre. ...
... Az inszeptív értelmezés azért sem tűnik valószínűnek, mert az ukrán nyelvben, akárcsak az oroszban és a magyarban, van inszeptív (inchoatív) akcióminőség, amivel kifejezhető egy olyan cselekvés, amely a jövőben kezdődik el, sőt egy azon mondatban előfordulhat egy inszeptív ige és egy folyamatos jövő idejű igealak is: Az eddigi példamondatok alapján tehát úgy tűnik, hogy a folyamatos jövő idejű igealaknak az ukrán nyelv dialektusaiban sincs inszeptív jelentése, azonban ezt nem tudhatjuk biztosan, amíg nem áll rendelkezésre anyanyelvi beszélőktől származó adat erre vonatkozóan. Franks-King (2000) a hucul dialektus klitikumrendszerét mutatják be, amely némileg hasonlít a lengyel nyelv klitikumrendszerére. Kiemelik a múlt idejű klitikumokat, valamint a jövő idejű igealakokat, amelyekre inflected infinitive-ként utalnak. ...
... Previous research ( [1], [2], [3]) shows that the word order of the older Czech pronominal (and auxiliary) enclitics follows one of the two main patterns: 1. the pronominal enclitic is in the Wackernagel's position (also called the post-initial position), i.e. the second position in a clause, the example (1) demonstrates this pattern for the enclitic pronominal form mi 'to me', 2. the pronominal enclitic is in the contact position, i.e. in the position that is in the immediate vicinity of its superordinate verb, its governor (hence, also called verbadjacent position). This pattern is demonstrated in the example (2) Both word-order patterns (positions) exist in modern Slavic languages [4], so that the situation of older Czech -showing the same variation -is relevant for research of contemporary Slavic languages as well. ...
... (the symbol []* represents zero or more syntactic units of the clause) or the enclitic (E) occurs after the initial phrase of any type, except its governor ([]) and the enclitic is immediately followed by its governor (G), schematically (4) ...
... It should be noted that the example (9) was not attested in Slavic languages [4] and should be considered ungrammatical. ...
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The paper focuses on analyzing the relationship among word order positions of pronominal enclitics in the history of Czech. Specifically, we look at the Wackernagel’s position and the contact position and we try to decide whether these two positions compete, as usually taken for granted, or whether there is a certain kind of cooperation between them. The results show that the positions do not compete, at least not in the majority of cases. We used a corpus-based on selected books of the first edition of the Old Czech Bible and Kralice Bible for the analysis.
... Nevertheless, although Serbian does not possess articles, it does possess both strong and weak pronouns (clitics), similarly to Greek. Serbian clitics are known as "second position" clitics, which make clitic clusters (Franks & King, 2000; Schütze, 1994 among others). Greek clitics are verb-adjacent and this clitic feature enables Greek to have different clause structures such as clitic doubling (Philippaki-Warburton, 1987;Anagnostopoulou, 1994;; Alexiadou & Anagnostopoulou, 1997 among others), clitic left dislocation (CLLD, Philippaki-Warburton, 1987;Tsimpli, 1990;Anagnostopoulou, 1994;Alexiadou & Anagnostopoulou, 2000 among others), hanging topic left dislocation (Alexiadou. ...
... The clitic is the unmarked form whereas the full pronoun is used for emphasis. With respect to clitic pronouns, Serbian clitics are so-called "second-position" clitics (Zec & Inkelas, 1990;Schütze, 1994;Franks & King;2000 among others). "Second position" or Wackernagel's clitic (cf. ...
... we are introduced yesterday him her Franks & King (2000) argue that clitics cannot serve as an independent prosodic domain; they must attach to other "adjacent domains for stress assignment purposes" since they are prosodically weak and unaccented (2000: 4). More specifically, clitics must be attached to nonclitics in order to form prosodically valid units. ...
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The general goal of this dissertation is to investigate four basic effects (word order, morphological, language and task effects) on the different grammatical phenomena in two morphologically rich languages, Serbian and Greek, in order to determine the level to which the comprehension and the production is impaired in agrammatism. The data presented in the thesis is drawn from the study of five non-fluent aphasics, three native speakers of the Serbian and two native speakers of the Greek language. More specifically, in order to investigate the agrammatic comprehension of thematic roles and the patients’ ability to use morphological cues in both canonical and non-canonical word order, a sentence-picture matching test with orally presented dislocation, focus and restrictive relative constructions was used. The results of this test indicated a general above chance performance on constructions in canonical (SVO) order by both Greek- and Serbian-speaking agrammatics. Nevertheless, a better performance of the Greek aphasics on both focus and object relative constructions has also been found. Finally, theta-role reversal was statistically and significantly a more frequent error type in OVS in comparison to SVO order for both language groups. On the other hand, a prompted act-out test aimed to investigate the effect of movements on both discourse-linked and non-discourse linked wh-questions. The results of this task revealed an above chance performance on canonical wh-questions, which were much better understood than noncanonical equivalents by both language groups (similar results were found in Hickok & Avrutin, 1996; Avrutin, 2000; Salis & Edwards, 2005 by English-speaking agrammatics). The second experiment is comprised by two tests, a grammaticality judgment and a sentence repetition task, which aimed to examine whether agrammatics both comprehend and produce case markers and subject-verb agreement in both grammatical and ungrammatical sentences and whether they equally well comprehend and produce canonical (SVO) and non-canonical (VOS) word order combining syntactic cues with morphological ones. Finally, another goal of this second xiii experiment was to investigate whether there is a different performance by agrammatics on the judgment and the production task. The results of this experiment revealed a general above chance performance on the grammaticality judgment task by both language groups; patients also showed that they retain the ability to recognize S-V agreement (similar to Friedmann's study on Hebrew and Arabic, 2003 and Varlokosta’s et. al., 2006 and Nanousi’s et al., 2006 studies on Greek) and/or case marking errors. On the other hand, a deterioration of performance on the sentence repetition task has been noted; the patients confronted great difficulties especially in the repetition of ungrammatical constructions. It also must be emphasized that the patients of both language groups performed significantly better on SVO than on VOS clauses (in line with Friedman et al.’s results, 2001). These results suggest that although both Greek and Serbian are highly inflected languages, sentence comprehension and production of non-canonical word orders (OVS and VOS respectively) was relatively impaired and, in this respect, similar to the performance of aphasic patients with native languages with poor inflectional morphology (e.g. English). In addition, the better performance on some of the non-canonical structures (e.g. focus and object relatives) in the results of the Greek-speaking patients indicates that agrammatics of this language group managed to use some of the morphological cues in non-canonical word order in contrast to their Serbianspeaking counterparts.
... In syntactic theory, clitics are analyzed either as head elements (Franks 2008; or as so-called non-branching elements that cannot be modified by other words (Bošković 2001;2004;Pancheva 2005). The descriptions of Slavonic languages has made a valuable contribution to clitic studies and grammatical theory (Jakobson 1963;Zaliznjak 1985;Franks and King 2000;Rudin 1988;Dimitrova-Vulchanova 1999;Kosta and Schürcks 2009;Franks 2017). Slavonic languages make use of clitic pronouns, cf. ...
... clustering clitics a and b and they remain contiguous, they are placed in a rigid order a > b ('a immediately precedes b') (Zaliznjak 1993;Franks and King 2000). The same principle holds for Slavonic languages with verb-adjacent clitics (Bulgarian, Macedonian) and for world's languages with VP-internal clitics (French, Spanish, Italian, Romanian, Modern Greek, Albanian). ...
Chapter
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This entry entitled "Clitics" (ch. 6.5.) has been submitted for the volume: Jan Fellerer, & N. Bermel (Eds.), The Oxford Guide to the Slavonic Languages. Oxford University Press.
... The clitics conforming to the criterion (i) are called clustering, while the rules predicting clitic-internal ordering are called clitic templates or ranking rules (Zaliznjak 1993, 282;Franks, King 2000). True clusters must be distinguished from occasional sequences of phonetically adjacent clitics. ...
... Finally, Balkan Slavic languages including Bulgarian use both AUX1 and AUX2: most auxiliaries take AUX1, while the 3Sg =je takes AUX2 (Franks, King 2000;Zimmerling 2013, 111, 337). ...
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The world’s languages with clitic clusters pattern with four major types of the word order systems, depending on the presence or absence of the 2P condition and the parameter of clitic-verb adjacency. Bulgarian has a double-focus system of clitic placement (2P condition and clitic-verb adjacency), which has typological parallels outside Europe but lacks direct counterparts in modern European languages. Neither the analogy with standard 2P languages without clitic-verb adjacency nor the analogy with the Romance systems with vP-internal clitics captures the profile of the Bulgarian clitic syntax. Historically, the rise of the clitic-verb adjacency is an innovation of Bulgarian, but its exact time and triggers are unclear. The language of the Wallachian letters (ca. 1386-1509) has a marked tendency towards the clitic-verb adjacency and is typologically similar to Modern Bulgarian but still has residual #XP – CL – [Y] – V orders. This idiom spoken by the L2 speakers of Middle Bulgarian cannot be viewed as a source of the Modern Bulgarian but hints that the clitic-verb adjacency parameter could develop in the history of Bulgarian because of the contact influence on the part of some Non-Slavic clitic systems.
... Following Sportiche (1996) clitics are considered heads of their own projection, called Clitic Voice, whose function is the licensing of a specificity feature (Sportiche 1996: 268). SC clitics, on the other hand, are P2 clitics, licensed by both syntax and prosody, according to Franks &King 2000 andBošković 2004. They are the pronominal realisation of an argument and move to a higher position in the structure. ...
... Following Sportiche (1996) clitics are considered heads of their own projection, called Clitic Voice, whose function is the licensing of a specificity feature (Sportiche 1996: 268). SC clitics, on the other hand, are P2 clitics, licensed by both syntax and prosody, according to Franks &King 2000 andBošković 2004. They are the pronominal realisation of an argument and move to a higher position in the structure. ...
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This contribution provides an overview of generative accounts of second language (L2) acquisition developed since the late 1980s that focus on formal features as instantiation of language-specific properties. It will discuss the process of reanalysis of formal features, which will entail the identification of vulnerable domains, as well as its outcome, on the basis of examples from relevant existing studies. Assuming parallels between L2 acquisition and language contact, considerations on learnability and vulnerable domains will also be relevant when addressing the question of which direction development may take in situations of language contact and the resulting language change.
... 2. O RC ocorre em diversas línguas indo-europeias (búlgaro, macedónio, sérvio, esloveno, espanhol, romeno, albanês e grego) e em línguas semíticas (amárico, hebreu) (cf., entre outros, Strozer 1976;Rivas 1977;Steriade 1980;Jaeggli 1982;Borer 1984;Suñer 1988;Dobrovie-Sorin 1990;Anagnostopoulou 1994Anagnostopoulou , 2006Demonte 1995;Uriagereka 1995;Sportiche 1996;Torrego 1998;Aoun 1999;Franks & King 2000;Philippaki-Warburton et al. 2004;Kallulli & Tasmowski 2008a;Franks 2009;Runic 2014;Kramer 2014;Harizanov 2014;Baker & Kramer 2016). O fenómeno está ainda documentado em trabalhos sobre o lubukusu, uma língua bantu falada no Quénia (cf. ...
... (113) DP-grande b) O RC é um fenómeno de concordância de objeto, em que o clítico é a manifestação dos traços-φ do associado; a concordância estabelece-se ou numa configuração especificador-núcleo, com movimento do associado para o especificador de um núcleo funcional verbal ou, na fase pós Chomsky (2000Chomsky ( , 2001, numa relação de Agree entre o núcleo funcional (probe) e o associado (goal); em ambos os casos, o clítico é o spell-out de um núcleo funcional após validação dos traços-φ (cf., entre outros, Borer 1984;Suñer 1988;Sportiche 1996;Franco 2000;Franks & King 2000;Morais 2006;Anagnostopoulou 2016). ...
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Este artigo investiga a construção de redobro de clítico (RC) em português europeu (PE), que se caracteriza pela dupla expressão de um argumento através de um clítico e de um pronome forte. Em PE, esta construção manifesta-se obrigatoriamente em contextos discursivos e sintáticos em que o clítico, enquanto elemento átono e necessariamente adjacente a um hospedeiro verbal, não pode receber acento prosódico nem participar em construções que requerem autonomia morfossintática. O padrão altamente restritivo da configuração de redobro nesta língua opõe o PE a outras línguas românicas, como o espanhol ou o romeno, em que o RC pode manifestar-se opcionalmente com expressões nominais plenas. Neste trabalho, procuro explicar o contraste entre o RC em PE e noutras línguas propondo que à designação de RC correspondem duas construções distintas. Concretamente, defendo que em PE o clítico não é a manifestação do redobro de um argumento, como é tradicionalmente assumido nas análises para outras línguas, mas o próprio argumento redobrado. Na análise que apresento, clítico e pronome forte estão associados por movimento e a configuração de redobro resulta da produção das duas cópias da cadeia de movimento para satisfação de um requisito em PF. O RC em PE é, nesta perspetiva, um fenómeno de interface que envolve duas operações independentemente motivadas: o movimento sintático do clítico para cliticização ao hospedeiro verbal e a realização do pronome forte em PF para atribuição de acento prosódico.
... Omission of an object with a specific reference can occur in Turkish, not only with 3rd-person pronouns but with 1st-and 2nd-person pronouns as well -even though there is a preference for omission of inanimate and nonhuman objects. An object pronoun, however, can appear in Turkish with a wide-focus question (Franks and King 2000). See (9). ...
... Turkish lacks object clitics and weak pronouns (Franks and King 2000;Halpern and Fontana 1993). Similarly, Turkish lacks definite articles; case and number are marked as nominal suffixes. ...
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We examine spontaneous production data from the dialect of Modern West Thracian Greek ( mwtg ) (the local dialect of Evros) with regard to a hypothesis of syntactic borrowing of verbal transitivity. We argue that mwtg allows omission of the direct object with specific reference, in contrast to Standard Modern Greek ( smg ) and other Modern Greek ( mg ) dialects (spoken in Greece), but similar to Turkish. Object omission in mwtg is possible only in contexts where smg and other mg dialects show obligatory use of the 3rd-person clitic. We argue that syntactic borrowing in the case of language contact follows the transfer with second language learners: the relevant elements that host uninterpretable features are used optionally. Moreover, the definite article, in contrast to the indefinite article, is also affected by language contact. The 3rd-person clitic and the definite article are affected by contact as uninterpretable clusters of features. We claim that interpretability plays a significant role in transitivity in cases of language contact.
... In Polish, direct objects can be realized as full NPs (determiners or adjectives are optional), full or clitic pronouns, and null objects. Full pronouns show characteristics typical of full NPs, while clitic pronouns have a special form, function, and distribution (see Franks & Holloway King, 2000;Rinke et al., 2019 andSopata, 2016). In the context provided in Example 1, direct objects may be expressed in Polish by lexical NPs, clitics, and null objects: ...
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Aims and objectives This study investigates the acquisition of referential expressions for direct objects by child heritage speakers of Polish living in Germany. Our main research questions are how object expression develops in bilingual children and whether their path or pace of acquisition differs from monolingual children. Methodology We investigate the use of referential expressions in an elicited production task. In all, 39 Polish-German bilingual children participated in the test. Data and analysis We compare the data of four age groups of bilingual children – 3- to 4-year-olds, 5- to 6-year-olds, 7- to 8-year-olds, and 9- to 10-year-olds – to each other and to monolingual children at the respective ages. For the analysis of participants’ responses, we ran a generalized linear mixed model (GLMM) with a multinominal dependent variable. Findings The results show that child heritage language (HL) speakers of Polish display knowledge of semantic and pragmatic constraints of object realization from early stages on. However, from age 5 and up to age 9 to 10, they still produce high rates of inappropriate null objects and show a deceleration in the development of this knowledge, compared to monolingual children. This protracted development is attributed to reduced input in the HL, mainly due to the enrolment in the majority language school. Originality This study is the first to investigate the development of referential expressions for direct objects in child heritage speakers of Polish in the age span 3 to 10 years. Significance The study relates the higher rates of null objects in the bilingual production to the varying degrees of exposure to the HL during language development. Deceleration in the pace of object acquisition by the HL speakers at the age of 5 to 6 years is attributed to a prolonged stage of acquisition of integrating rules of syntactic and pragmatic knowledge.
... • li is a second position enclitic, it must appear after the first prosodic word (Browne 1974, Franks and King 2000, Rivero 1993, Bošković 2001, Franks 2017cf. Progovac (1996). ...
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I discuss the contextual distribution of Serbian polar questions and contribute to the cross-linguistic pool in this domain. It is shown that positive polar questions and negative polar questions are sensitive to: (a) epistemic bias and (b) evidential bias (Sudo 2013). I argue that the distribution of Serbian polar questions is due to the interplay of syntax, semantics and pragmatics, captured by AnderBois' (2019) inquisitive semantics of questions. Since this system crucially relies on syntax and semantics of negation, I will show that it provides independent support for:-two syntactic positions for negation in questions (Progovac 2005, Milićević 2006);-both negations being contentful (Milićević 2006).
... For more discussion see e.g. Toman (1993), Veselovská (1994), Cardinaletti and Starke (1999), Franks and King (2000), Rezac (2005) and Dotlačil (2007). ...
... This prediction works perfectly for Italian in (61a) (Czech, Kučerová 2014: 135) 11 The reference to the D-feature in T is related to the proposal in holding that the EPP can be satisfied by the Tense head itself, provided it houses the D-feature (pronominal features). 12 The standard reason for ungrammaticality of such constructions in Czech grammar is taken to be the clitic status of the auxiliary verb in the verb first position (e.g., Franks and King 2000;Bošković 2001). Kučerová (2014) argues against this point extensively. ...
... Slavic clitics have been the focus of attention in a number of works in the recent decades (Franks, King 2000;Franks 2017;Zimmerling 2013;Migdalski 2016; among many others), with accounts also on the diachrony of cliticization in (one or more) Slavic languages. 1 The diachrony of the Bulgarian clitics has drawn particular interest because Bulgarian is part of the Balkan Sprachbund and as such it exhibits verb-adjacent cliticization pattern, but also because it displays various patterns in its history. 2 Although it has been claimed that the position of clitics in Old Church Slavonic (OCS) 3 texts mostly echoes their placement in the Greek originals, there are numerous exceptions reflecting patterns in the language of the scribes (especially in constructions without parallels in Greek; see Sławski 1946, among others). ...
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The article traces back the formation of the clitic cluster in Bulgarian starting from the Old Church Slavonic through Middle Bulgarian up to the Early Modern Bulgarian and beyond. It offers a hypothetical two-layer structure of the cluster – with the main layer consisting of a (pronominal) core and a (verbal) periphery, and a secondary layer hosting (‘quasi-clitical’) elements that exhibit, both diachronically and synchronically, a behaviour that is not strictly consistent with that of the clitical elements. The language material from three corpora shows that there was no change in the positions of the elements in the core, and the changes in the periphery observed are mainly due to the changes in the set of the elements (as a result of the restructuring of the pronoun system and changes in the auxiliary system, as well as the loss of some early clitics, such as the discourse markers).
... In the generative framework the Slavic clitics and their characteristics are described in King (1996) and Franks and King (2000). For a wide sampling of cross-linguistic data concerning the order of individual pronominals and AUXs inside these clitic clusters, see Vos and Veselovská (1999). ...
... Entsprechend dem Titel wird ein Vergleich grundlegender Clitic-Climbing-Konstruktionen in den Sprachen Tschechisch, Slovenisch und Polnisch vorgenommen. Alle hier betrachteten Sprachen verhalten sich hinsichtlich des Clitic Climbing gleich, der von Rappaport (1988), Franks & King (2000) und Franks (2010) angenommene typologische Sonderstatus des Polnischen ist somit fraglich. Der Artikel ist wie folgt strukturiert: Abschnitt 2 gibt eine Einführung in das Phänomen. ...
... The eventual semantic interpretation of an NP, i.e. whether it is definite or indefinite, depends on the information structure and the word order of the sentences (see underlined phrases in examples 5 and 6). Though Russian does not mark specificity overtly, it has a range of indefinite pronouns (equivalent to some and any in English), which do mark different degrees of specificity for NPs (Dahl, 1970;Franks & King, 2000;Gülzow & Gagarina, 2007;Haspelmath, 1997;Ioup, 1977). To mark definiteness, Russian has demonstratives (e.g. ...
Article
Although a considerable number of studies have shown D(eterminer) elements, i.e. determiners and pronominal clitics, to be particularly vulnerable to impairment in monolingual children with Developmental Language Disorder (DLD), little is known about the use of appropriate or/and grammatically correct referring expressions in the children's narrative production. Grammars of languages that differ in the way they encode and realize their D system may be viewed as the ideal context to disentangle the contribution of language (L1) transfer and morpho-syntactic impairment to reference use in the L2. The aim of the current study is to examine L1 effects in the use of referring expressions of 5-to 11-year-old Albanian-Greek and Russian-Greek children with DLD, along with typically developing (TD) bilingual groups speaking the same language pairs when maintaining reference to characters in their narratives. The three languages differ in their D elements, since Albanian and Greek have morphologically rich D systems in contrast to Russian, which lacks a definiteness distinction. Children produced oral 2 First Language 00(0) narratives in Greek by using the Greek versions of two stories (Cat and Dog) which have been designed within the Multilingual Assessment Instrument for Narratives (MAIN) tool of the COST Action IS0804. Results show that the groups did not differ in referential appropriateness. Regarding grammatical correctness, both groups with DLD produced more ungrammatical forms than TD children, while Russian-Greek children with DLD produced more ungrammatical article-less NPs than the other groups. The overall results reflect the joint contribution of language impairment and L1-specific typological properties in the definite forms used for character maintenance by bilingual children with DLD.
... Based onFranks & King (2000) ...
Article
This article proposes that the present tense forms of the be ‐auxiliary byti (AUX ) in Old Russian should be identified as weak pronouns, based on their prosodic, morphological, and syntactic properties. The loss of AUX in Old Russian, which distinguishes East Slavic from West and South Slavic languages, is ascribed to the competition between AUX and strong subject pronouns as a consequence of the reanalysis of AUX as a weak subject pronoun. This reanalysis was triggered by the early loss of synthetic past tenses in Old Russian. The AUX 's position to the right of pronominal clitics indicates that the AUX remains in its initial merge position either as an auxiliary verb or as a subject pronoun. The co‐occurrence of AUX in situ and a null subject in Old Russian implies that rich verbal agreement and null subjects are unrelated with verb raising to I⁰.
... C°, where they form a cluster with other types of clitics.^''® The claim that SC pronominal clitics are arguments generated within VP, rather than just verbal inflection, is supported by the fact that SC does not allow clitic doubling (Halpem & Fontana, 1994;Franks & Holloway King, 2000). ...
Thesis
Research on Down syndrome (DS), a genetic disorder caused by a chromosomal abnormality, has uncovered unusual disparities between linguistic and cognitive development in this population. Dissociations between language and cognition are further reflected in the linguistic system itself, particularly between the computational components of the language faculty, such as morphosyntax and phonology on the one hand, and modules associated with the general processing systems, namely lexical knowledge, pragmatics and semantics, on the other. In an attempt to further elucidate the relationship between different linguistic modules in what seems to be a selective grammatical deficit in DS, this study focuses on the knowledge of binding, a module of grammar known to pose particular difficulties to children during the course of typical language acquisition. Performance of two groups of young adults with DS, English and Serbo-Croatian (SC) speakers, was compared to that of typically developing children at different stages of linguistic development. It was found that both English and SC-speaking subjects with DS had specific difficulties assigning an appropriate interpretation to reflexives, traditionally claimed to be governed by Principle A of standard Binding Theory (Chomsky, 1981; 1986), as opposed to pronouns, constrained by Principle B in the same framework. Not previously evidenced in the literature, this pattern is the reverse of the well- known 'Delay of Principle B Effect' attested in typical acquisition, at least in English-speaking children (Jakubowicz, 1984; Chien & Wexler, 1990; amongst others). Typically developing SC-speaking children showed mastery of both Principle A and Principle B, in line with reports on the acquisition of languages that use clitic forms as well as full pronouns in the object constructions tested. The findings suggest that the process of acquisition of binding in DS may be qualitatively different from typical linguistic development, rendering the traditional 'delayed but non-deviant' characterisation of language development in DS no longer tenable. In view of the well-known problems with standard Binding Theory, the analysis was couched within the Reflexivity framework of Reinhart & Reuland (1993). It is argued that the pattern shown in DS crosslinguistically is not caused by the unavailability of a binding principle but rather by a specific deficiency in establishing a binding relation between an anaphor and its antecedent. This contrast is one which is more readily characterised in the Reflexivity framework that in standard Binding Theory, thereby lending some support to the former. Moreover, the fact that the same deficit is found in both English and Serbo-Croatian speakers with DS adds considerable weight to the claim that grammar is selectively impaired in this disorder.
... In contrast to the V2-phenomenon in Germanic, there is no complementary distribution of second position clitics and complementizers in Slavic. Clitic auxiliaries follow the complementizer in embedded clauses; seeFranks and King (2000) for discussion. ...
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... [hrWaC v2.2 ] Although clitics (CLs) in Bosnian, Croatian, and Serbian (BCS) 3 have attracted considerable attention in the syntactic literature (cf. Franks and King 2000, Browne 2004, Bošković 2004, Progovac 2005, Diesing and Zec 2011, the 2 We index CTPs and their respective CLs with 1 and infinitive complements and their respective CLs with 2. 3 The label Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian (BCS) is used to refer to the Štokavian language use common to the varieties used in Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Montenegro, and when referring to other works in which that term is used. Since our empirical study targets the language structures in codified language, we later use the single label Croatian. ...
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In the paper, we discuss the phenomenon of clitic climbing (CC) out of infinitive complements in contemporary Croatian. Based on the first theoretical work and some empirical findings on CC in Czech and Bosnian, Croatian and Serbian (BCS) and the observation that differences in CC linked to register have been reported for some languages, we elaborate on the claim that CC varies in respect of both register and the Raising-Control Dichotomy. The following research questions are addressed: Does clitic climbing out of the single infinitive in Croatian depend on the type of complement-taking predicate (CTP) with respect to the Raising-Control Distinction? Does CC appear with equal frequency in standard and colloquial Croatian if the type of CTP verb (Raising vs Control) as a variable remains constant? Our study is based on data for two types of complement-taking predicates: a) Raising (8 different verbs) and b) Subject Control (8 non-reflexive + 8 reflexive verbs). The data was extracted from the Forum subcorpus of hrWaC v2.2 and from the Croatian Language Repository and Croatian National Corpus. Our data suggest that not only the Raising-Control Dichotomy, but also diaphasic variation have an impact on CC from infinitive complements.
... Croatian clitics are second-position elements -they occupy the second position in the clause (Franks and King 2000, Ćavar and Wilder 1994, Halpern 1995. The second position of the clitic(s) in an embedded clause is calculated relative to the first overt element in the minimal clause that contains them, as shown in (1) However, in infinitival (e.g., subject control) configurations, pronominal clitics can climb into the matrix clause, as shown in (2b). ...
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... [hrWaC v2.2 ] Although clitics (CLs) in Bosnian, Croatian, and Serbian (BCS) 3 have attracted considerable attention in the syntactic literature (cf. Franks and King 2000, Browne 2004, Bošković 2004, Progovac 2005, Diesing and Zec 2011, the 2 We index CTPs and their respective CLs with 1 and infinitive complements and their respective CLs with 2. 3 The label Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian (BCS) is used to refer to the Štokavian language use common to the varieties used in Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Montenegro, and when referring to other works in which that term is used. Since our empirical study targets the language structures in codified language, we later use the single label Croatian. ...
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In the paper, we discuss the phenomenon of clitic climbing (CC) out of infinitive complements in contemporary Croatian. Based on the first theoretical work and some empirical findings on CC in Czech and Bosnian, Croatian and Serbian (BCS) and the observation that differences in CC linked to register have been reported for some languages, we elaborate on the claim that CC varies in respect of both register and the Raising-Control Dichotomy. The following research questions are addressed: Does clitic climbing out of the single infinitive in Croatian depend on the type of complement-taking predicate (CTP) with respect to the Raising-Control Distinction? Does CC appear with equal frequency in standard and colloquial Croatian if the type of CTP verb (Raising vs Control) as a variable remains constant? Our study is based on data for two types of complement-taking predicates: a) Raising (8 different verbs) and b) Subject Control (8 non-reflexive + 8 reflexive verbs). The data was extracted from the Forum subcorpus of hrWaC v2.2 and from the Croatian Language Repository and Croatian National Corpus. Our data suggest that not only the Raising-Control Dichotomy, but also diaphasic variation have an impact on CC from infinitive complements.
... As suggested by Flores et al. (2017a), this complexity may lead Portuguese HSs to avoid the use of clitic pronouns in favorable contexts. Since the Polish clitic system does not show the same phonological and syntactic context sensitivity, it is less complex (see Franks and King 2000) than the EP clitic system. We conclude that, therefore, Polish HSs display less difficulty in using clitic pronouns, even in unfavorable contexts. ...
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... See also Klavans (1985), Kanerva (1987), Halpern (1995), Boškovic´ (2001), Aikhenvald (2002) and Anderson (2005). Some famous examples of special clitics come from the Slavic languages; see Franks and King (2000) for descriptions. Nevis et al. (1994) is a bibliography of clitic research prior to 1991. ...
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The aim of this paper is to determine the differences in fixed word order between Slovene dialectal discourse and Standard Slovene written discourse, with a particular focus on whether we can claim that some word order characteristics are present in Slovene dialectal discourse in general (in comparison with Standard Slovene written discourse). We will focus on only selected sentence elements that are subject to fixed word order rules, specifically, on the word order variant of adjective modifiers in agreement with the noun and noun/prepositional phrase modifiers in a noun phrase, the position of clitics in an utterance, the order of clitics in a clitic cluster, the initial position of a modal verb in an utterance, the position of the verb or its part in a compound verb form, the word order characteristics of the utterance introduced by an adverbial or particle and the position of a stressed particle and an adverbial.
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Despite the fact that these arguments might assume a wide variety of thematic interpretations (recipients, goals, possessors, sources, beneficiaries, malefactives, etc.), I demonstrate that their meaning is derived structurally from the position in which they are licensed. Crucially, only one dative occurs within a structural domain. The intra-linguistic comparison of a variety of constructions further leads to the conclusion that in each context datives are prominent arguments introduced at the periphery of a structural domain. This proposal explains the ability of datives to bind nominative subjects, to serve as structural subjects in impersonal predicative constructions, and to interact with nominative subjects in bi-clausal environments.
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This paper investigates the shift of pronominal clitics into weak pronouns in the Slavic languages. Specifically, we intend to show that pronominal clitics, which are heads, were degrammaticalized into weak pronouns as phrases in Old Polish, Macedonian, and Old Russian. This change is presented as a reverted diachronic reflection of a hierarchical typology of pronouns. The paper establishes the trigger and preconditions of this process and shows the way it proceeded in these languages. In particular, we argue that the change in the tense system across Slavic triggered the degrammaticalization of pronominal clitics. Through this investigation, we demonstrate that grammaticalization can be disturbed and reversed by other changes in the same linguistic system and restricted by both general syntactic principles and particular conditions operating in the system.