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Abstract and Figures

Twenty individual structured interviews were undertaken to investigate several facets of a relatively new phenomenon: the removal of body hair by men. In addition to the interviews, participants were asked to highlight a body figure drawing to illustrate the areas of their bodies where hair was either removed or reduced. It was found that males were removing or reducing body hair in areas commonly covered up as well as parts of the body that are usually seen in public, such as the forearms. In addition to items related to the practice of hair removal, other questions targeted affective aspects of hair removal. Many participants reported that it was of high importance to remove hair prior to a social exchange. Findings are considered in light of increasing interest in men's body image and the possibility of a novel body image issue for men: body depilation.
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Body Depilation in Males:
A New Body Image Concern?
MICHAEL BOROUGHS and J. KEVIN THOMPSON
University of South Florida
Twenty individual structured interviews were undertaken to
investigate several facets of a relatively new phenomenon: the
removal of body hair by men. In addition to the interviews,
participants were asked to highlight a body figure drawing to
illustrate the areas of their bodies where hair was either removed
or reduced. It was found that males were removing or reducing
body hair in areas commonly covered up as well as parts of the
body that are usually seen in public, such as the forearms. In
addition to items related to the practice of hair removal, other
questions targeted affective aspects of hair removal. Many
participants reported that it was of high importance to remove hair
prior to a social exchange. Findings are considered in light of
increasing interest in men’s body image and the possibility of a
novel body image issue for men: body depilation.
Key Words: body hair removal, body image, body depilation
Removing body hair is not new in western cultures. However, historically this
behavior has been culturally sanctioned primarily for females (Tiggemann &
Kenyon, 1998). Men, conversely, have not been noted as hair removers, perhaps
because the presence of body hair has been indelibly associated with masculinity
(Basow, 1991; Basow & Braman, 1998; Lewis, 1987; Tiggemann & Kenyon, 1998).
In one of the few studies to explore attitudes about body hair, Lewis (1987) found
that the presence or absence of body hair generally does not affect men’s masculine
identity. In a more recent study, Basow and Braman (1998) examined attitudes of
both male and female college students to identify the cultural reactions to women
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to J. Kevin Thompson, Department of
Psychology, University of South Florida, Tampa, Florida 33620-8200. Email: thompson@chuma1.cas.usf.edu.
International Journal of Men’s Health, Vol. 1, No. 3, September 2002, pp. 247-257.
© 2002 by the Men’s Studies Press. LLC. All rights reserved.
247
who did not remove their body hair. Both males and females made negative
attributions toward females who did not remove hair; unfortunately, male hair
removal was not evaluated in this study. Naturally, society is central in determining
“culturally appropriate” behaviors such as the acceptability of body hair removal or
reduction for one or both sexes. Therefore, while body hair removal might be simply
the acceptance of socialized norms for females, it is a rejection of those norms for
males. An evaluation of the factors underlying male body hair removal might
contribute uniquely to an understanding of male appearance concerns and body
image.
Body image research has traditionally focused on the concerns of females
(Thompson, 1990). However, in recent years, it has become apparent that men also
have issues with appearance. Research indicates that men’s body image concerns
may center around different aspects of appearance than women’s, with a focus on
muscularity rather than thinness (Thompson, Heinberg, Altabe, & Tantleff-Dunn,
1999). For instance, Thompson and Tantleff (1992) found that men desired a larger
and more muscular chest size than they currently possessed. Pope, Gruber, Choi,
Olivardia, and Phillips (1997) suggested that men’s obsession with muscularity
might approximate pathological levels. These researchers found that some
bodybuilders met criteria for a body dysmorphic disorder (BDD). BDD is a
somatoform disorder found in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental
Disorders (American Psychiatric Association, 1994) with the essential feature being
an excessive preoccupation with an imagined or slight defect in appearance, which
causes significant distress or impairment in functioning. Common complaints
include localization on the body such as a wrinkle on the face or the shape and/or
size of the nose; however, the criteria also allow for a simultaneous focus on several
body parts. Therefore, the possibility of “hair growth” considered to be excessive at
various body sites is not beyond this diagnosis. Phillips and Diaz (1997) suggested
that cultural norms and values might influence the content of BDD symptoms such
as the particular site or aspect of body concern.
The recent surge in interest in men’s body image was the basis for the current
investigation. Anecdotal reports from various sources had suggested the presence of
a potentially new form of body image concern that might warrant investigation:
men’s removal of body hair from atypical body sites. Popular press accounts have
superceded empirical examinations of this phenomenon (Gomes, 2001; Smith, 2000;
Stuever, 2000). Such accounts and anecdotal cases suggest that body depilation may
occur not only in athletes, predominantly bodybuilders and swimmers, but also in a
broad cross-section of men in society. An initial exploratory investigation was
undertaken to examine some qualitative and quantitative facets of this relatively new
body image phenomenon. Specifically, the goals of this initial study included
seeking information from participants on (1) their frequency of depilation, (2)
reasons behind their engaging in this behavior, (3) the methods used to reduce and
remove hair, and (4) social and affective correlates of depilation to determine
whether there might be conceptual similarities to body image disturbance.
BOROUGHS and THOMPSON
248
METHOD
PARTICIPANTS
The authors conducted 20 structured interviews with males to investigate several
facets of a relatively new phenomenon: the removal and reduction of body hair by
men. Seventeen of the 20 participants were Caucasian, two were Hispanic, and one
was African American. All participants reported using both cardiovascular and
resistance training strategies, and all that were asked to participate in this pilot study
did affirm they engaged in the hair removal behaviors and agreed to participate.
Participants were recruited at a local gym via purposive sampling. To be
included in the study, potential participants were asked if they engaged in any body
hair removal below the neck, and if so, whether they were willing to participate in an
interview. Some snowball sampling was also used where participants helped in the
recruitment of others that engaged in the hair removing behaviors. All those that
were initially contacted agreed to participate. The fact that all participants were
involved in some type of formal exercise was a result of the sampling method;
all individuals were contacted at gyms or from referrals by other gym members.
MEASURES
Body Depilation Structured Interview (BoDeSI). Qualitative structured interviews
were conducted to explore the locus of depilation, removal strategies, and associated
emotional and behavioral components (i.e., anxiety, avoidance). No extant
questionnaire existed for guiding interviews; therefore the authors developed one:
the Body Depilation Structured Interview (BoDeSI) to obtain descriptive information
about men who remove or reduce body hair. The questions were specific and
assumed participants engaged in some reduction or removal of body hair below the
neck since this population was targeted for recruitment into the study. Interview
items are contained in Appendix A.
In creating the BoDeSI, a literature review was undertaken, as well as a review
of the diagnostic criteria for BDD in the DSM-IV (American Psychiatric Association,
1994). Informal observations of men in gyms and local health clubs, along with
conversations with individuals who appeared to have removed body hair (i.e.,
especially noticeable were men with an absence of leg hair) also provided
information for the development of BoDeSI. The resulting questionnaire had open-
ended questions that yielded qualitative information, along with a few items that
were rated on a scale by participants, providing some quantitative information.
Hair Removal Shading Figure. A drawing of a male figure was created to allow
participants to shade, with a highlighter, areas of the body where they either reduced
or removed body hair. Several male figure drawings were reviewed from the body
image literature. A figure from Thompson and Gray’s Contour Drawing Rating
Scale (1995), was modified to be larger and less detailed, showing both front and
back of the body to allow for proper measurement of actual hair removal and
reduction behaviors. This modified figure was a useful adjunct to the BoDeSI,
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BODY DEPILATION IN MALES
250
BOROUGHSand THOMPSON
Figure 1.
Schematic figure used for location of depilation
Please shade the body figure to identify the areas where you remove or reduce your body hair.
251
especially because some participants found it easier to shade in body sites on the
figure rather than discuss verbally their removal practices.
PROCEDURE
The participants were interviewed to examine the parameters and dynamics of body
depilation, guided by the BoDeSI, and they also completed (i.e., shaded) the Hair
Removal Shading Figure. All participants gave informed consent and were told they
could end their participation at any time or refuse to answer any questions they were
uncomfortable with. The study was confidential. No names or other identifying
information were collected. Most interviews were carried out in a local health club
with the consent of the management. Participants were interviewed in a private room
with a table and two chairs. The only exception to this was two participants who
were interviewed in a private room of a community recreation center, which was a
locale more convenient for those participants.
While the semi-structured interview did contain some items that were more
quantitative in nature (yielding scaled responses), the interviewer asked all questions
and recorded, in writing, all responses made by the participants. Tape recordings of
the interviews were not done. Other than responding to the questions, the only other
task asked of participants was to shade a drawing with a highlighter to indicate
areas of their body where shaving or trimming took place.
RESULTS
A mixture of ethnography, systematic content analysis, direct quotations, and
descriptive statistics were used to report the following results. The findings indicated
that males are removing or reducing body hair in areas commonly covered up and on
parts of the body that are usually seen in public, such as the forearms. Table 1
contains the data regarding body site removal, indicating that the primary sites for
depilation are the torso/abdomen (90%), chest (85%), and groin (85%). Upper back
(20%) and back of neck (10%) hair removal occurred at a relatively low frequency.
Analysis of the interviews suggested that body image issues were key factors for
body hair reduction and removal. Eighteen of the 20 participants gave statements
such as the following for depilation: “looks better,” “makes muscles look larger,”
“looks younger,” and “feels cleaner.” Many participants alluded to some anxiety if
they were faced with an upcoming social situation where they would not be able to
shave in advance. All participants reported receiving some positive feedback from
others regarding their depilation, while a small minority reported some negative
feedback (i.e., “why would a man do that?”).
Table 2 contains the methods participants used to remove or reduce their body
hair. Of interest is that 100 percent of participants reported using a regular razor, and
a significant number reported using shaving cream and/or electric clippers. Less than
five participants used other removal methods such as scissors, electric razor, or laser
hair removal.
BODY DEPILATION IN MALES
252
Table 1.
Summary of Body Sites Where Depilation Occurs in Males (N = 20)
Body Site N (%)
Abdomen 18 (90)
Chest 17 (85)
Groin 17 (85)
Upper legs 14 (70)
Lower legs 13 (65)
Lower arms 13 (65)
Hands 11 (55)
Shoulders 7 (35)
Upper arms 6 (30)
Arm pits 6 (30)
Feet 6 (30)
Lower back 5 (25)
Buttocks 5 (25)
Clavicle 5 (25)
Upper back 4 (20)
Back of neck 2 (10)
Table 2.
Distribution of Methods Used in Body Hair Removal and Reduction (N = 20)
Hair Removal Method N (%)
Regular razor 20 (100)
Shaving cream 17 (85)
Electrical clippers 13 (65)
Depilatories 4 (20)
Electric razor 3 (15)
Scissors 3 (15)
Waxing in salon 3 (15)
Waxing at home 2 (10)
Soap 1 (5)
Tweezers 1 (5)
Electrolysis 0 (0)
Laser hair removal 0 (0)
The mean length of time participants had been removing body hair was 5.97
years, with a median of 3.5 years, SD = 5.93 years with a range of three months to
20 years. Nine participants noted that the onset of removing hair began after they
BOROUGHSand THOMPSON
saw others engage in the practice; nine said they began the behavior on their own
accord, and two specifically mentioned participation in a triathlon as
prompting their removal rituals.
Participants were also asked if their shaving/trimming behaviors were curtailed
during the off-season of their sport or if climatic differences (i.e., colder weather)
curtailed the hair removal. Twelve of 20 participants said shaving/trimming did not
become less important in the off-season. Three said the off-season for sports made
the behavior less important, while four said the climatic season had an effect. One
individual noted that he wears more clothes during the colder weather season;
therefore, shaving became less important.
Participants were asked, “How important is it to shave or clip body hair prior to
social contact?” This question was included to specifically address body image
concerns related to social interactions. Mean ratings, using a 1-5 scale (i.e., 1 = not
important, 5 = very important), were similar for all three reference-groups
(significant others: 3.2; friends: 3.1; general public: 3.1). Of the 20 participants that
were interviewed, only three reported that shaving or clipping body hair was “not
important” prior to social contact with others. By contrast, 25% reported body hair
removal or reduction with the highest rating of “very important” prior to social
contact, while approximately 40% indicated that it was “important.”
The following injuries had occurred, according to participants, as a result of
shaving or trimming: a) nicks to the skin, b) in-grown hairs, and c) cuts to the skin.
Half of those interviewed denied any injuries at all. For the purpose of establishing a
working nomenclature for this behavior, participants were asked what word they
used if they were to tell someone else they were planning to depilate. Seventeen of
the 20 said they would use the word “shave or shaving;” six used the word “trim or
trimming,” two used the word “clipping,” and one said he would say he was going to
“clean up.”
Participants’ responses to the question on frequency of body hair removal and
re-growth yielded a range of responses. One participant claimed to shave his arms
every two days. Ten individuals said they shave weekly, four said bi-weekly, and
two said every three weeks. Three said they shaved once a month. Related to the
depilation frequency was the estimated re-growth rate. Two participants said they
did not allow any visible re-growth, while the remaining individuals allowed stubble
before resuming depilation.
We asked participants to describe how they felt just after shaving or trimming
their body hair, and we also wanted them to compare that feeling with how they felt
when the hair had grown back and the need to shave arose. The responses were
highest in the categories of “clean/cleaner” (N = 14) and “good/better” (N = 9).
Other descriptors included “better-looking” (N = 4), more “athletic or muscular” (N
= 3), better “self-esteem or self-confidence” (N = 3), “healthier” (N = 2), “thinner or
weighs less” (N = 2), and “sexual” (N = 2). For the comparison of how they would
feel just before depilation, participants said: they felt “dirty” (N = 5) or “self-
conscious” (N = 2). Other unique comments were, for example, “feeling bristly,”
“less presentable,” “less muscular,” “shameful,” “shaggy,” or “feel like I can’t
control it [i.e., the growth of the hair].”
Participants were asked to describe their level of anxiety if they could not shave
BODY DEPILATION IN MALES
253
for a few days after some point when the need arose. Eleven participants described
either moderate anxiety or situational anxiety. Three participants said they would
experience great anxiety, while six participants said they would not be anxious.
None of the participants reported pulling body hair, which might have offered
the potential differential diagnosis of trichotillomania. All of the participants in the
current study removed hair below the neck, whereas trichotillomanic hair removal
frequently involves removal of head hair.
DISCUSSION
These findings suggest that depilation may be a male grooming behavior that
constitutes a new and potentially important investigative avenue for body image
researchers. Clearly our findings do not indicate that these individuals suffer from
body dysmorphic disorder (no formal BDD evaluation was conducted). However,
the fact that 65% of participants alluded to the presence of anxiety if hair removal
was prevented indicates the importance of further evaluating the clinical relevance of
depilation and the possible presence of “follicular dysmorphia.” In addition, given
the occurrence of depilation in bodybuilders, it would be important in future studies
to evaluate the co-morbidity of muscle dysmorphia and follicular dysmorphia.
Future directions include the creation of a research questionnaire to further
investigate the prevalence of these behaviors in diverse populations.
Clearly some limitations of this study include the low number of participants
and the targeted sampling, as opposed to random sampling technique, which reduces
external validity. For example, in this sample of 20 males, none reported using laser
hair removal as a method of removing body hair. Yet, advertisements for this
procedure increasingly target men, and some reports suggest that 30% of laser hair
removal customers are men seeking to have hair on their backs removed (Smith,
2000; Stuever, 2000).
While the argument could be made that athletes are depilating for performance
purposes and therefore are not potentially at-risk for BDD, this small investigation
found that athletes continued the depilation behavior even when they were not
involved with their sport. In fact, it is entirely possible that participation in various
athletic activities and communities precipitated the initial engagement in body
shaving.
We believe, therefore, that a subset of men who engage in depilation behaviors
may indeed suffer from BDD. However, the criteria for BDD are quite rigorous,
requiring a preoccupation with the perceived defect for at least one hour per day and
the association of significant distress with this preoccupation (American Psychiatric
Association, 1994). Clearly, a more extensive examination of the clinical aspects of
hair depilation is needed before accurate estimates of the percentage with BDD can
be ascertained.
A review of the BDD literature reveals an extensive focus on head hair, when
hair concern is indexed (Hollander & Aronowitz; 1999; Rosen, 1996). For example,
thinning hair and muscularity concerns are often the preoccupations males report
(Hollander & Aronowitz, 1999; Phillips, 1998; Phillips & Diaz, 1997). Most often
when hair is discussed with relation to males and BDD, the hair being referenced is
BOROUGHSand THOMPSON
254
head hair, and the central issue around the hair is its loss or alopecia. For example,
Phillips, McElroy, Keck, Pope, and Hudson (1993) found that 19 of 30 BDD cases
had hair related dysmorphia issues. Of the 19 cases, 15 had concerns with head hair,
two had concerns with beards, and three with “other body hair.” This study had both
male and female participants, though the sex of the three cases with “other body
hair” dysmorphia was not disclosed.
Only Perugi and colleagues confirmed high preoccupation with excessive body
hair by men in their study of 34 male outpatients diagnosed with BDD (Perugi,
Akiskal, Giannotti, Frare, DiVaio, & Cassano, 1997). Their report distinguishes
body hair dysmorphia from issues surrounding head hair. In this study two males had
a preoccupation with alopecia, while six reported preoccupation with excessive body
hair (Perugi et al., 1997). A strategy deployed by both males and females with BDD
is repeated cosmetic surgeries to correct perceived defects (Hollander & Aronowitz,
1999; Phillips & Diaz, 1997). One strategy not yet examined with relation to the
findings of Perugi et al. (1997) is the self removal or reduction of body hair below
the neck by males. These behaviors would be consistent with the obsessive nature
of BDD and yet not necessarily require medical or surgical intervention.
The current study serves as the foundation for a more extensive examination of
body depilation, which is currently underway. The results from the structured
interviews from this study provide the basis for an extension of the BoDeSI, which
can then be used to survey a larger, random sample of individuals. Such a study will
provide normative data on prevalence of body hair removal practices and associated
features. Essential to this evaluation will be the inclusion of a formal examination of
body dysmorphic symptoms, with a standardized instrument such as Rosen’s Body
Dysmorphic Disorder Examination (Rosen, 1996), along with other variables that
might relate to levels of depilation, such as drive for muscularity, social acceptance,
body shame, and self-esteem (Gilbert & Thompson, 2002; McCreary & Sasse,
2000).
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Basow, S.A., & Braman, A.C. (1998). Women and body hair: Social perceptions
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treatment (pp. 55-74). New York: Brunner-Routledge.
Gomes, L. (2001, September, 5). That thicket of hair just spoils the view of all those
muscles: Many young men are taking it off to look like guys in the pages of
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dysmorphic disorder: Managing the complicated patient. Journal of Clinical
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(1997). Gender related differences in body dysmorphic disorder
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Smith, H. (2000, July 10). Why Zorba can’t keep his hair on. New Statesman, 129,
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Appendix A
Body Depilation Structured Interview
BoDeSI
1) Do you go to a gym or have a regular exercise routine?
2) How long have you been removing your body hair?
3) How did you begin? On your own? Did you see others? What prompted it?
4) Does removing your body hair become less important in the off-season? (Either
climatic season or sports season).
5) Have any injuries occurred as a result of removing your body hair?
6) Why do you remove your body hair? You may have different reasons for
different areas of the body. Please note some specific reasons.
7) Describe the word you use to express the process of removing your body hair.
For example, “I have to _________ (shave) later.”
8) How do you remove your body hair? Do you use any of the following: shaving
cream, regular razor, electric razor, electric clippers, depilatories, electrolysis,
laser hair removal, waxing in a salon, waxing at home, other?
9) How frequently do you remove your body hair? Estimate the re-growth rate. Do
you allow any visible re-growth before you begin the removal process?
10) How important is it for you to shave before being seen by significant others,
friends or out in public? (Rate on a scale of 1-5 [5 = very important, 1 = not
important]).
11) What do you believe are the perceptions of others related to you removing your
body hair?
a) Have others mentioned to you that they notice that you have removed body
hair?
12) How do you feel about yourself just after body hair removal? Do you feel
different about yourself or your body after your remove the hair rather than when
it has grown back?
13) Can you describe how you feel if you’ve gone a few days without removing your
(body) hair? How anxious would you be if you couldn’t shave for a few days?
257
BODY DEPILATION IN MALES
... Diese bestehen aus gezeichneten Silhouetten unterschiedlichen Körperfett-und / oder Muskulaturausmaßes zur Einschätzung des tatsächlichen und idealen Körpers. Die häufigsten Verfahren zur Messung der Körperfettdimension waren die Body Size Drawings (BSD; Stunkard, Sørensen & Schulsinger, 1980;adaptiert: Fallon & Rozin, 1985), die Contour Drawing Rating Scale (CDRS; Thompson & Gray, 1995) Es ergeben sich keine Unterschiede zwischen HoM und HeM hinsichtlich der Auswahl der tatsächlichen Silhouette und somit in der perzeptiven Komponente im engeren Sinn (Boroughs & Thompson, 2002;Gil, 2007;Herzog, Newman & Warshaw, 1991;Williamson & Hartley, 1998 (Williamson & Hartley, 1998). Damit einhergehend berichtet Gil (2007) nach der Untersuchung von 75 homo-und 105 heterosexuellen Studenten (DA: 23) mittels der CDRS über gleiche Ergebnisse. ...
... Damit einhergehend berichtet Gil (2007) nach der Untersuchung von 75 homo-und 105 heterosexuellen Studenten (DA: 23) mittels der CDRS über gleiche Ergebnisse. Allerdings unterschieden sich die im Rahmen der Studie von Boroughs und Thompson (2002) anhand der CDRS verglichenen 47 homosexuellen Nicht-Studenten keineswegs von den 87 heterosexuellen Studenten hinsichtlich der Auswahl einer idealen Silhouette (Alter nicht aufgeführt). Die gleichen Ergebnisse resultierten bei Herzog und Kolleg*innen (1991), die 43 überwiegend aus LGBTI*-Organisationen und -Bars rekrutierte HoM (DA: 24) mit 32 per Zeitungsannoncen rekrutierten HeM (DA: 25) mittels einer adaptierten Version der Male Figure Dra wings (Fallon & Rozin, 1985) verglichen. ...
... Die Diskrepanz zwischen der Auswahl der tatsächlichen und idealen Silhouette wird als Körperunzufriedenheit auf der perzeptiven Körperbildebene interpretiert (z. B. Boroughs & Thompson, 2002) und könnte damit auch als Teil der kognitiv-affektiven Komponente gesehen werden. Hinsichtlich der Körperfettdimension konnte Siever (1994) durch den Vergleich von 59 homosexuellen Studenten (DA: 26), die größtenteils aus LGBTI*-Studierendenorganisationen rekrutiert wurden, mit 63 heterosexuellen Studenten (DA: 22) mittels der BSD eine größere Diskrepanz bei den HoM zeigen. ...
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Dieses Review stellt bisherige Kernbefunde und Trends hinsichtlich Unterschieden zwischen homosexuellen (HoM) und heterosexuellen Männern (HeM) im Körperbild entlang dessen drei Komponenten perzeptiv, kognitiv-affektiv und behavioral zusammenfassend dar. Außerdem wird ein vergleichender Überblick über die Auftretenshäufigkeit sowie Symptomatik von Essstörungen (ES) und der Körperdysmorphen Störung (KDS) gegeben. HoM weisen im Vergleich zu HeM kein insgesamt negativeres Körperbild, sondern negativere Ausprägungen auf einzelnen Facetten auf. Die Männer scheinen sich nicht in der Wahrnehmung des eigenen Körpers und der Diskrepanz zwischen tatsächlichem und idealem Körper zu unterscheiden. Bezüglich der Präferenz eines schlanken Körperideals liegen Inkonsistenzen vor. HoM zeigen im Selbstbericht eine höhere Ausprägung in Körperunzufriedenheit und Schlankheitsstreben als HeM. Hinsichtlich der Häufigkeit von Sportverhalten liegt ein inkonsistentes Bild vor, HoM berichten jedoch tendenziell ein stärkeres Vermeidungs- und Kontrollverhalten. Im Muskulositätsstreben scheinen sich die Männer nicht zu unterscheiden. Es kann nicht eindeutig davon ausgegangen werden, dass sich HoM und HeM in der Häufigkeit von ES voneinander unterscheiden, jedoch scheinen keine Häufigkeitsunterschiede bezüglich KDS zu bestehen. Demgegenüber liegt bei HoM tendenziell eine schwerere ES- und KDS-Symptomatik vor. Für eine umfassendere Sichtweise auf das Körperbild von und die Psychopathologie von ES und KDS bei HoM und HeM sowie individuellere Gestaltung von Interventionen, ist weitere Forschung notwendig. Diese sollte insbesondere wenig untersuchte Konstrukte wie Definiertheitsstreben, kognitive Verzerrungen, Investmentverhalten und Essanfälle sowie potenzielle mediierende Faktoren wie bspw. die Zugehörigkeit zur schwulen Community (inklusive Subgruppen) einschließen.
... [3] While more popular among females, body hair depilatation is not unique to women; shifting images of the "ideal" male body is also influencing men to engage in body hair removal. [4,5] While body hair depilation is usually a harmless practice, it can lead to unintended injuries. Depilatory creams are caustic chemical agents that can be applied directly to body hair and then easily washed off. ...
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Objective: The objective was to study and describe the presenting patient characteristics for those with chemical burns acquired from hair removal beauty products. Methods: Retrospective single-center chart review was done to identify all burn injuries caused by the use of depilatory cream use. Results: A total of seven patients who acquired burn injuries due to depilatory cream use were identified. Six were female and one was male. Patients' age ranged from 3 to 43 years, with a mean age of 27.2 years. Total body surface area of the burns ranged from 0.18% to 0.79% including first- and second-degree burns; none of the patients acquired third-degree burns. Most of the injuries involved groin and pubic area. All patients were treated with wound care, and none required inpatient care. All of the patients who presented to follow-up visits showed re-epithelialization and good healing. Conclusion: Depilatory cream is a corrosive chemical hair removal agent that can lead to unintended chemical burns if used improperly. Burn-care provider, as well as other health-care providers, should be aware of this unusual cause of chemical burn and educate their patients appropriately.
... Similar to Chapter 13: Calogero et al 38 research on female beauty ideals, Thompson and Cafri (2007) demonstrated that men exposed to ads illustrating the male body ideal (a mesomorphic physique) reported greater body dissatisfaction than men exposed to neutral ads. Other beauty practices among men are becoming popularized including body depilation (Boroughs, Cafri & Thompson, 2005;Boroughs & Thompson, 2002), which is the removal of hair in rather non-traditional places for men such as arms, legs, or genital area. Cosmetic procedures for men have increased 44 per cent between 2000 and 2005 (American Society of Plastic Surgeons, 2006). ...
... Finally, the item "Men who shave their legs are weird," which came from the Genderism and Transphobia Scale (Hill & Willoughby, 2005), probably stayed out after the analyses due to changes in male behavior regarding health care and beauty since the original instrument was developed. For example, males can shave their body hair, and this does not 365 challenge their gender role and sexual orientation (Boroughs & Thompson, 2002;Filiault & Drummond, 2013). ...
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In Brazil, there is a deficit of culturally adapted tools to assess prejudice against sexual and gender diversity with empirically demonstrable validity and reliability. Prejudice against non-heterosexual orientations is a strong problem within Brazilian culture and is particularly related to non-normative expressions of gender. To address these issues, a scale was created. The objective of this article is to validate the revised version of this instrument developed for the specificities of Brazilian culture and establish its reliability. Eight thousand, one hundred and eighty-four undergraduate students from southern Brazil completed the revised version of Scale of Prejudice Against Sexual and Gender Diversity (PASGD). Analysis was conducted using Item Response Theory (IRT) model for rating scale data, criterion validity and confirmatory factor analysis (CFA). The scale showed good validity and reliability. The results indicate that the PASGD is a useful tool for assessing prejudice in the Brazilian context, adapted for the local Brazilian reality.
... Similar to Chapter 13: Calogero et al 38 research on female beauty ideals, Thompson and Cafri (2007) demonstrated that men exposed to ads illustrating the male body ideal (a mesomorphic physique) reported greater body dissatisfaction than men exposed to neutral ads. Other beauty practices among men are becoming popularized including body depilation (Boroughs, Cafri & Thompson, 2005;Boroughs & Thompson, 2002), which is the removal of hair in rather non-traditional places for men such as arms, legs, or genital area. Cosmetic procedures for men have increased 44 per cent between 2000 and 2005 (American Society of Plastic Surgeons, 2006). ...
... In a study looking at body depilation (removal of hair below the neck) practices among men, Boroughs et al. (2005) found that over 60% of their sample engaged in some sort of body depilation. The primary areas for body depilation were reported to be the chest, groin, abdomen, legs, arms, and hands (Boroughs et al., 2005;Boroughs & Thompson, 2002). The most commonly cited reasons for body hair removal included attractiveness, cleanliness, and emphasis of muscular definition. ...
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Until recently, concern with body shape and image has primarily been considered a female domain and body image concerns among men were all but ignored. Researchers are now beginning to address this gap in the literature, as evidenced by the rapid rise in the number of studies pertaining to male body image. However, there are currently only a limited number of body image measures available that attempt to tap male body image concern, with these measures predominantly focusing only on the drive for muscularity. As a result, these measures are likely excluding other aspects important to men's body image. The purpose of the current dissertation was to develop a multidimensional measure of male body image, named the Multidimensional Male Body Concerns Questionnaire (MMBCQ), and determine whether it yields reliable scores and valid interpretations. This purpose was achieved through a series of three studies. The first study consisted of a qualitative investigation that identified nine major aspects of men's bodies and appearance that are most important to their body image. The second study developed items to assess these nine dimensions. A pilot test then reduced the original 55 items to a total of 39 items, which assessed the dimensions of muscularity, body fat, youthfulness, body hair, and penis. The third study refined the MMBCQ to a total of 35 items and provided additional reliability and validity evidence for the MMBCQ subscales. This new measure will allow researchers to extend their understanding of the male body image construct beyond muscularity alone. Through the use of a mixed methods approach and a combination of CTT and IRT, this dissertation uses modern validity theory to provide a comprehensive model of test development and validation.
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Do women with body hair continue to evoke disgust? Are men without body hair read only as athletes and/or gay? To explore contemporary sense-making practices around apparently counter-normative gendered body hair practice, we developed a two-stem story completion task. We collected stories from 161 undergraduate students (129 women and 32 men) about David, who had decided to start removing body hair, and Jane, who had decided to stop removing body hair. We analysed the data thematically within a constructionist framework, resulting in three themes: secrecy and shame; the personal benefits of going against the grain; and the personal is political. The personal benefits theme included four distinct (gendered) subthemes: increased heterosexual attractiveness; increased sporting prowess; removal of a hassle; and liberation from conformity. These story data gave access to familiar but also somewhat different accounts than those collected through typical self-report measures.
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This study explores the gendered body hair removal norm and the meanings of male body hair by examining young people’s sense-making around male body hair removal. The novel technique of story completion was used to collect data from 102 psychology undergraduates. They were presented with a story “stem” featuring a young man (David) deciding to start body hair removal and asked to complete the stem. David was most often portrayed as a young heterosexual man who was excessively hairy, in the “wrong” places, was often subject to teasing and bullying, and was concerned about his diminished sexual capital. Hair removal did not always end “happily ever after” for David. While in some stories he “got the girl,” he was punished for his vanity and foolishness in others. These different endings arguably reflect currently ambivalent meanings around male body hair depilation. The production of a hairless, or less hairy, male body is both desirable and a potential threat to masculinity. The data spoke strongly to the power of social norms surrounding body hair practices and suggest that story completion provides a useful tool in interrogating the discourses that sustain these norms.
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This qualitative, longitudinal study directs attention to how adolescence - a time period that is already fraught with pressures and struggles for most - may be complicated by the presence of hirsutism, a putatively "sexdiscordant" marker. Attention is directed to the school-based experiences of a non-representative sample of 67 Canadian youth and 41 adult women who shared their recollections of how hirsutism had impacted their lives as adolescents. Although hirsute youth may seem well-situated to act as the trailblazers for the type of subversive crossings that Butler (1990) championed in Gender Trouble, our study find little to suggest that they would welcome this role. Rather, the obverse seems true. However, given the dependent status of adolescents in Western society, it might be entirely presumptuous to expect hirsute youth to behave as if dualistic thinking about sex, gender and sexuality did not exist when so many of their experiences will continuously remind them that it does.
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McCormack and Anderson (2014) present a case for using homohysteria as a lens through which to examine the effects of declining homophobia. This commentary addresses limitations of the concept of homohysteria, and offers suggestions on ways to improve the concept as a theoretical lens. We identify two central concerns in this presentation of homohysteria; a definitional problem in operationalizing the construct of homohysteria, and a logical weakness in the construction of the definition of a homohysteric society. We offer suggestions based in psychological and historical data aimed to improve homohysteria as a lens through which to view shifts in attitudes toward sexual orientation minorities.
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A major component of “femininity” in the United States today is a hairless body, a norm that developed in the United States between 1915–1945. Little has been written regarding the development of this norm, and virtually no empirical research has been done to assess how universally ascribed to is this standard or why women actually remove their leg and underarm hair. More than 200 women from two national professional organizations responded to a mailed questionnaire (response rate 56%). The majority (around 80%) remove their leg and/or underarm hair at least occasionally. Two types of reasons for shaving emerged: feminine/attractiveness reasons and social/normative reasons. Most women start shaving for the latter reasons but continue to shave for the former reasons. Certain groups, however, were least likely to remove leg and/or underarm hair: strongly feminist women and self-identified lesbians. The results of the study are discussed in terms of the function the hairlessness norm may serve in our culture.
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This study examines college students' attitudes toward and perceptions of a woman with body hair as a function of respondent gender and feminist attitudes. Participants reacted to a video of a White woman either with or without visible leg and underarm hair. Results supported the hypothesis that a woman with body hair will be seen as less sexually and interpersonally attractive than the same woman without body hair. Specifically, the woman with body hair was viewed as less sociable, intelligent, happy, and positive, and as more aggressive, active, and strong. Attitudes toward feminism predicted attitudes about body hair in general, which in turn predicted reactions to the model with body hair. Despite the fact that women students had more positive attitudes about body hair and more feminist attitudes than their male counterparts, there were no gender differences in reactions to the model with body hair. Implications regarding this pervasive cultural norm are discussed.
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This study aimed to investigate the frequency andmeaning of the removal of body hair in women.Participants were 129 female university students (meanage = 22.3 years) and 137 female high school students (mean age = 14.3 years). Almost all (>95%)were Caucasian. It was found that, as predicted, the vastmajority (92%) of women remove their leg and/or underarmhair, most frequently by shaving. This was irrespective of their feminist beliefs, but wasnegatively related to self-esteem in university students.The reasons cited for hair removal were primarilyconcerned with a desire for femininity andattractiveness. However, the reasons provided for starting toremove body hair differed between the groups, in thatthey were relatively more normative for the universitystudents than for the high school students. It was concluded that women's stated reasons forstarting the practice of hair removal reflectprimarilytheir vantage point as an observer. In fact, removingbody hair is a practice so normative as to go mostly unremarked, but one which contributessubstantially to the notion that womens' bodies areunacceptable as they are.
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The author presents an empirically based approach to body image disturbance, which focuses on cognitive-behavioral methods of assessment and treatment with a variety of populations. Issues such as size perception accuracy, weight/size satisfaction, and general appearance satisfaction are covered in depth. A great variety of instruments for measurement are analyzed and specific suggestions are made for their clinical utilization. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Body image issues are at the core of major eating disorders. They are also important phenomena in and of themselves. Kevin Thompson and his colleagues provide an overview of a wide variety of body image issues, ranging from reconstructive surgery to eating disorders. The book will be a valuable resource for even the most established researchers in the field, as it is filled with data, information about assessment tools, and a thorough treatment of virtually all major theoretical perspectives on the development of body image and their implications for treatment and prevention. At the same time, the authors' decision to include numerous experiential anecdotes makes the book easily accessible to those just entering the field who are trying to understand the nature of these phenomena. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Using a measure of body image consisting of schematic figures of males and females differing only in chest/breast (CB) size, 73 female and 57 male undergraduates estimated their own CB size, selected their ideal conception of CB, and rated the size they thought reflected the average male's and female's preference for CB. Ss also made ratings based on the size that they thought best characterized descriptors of the figures. Overall, findings reflected a bias for large CB sizes. Both S groups rated their own CB size as significantly smaller than all other ratings. Men's conception of an ideal breast was larger than women's conception. Both genders said that the average male prefers a larger chest and breast than does the average female. Positive descriptors were consistently associated with larger size ratings. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
I have had the opportunity to work with many individuals with some manifestation of an eating disturbance, including anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, obesity, and binge eating disorder. These interactions led to an awareness of the particular problems encountered by these patients. This book brings together the findings from my own collaborations with colleagues, along with those from many noted researchers in the field. Body image is of central importance in the effective assessment and management of eating disorders (EDs) and obesity. Thus, body image became a major unifying theme of the book. A 2nd reason for undertaking this work was to provide empirically supported information about the most effective assessment and treatment strategies for body image disturbance, EDs, and obesity. With regard to assessment, this has resulted in an emphasis on psychometrically sound assessment instruments, interview methodologies, and medical evaluation of physical status. With regard to treatment, the emphasis is on cognitive-behavioral and pharmacologic interventions, although other approaches are also discussed, because cognitive-behavioral and pharmacological therapies have the most empirical support. One goal was to provide information at differing levels of clinician sophistication. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
This investigation reports the development and validation of a new and improved body-image assessment tool, the Contour Drawing Rating Scale, consisting of nine male and nine female contour drawings. The drawings were designed with detailed features, are of precisely graduated sizes, and are easily split at the waist for accurate upper and lower body comparisons. Initial evidence of the scale's reliability and validity supports its use as a measure of body-size perception.