Article

Intergroup Flexibility and People's Views of African Americans

If you want to read the PDF, try requesting it from the authors.

Abstract

We propose that individual differences in intergroup flexibility are associated with differences in the stereotypicality of views of certain groups. Intergroup flexibility refers to the tendency to recognize and respond to concurrent similarities and differences among diverse groups including one's own. Study 1 found significantly more of the characteristics listed about African Americans overlapped with the cultural stereotype for intergroup inflexible participants than for intergroup flexible participants. Study 2 revealed priming of category labels led inflexible participants to rate a target more stereotypically than flexible participants. Study 3 demonstrated that flexible people relative to inflexible people are not ignorant of the stereotype of African Americans.

No full-text available

Request Full-text Paper PDF

To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the authors.

... The application of SRT to race is useful for framing stereotypical roles endorsing whiteness in society. Black people have traditionally been stigmatized as lazy, poor, unintelligent, hostile, violent, and dishonest (Brown, Boniecki, & Walters, 2004;Klonis, 2005;Spencer et al., 1998;Tan, Zhang, Zhang, & Dalisay, 2009), whereas white people have been stereotyped as wealthy, intelligent, motivated, and productive (Dasgupta, McGhee, Greenwald, & Banaji 2000;Klonis, 2005;Niemann, Jennings, Rozelle, Baxter, & Sullivan, 1994). In the workplace, several researchers posit that white employees are considered more appropriate for, and successful in, managerial positions than black employees, as they conform to the characteristics of a prototypical manager, such as being ambitious, industrious, and competent to perform tasks (Chung-Herrera & Lankau, 2005;Elling & Knoppers, 2005;Rosette, Leonardelli, & Phillips, 2008;Tomaskovic-Devey & Stainback, 2007). ...
Article
The purpose of the study was to examine the relationship between employers’ personal dispositions associated with implicit biases (race and gender) and their perceptions of applicants to entry-level sport management positions. Two sections were formulated in relation to the overall conceptual framework. Based on implicit bias, social role theory and intersectionality, section 1 focused on the tendency to prefer higher social status groups (i.e., white men). Section 2 focused on subjective uncertainty reduction theory and social identity theory which posit that employers tend to prefer candidates in the same gender and racial groups. Simulated employment procedures were applied in the present study. In particular, white male, black male, white female, and black female candidates’ interview videos and resumes were examined as the vignette. In section 1, social dominance orientation was included as a predictor of employers’ implicit gender and racial bias favoring higher social status groups. Emotional intelligence and attributional complexity were included as moderators of the effect of social dominance orientation. Results indicated that social dominance orientation was a significant predictor of employers’ preference for higher social status groups. However, the value of emotional intelligence and attributional complexity on mitigating employers’ implicit gender and racial bias was not supported. In section 2, collective self-esteem was included as a predictor of implicit gender and racial bias associated with in-group favoritism. Emotional intelligence was included as a moderator on the effect of collective self-esteem. Results revealed white employers with higher collective self-esteem show a stronger tendency to racial in-group favoritism as they are more likely to prefer white candidates. The moderating effect of emotional intelligence was not found to be significant. Implications and limitations were discussed.
... Social psychological research has devoted much attention to understanding race and social class stereotypes. Traditionally, Blacks have been stereotyped as unintelligent, hostile, lazy, poor, violent, and dishonest (e.g., Brown, Boniecki, & Walters, 2004;Devine, 1989;Devine & Elliot, 1995;Katz & Braly, 1933;Klonis, 2005;Niemann, Jennings, Rozelle, Baxter, & Sullivan, 1994;Spencer, Fein, Wolfe, Fong, & Dunn, 1998;Tan, Zhang, Zhang, & Dalisay, 2009), whereas Whites have been stereotyped as intelligent, motivated, wealthy, and productive (Dasgupta, McGhee, Greenwald, & Banaji, 2000;Klonis, 2005;Niemann et al., 1994). For social class stereotypes, poor people have been stereotyped as untrustworthy, incompetent, dishonest, lazy, unintelligent, and disinterested in self-improvement (Bullock, 1999;Cozzarelli, Wilkinson, & Tagler, 2001;Durante, Tablante, & Fiske, 2017;Fiske, Cuddy, Glick, & Xu, 2002;Spencer & Castano, 2007), whereas upper class/wealthy people have been stereotyped as cold and competent (Durante et al., 2017;Fiske et al., 2002;Wu, Bai, & Fiske, 2018). ...
Article
Much of the current psychological literature investigates single category dimensions (i.e., race or social class), with little focus on the intersection of multiple social category dimensions. Yet some evidence suggests that the intersection of race and social class information influences (a) stereotype expression, (b) categorization, (c) impressions, (d) prejudice, and (e) discrimination, revealing common links between Blackness and low social class and Whiteness and high social class in at least the United States. The present article reviews evidence for considering both target race and social class as intersecting social categories that simultaneously influence intergroup processes. This analysis suggests that a more comprehensive understanding of intergroup processes can be achieved when considering the intersection of race and social class information. This review also provides a series of future directions to advance intergroup processes research.
... Conversely, African Americans are more likely to be familiar with and comfortable discussing minorities' issues and are therefore less concerned with the comedians' race and more concerned with their ability to authentically speak to black experiences. Moreover, blacks are more accustomed to encountering stereotypes about African Americans in their interactions with non-blacks (Brown, Boniecki, and Walters 2004) and hence have considerably more experience in navigating the territory of stereotypes, ranging from hateful to benevolent, and weighing their interpretations and responses to the use of stereotypes. ...
Article
An overwhelming facet of race literature suggests that American society has entered an era of colorblindness; where instead of perpetuating racist ideology through blatant discriminatory legislation, racial differences are either understated or ignored entirely. These new racial processes are reflected in the policies of major social institutions, but also within popular culture. Yet, as made evident by the success of comedians such as Chris Rock and Dave Chappelle, stand-up comedy challenges acceptable racial discourse, placing race in the forefront. Comedy persists as a facet of popular culture where racial difference is made apparent, yet ironically the art of comedy is usually overlooked by sociologists. What is lacking in the humor research is an understanding of how comedy creates an environment where race can be spoken about directly, and often times harshly. Through the analysis of focus groups, this study finds evidence to suggest that racial and ethnic comedy serves to both reinforce and wane racial and ethnic stereotypes, similarities, and differences. After watching stand-up comedy clips of popular comedians, black and white respondents show both agreement and disagreement on the following: (1) the offensiveness of ethnic comedy, (2) stereotypes and perceived truths, and (3) the utility of ethnic comedy in everyday interactions. These findings are helpful in understanding how comedy serves as one of the few openly racialized facets of popular culture as well as uncovering some of the ways in which race works within the culture of a self-proclaimed colorblind society.
... White students with low OTD may not be interested in knowing other students' experiences, and their Contact status may be negatively associated with their empathy toward racism. Yet, in the Contact status, despite growing up with limited meaningful interracial contact, those Whites with more interest and OTD may put themselves in the shoes of students of color (Brown, Boniecki, & Walters, 2004) and thus empathize with racial minority students' struggles with racism. A possible scenario of someone high in the area of OTD and also high in the Contact status would be as follows: a White student has been exposed to limited racial interactions and was taught to ignore other racial groups yet, when this White student is interested in exploring other cultures, the student is curious about and willing to know other cultures. ...
Article
Full-text available
A key step toward the actualization of social justice is understanding under what circumstances (i.e., high vs. low openness to diversity [OTD]) non-Latino Whites in each White racial identity attitude status show empathy toward targets of racism. Among a sample of 252 self-identified non-Latino White students, we found moderating effects of OTD. Specifically, for White undergraduates in the two least sophisticated racial identity statuses (i.e., Contact and Disintegration), those who were more open to diversity remained high on White Empathy regardless of their levels of Contact/Disintegration; conversely, those who were less open to diversity demonstrated less White Empathy. In addition, Whites in the last two statuses (i.e., Pseudo-Independence and Autonomy) showed that those who were more open to diversity still remained high on White Empathy regardless of their levels of Pseudo-Independence/Autonomy. However, for those who were less open to diversity, higher levels of Pseudo-Independence/Autonomy were associated with higher levels of empathy toward racism. Implications for research and practice are discussed.
Article
Full-text available
The study investigated whether dividing Survivor: Cook Islands contestants by race resulted in activation of viewer stereotypes about competence and sociability associated with race. Although measures of race-ethnic stereotyping were masked in the questionnaire, several hypotheses for stereotype activation were supported. Viewers evaluated Hispanic Survivor contestants as significantly less competent than all other contestants. Consistent with predictions, Asian American, African American, and Hispanic American Survivor contestants were rated by viewers as significantly less sociable compared to European American Survivor contestants. Minority viewers revealed significant dislike for European American Survivor contestants. Contrary to what was predicted, viewers rated Asian American Survivor contestants as the least cohesive group. Social implications of racial division on Survivor: Cook Islands are discussed.
Article
With globalization and intensified migration, an attitude of awareness and acceptance of both similarities and differences among people-known as universal-diverse orientation (UDO)-is a positive benefit that students may bring to a nursing program. Using a cross-sectional survey design, this study measured students' UDO using the Miville-Guzman Universality-Diversity Scale-Short Form (M-GUDS-S). Among 816 nursing students, those born in a non-English-speaking country had higher M-GUDS-S scores (P < 0.001), and those who spoke both English and non-English at home had consistently higher scores in all three M-GUDS-S subscales. However, those who never spoke English at home had low scores in the "Comfort with Differences" subscale if they had lived in Australia for only a few years. Nursing students from a non-English-speaking background could potentially enrich cross-cultural educational experiences for all students, but students who have recently settled in Australia may need support to feel a sense of connectedness.
Article
Full-text available
The current research showed that individuals with chronic egalitarian goals did not have the cultural stereotype for the group African Americans activated when exposed to a picture of an African American. These individuals did show increased accessibility for words related to egalitarianism upon seeing a photograph of an African American. Participants were primed over a series of trials with Caucasian or African American faces. Primes were followed after 200 ms by words. In Experiment 1, a pronunciation task, participants were to speak the word aloud into a microphone. The words were either stereotype relevant or stereotype irrelevant. Individuals without chronic egalitarian goals pronounced stereotype relevant (but not stereotype irrelevant) words faster when they followed stereotypic primes. Chronic egalitarians did not differ in their response times as a function of either word type or prime type: no activation of the stereotype was evidenced. Experiment 2 was a lexical decision task, and words were either related to egalitarianism or were positive words irrelevant to egalitarianism. Chronic egalitarians pronounced egalitarian-relevant (but not egalitarian-irrelevant) words faster when they followed stereotypic primes. Nonchronics did not differ in their response times as a function of either word type or prime type. Stereotype control in Experiment 1 and goal activation in Experiment 2 was implicit and preconscious because responses were made at speeds where conscious control is not possible.
Article
Full-text available
The main goal of the present study was to investigate the interrelationships among preudice and the endorsement and activation of cultural stereotypes. The endorsement of stereotypes was examined using an attribution estimate measure. Stereotype activation was examined using a pronunciation task with short and long stimulus onset asynchronies (300 ms and 2000 ms) to induce automatic and controlled processing. As expected, high prejudiced participants endorsed cultural stereotypes to a greater extent than low prejudiced participants. Furthermore, for high prejudiced participants, Black category labels facilitated stereo-type activation under automatic and controlled processing conditions. For low prejudiced participants, no evidence of differential activation was found for stereotypes relative to non-stereotypes as a function of category labels under either processing condition. In addition, stereotype activation was correlated with individual differences in stereotype endorsement.
Article
Full-text available
The accessibility of a category in memory has been shown to influence the selection and interpretation of social information. The present experiment examined the possibility that information relevant to a trait category (hostility) presented outside of conscious awareness can temporarily increase that category's accessibility. 108 male undergraduates initially performed a vigilance task in which they were exposed unknowingly to single words. Either 0, 20, or 80% of those words were semantically related to hostility. In an unrelated 2nd task, 20 Ss read a behavioral description of a stimulus person (SP) that was ambiguous regarding hostility and then rated the SP on several trait dimensions. The amount of processing Ss gave to the hostile information and the negativity of their ratings of the SP both were reliably and positively related to the proportion of hostile words to which they were exposed. Several control conditions confirmed that the words were not consciously perceived. It is concluded that social stimuli of which people are not consciously aware can influence conscious judgments. (30 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Full-text available
A model suggesting that prejudiced-related discrepancy experiences facilitate prejudice reduction efforts is proposed and tested. Prejudice-related discrepancies concerning gays were activated among low and high prejudiced Ss in 2 experiments. Results indicated that low-prejudiced (LP) Ss' violations of their LP and well-internalized attitudes produced compunction, self- and discrepancy-focused thoughts, attention to discrepancy-relevant information (Exp 1), and a slowing of responses (Exp 2). These findings indicated that LP Ss' discrepancies instigated a self-regulatory cycle that, theoretically, should help in achieving control over subsequent prejudiced responses. Evidence of effective self-regulation was found in a task following discrepancy activation. Specifically, LP Ss effectively inhibited prejudiced responses to jokes about gays as a consequence of discrepancy activation (Exp 2). (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Full-text available
explore a few of the general processes whereby integral and incidental affect impinge upon social judgments of the members of outgroups / endeavor to go beyond the global distinction between positive and negative affect and consider how qualitatively different emotional states (specifically, happiness, sadness, anger, and anxiety) are related to stereotyping / describe a heuristic model of the stereotyping process that is compatible with several more specific theoretical accounts / summarize evidence bearing on some of the ways that different emotional states might affect each stage of processing / consider several of the most interesting issues that remain for future research (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Full-text available
Ss reported their standards for how they should respond and how they would respond in contact situations with Black people (Study 1) and homosexual men (Study 2). Interest centered on the affective consequences associated with should–would discrepancies. Low and moderately prejudiced Ss with discrepancies reacted with feelings of global discomfort and with more specific feelings of compunction (guilt and self-criticism). High prejudiced Ss with discrepancies experienced only global discomfort. Study 3 data indicated that low prejudiced Ss internalized their nonprejudiced standards and felt obligated to respond consistently with them. High prejudiced Ss' personal standards were less well internalized and appeared to be derived from their perceptions of society's standards, which Ss indicated were mixed (i.e., contained both egalitarian and discriminatory components). Implications for prejudice reduction and contemporary models of prejudice are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Full-text available
Empirical evidence is presented from 7 samples regarding the factor structure; reliability; and convergent, discriminant, and predictive validity of separate measures of internal and external motivation to respond without prejudice. The scales reliably measure largely independent constructs and have good convergent and discriminant validity. Examination of the qualitatively distinct affective reactions to violations of own- and other-based standards as a function of the source of motivation to respond without prejudice provides evidence for the predictive validity of the scales. The final study demonstrated that reported stereotype endorsement varies as a function of motivation and whether reports are made in private or publicly. Results are discussed in terms of their support for the internal–external distinction and the significance of this distinction for identifying factors that may either promote or thwart prejudice reduction. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Full-text available
Three studies tested basic assumptions derived from a theoretical model based on the dissociation of automatic and controlled processes involved in prejudice. Study 1 supported the model's assumption that high- and low-prejudice persons are equally knowledgeable of the cultural stereotype. The model suggests that the stereotype is automatically activated in the presence of a member (or some symbolic equivalent) of the stereotype group and that low-prejudice responses require controlled inhibition of the automatically activated stereotype. Study 2, which examined the efforts of automatic stereotype activation on the evaluation of ambiguous stereotype-relevant behaviors performed by a race-unspecified person, suggested that when subjects' ability to consciously monitor stereotype activation is precluded, both high- and low-prejudice subjects produce stereotype-congruent evaluations of ambiguous behaviors. Study 3 examined high- and low-prejudice subjects' responses in a consciously directed thought-listing task. Consistent with the model, only low-prejudice subjects inhibited the automatically activated stereotype-congruent thoughts and replaced them with thoughts reflecting equality and negations of the stereotype. The relation between stereotypes and prejudice and implications for prejudice reduction are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Full-text available
Four studies examined stereotype change using 3 models: the bookkeeping model, in which each instance of stereotype-relevant information is used to modify the stereotype gradually; the conversion model, in which stereotypes change radically in response to dramatic or salient instances; and the subtyping model, in which new stereotypic structures are developed to accommodate instances not easily assimilated by existing stereotypes. The models predict different response patterns as a function of variations in the pattern of stereotype-inconsistent evidence and the number of instances encountered. In Exps I and II, a total of 126 undergraduates were given information about either a small or a large sample of group members in which stereotype-inconsistent evidence was dispersed across many members or concentrated within a few members. Results generally support the subtyping model when evidence was concentrated and the bookkeeping model when evidence was dispersed. Exps III and IV, with 30 and 40 undergraduates, respectively, suggested that development of subtypes occurs because dramatically inconsistent individuals are seen as unrepresentative of the group as a whole. Conditions under which the conversion model may operate are considered. (24 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Full-text available
Although several psychological theories predict that members of stigmatized groups should have low global self-esteem, empirical research typically does not support this prediction. It is proposed here that this discrepancy may be explained by considering the ways in which membership in a stigmatized group may protect the self-concept. It is proposed that members of stigmatized groups may (a) attribute negative feedback to prejudice against their group, (b) compare their outcomes with those of the ingroup, rather than with the relatively advantaged outgroup, and (c) selectively devalue those dimensions on which their group fares poorly and value those dimensions on which their group excels. Evidence for each of these processes and their consequences for self-esteem and motivation is reviewed. Factors that moderate the use of these strategies and implications of this analysis for treatment of stigmas are also discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Full-text available
It is proposed that many of the releasing or disinhibiting effects caused by models can be accounted for by information-processing mechanisms, without recourse to the concept of reinforcement. More specifically, it is suggested that the process of viewing a model's behavior involves the activation of an interpretive schema. This renders the information the schema incorporates more accessible for subsequent use. If the schema incorporates (or is closely related to) behavior-specifying information, that information becomes more accessible as well, thus making it more likely to influence overt behavior. Two studies are reported that assessed the plausibility of this reasoning. In Experiment 1 subjects who had viewed an aggressive model perceived greater hostility in the behavior of an ambiguous stimulus person that they subsequently encountered than did control subjects. This finding is consistent with the assumption that the model's behavior activated a conceptual schema for use in interpretation. In Experiment 2 subjects in whom an aggressive schema had been activated under a guise displayed greater aggression in their subsequent behavior in a different context than did control subjects. This finding is consistent with the assumption that activating the conceptual schema also activated behavioral information. The discussion centers on the implications of the findings.
Thesis
The construct of schemas, organized structures of conceptually-related information in memory, has stimulated a good deal of social psychological research in recent years. Yet most of this research has centered on the effects of schemas on memory; little is known about their role in selective attention and encoding processes. This is despite the importance of selective attention in determining the outcome of human judgments as well as the contents of memory. In order to be able to predict which sources of stimulation in a rich, complex environment will be processed by their corresponding schemas, it must first be known how much relevant external stimulation is needed to activate a dormant schema. Experiment 1 explored the minimal conditions needed to activate the schema for the self. The self-schema was chosen as the focus of the experiment because it is widely considered to be the most frequently used of all memory schemas. In general, the more frequently a schema is activated, the more efficient it becomes, requiring less and less conscious attention to process relevant information. Using the dichotic listening paradigm to present schema-relevant information outside of subjects' awareness, and the probe reaction time technique to measure the amount of processing this information was given, it was found that conscious awareness of the information was not necessary for it to be attended. The mere sensation of the relevant stimulation was all that was needed to activate the self-schema. Experiment 2 extended these results to the visual domain, and showed hostile information also to be capable of this automatic processing. Moreover, subjects exposed to a higher proportion of hostile information subsequently rated a stimulus person more negatively than subjects presented with lower proportions. Thus, self-relevant and hostile information was shown to be automatically processed; it was attended to and exerted an influence on conscious impression formation even though subjects were not aware of its presence. Implications of these findings for current models of social cognition, the role of schemas in social perception, and the conditions and time course of schema activation were discussed.
Article
The abstract for this document is available on CSA Illumina.To view the Abstract, click the Abstract button above the document title.
Article
The abstract for this document is available on CSA Illumina.To view the Abstract, click the Abstract button above the document title.
Article
Three studies tested basic assumptions derived from a theoretical model based on the dissociation of automatic and controlled processes involved in prejudice. Study 1 supported the model's assumption that high- and low-prejudice persons are equally knowledgeable of the cultural stereotype. The model suggests that the stereotype is automatically activated in the presence of a member (or some symbolic equivalent) of the stereotyped group and that low-prejudice responses require controlled inhibition of the automatically activated stereotype. Study 2, which examined the effects of automatic stereotype activation on the evaluation of ambiguous stereotype-relevant behaviors performed by a race-unspecified person, suggested that when subjects' ability to consciously monitor stereotype activation is precluded, both high- and low-prejudice subjects produce stereotype-congruent evaluations of ambiguous behaviors. Study 3 examined high- and low-prejudice subjects' responses in a consciously directed thought-listing task. Consistent with the model, only low-prejudice subjects inhibited the automatically activated stereotype-congruent thoughts and replaced them with thoughts reflecting equality and negations of the stereotype. The relation between stereotypes and prejudice and implications for prejudice reduction are discussed.
Article
Three experiments investigated whether the need to have (or avoid) cognitive closure affects observers' tendency to display attributional bias. Results of each experiment indicate that the over-attribution bias was magnified under high need for cognitive closure and attenuated under high need to avoid closure. In Experiments 1 and 3, the relevant motivational state was manipulated situationally, whereas in Experiment 2 an individual-differences measure of the closure motivation was used. These divergent operationalizations yielded convergent results. Furthermore, when in Experiment 3 the task consisted of attributions to the situation, high need for closure augmented. and high need to avoid closure reduced, situational rather than dispositional overattributions. The results imply general motivational boundary conditions for inferential biases across judgmental contents.
Article
Individual differences in the desire for simple structure may influence how people understand, experience, and interact with their worlds. Studies 1 and 2 revealed that the Personal Need for Structure (PNS) scale (M. Thompson, M. Naccarato, & K. Parker, 1989,1992) possesses sufficient reliability and convergent and discriminant validity In Studies 3-5, Ss high in PNS were especially likely to organize social and nonsocial information in less complex ways, stereotype others, and complete their research requirements on time. These data suggest that people differ in their chronic desire for simple structure and that this difference can have important social-cognitive and behavioral implications. A consideration of chronic information-processing motives may facilitate the theoretical integration of social cognition, affect, motivation, and personality
Article
Subjects randomly drawn from the population of Indianapolis were classified as "tolerant" or "prejudiced" on the basis of a tolerance-prejudice scale featuring a zero point of group preference. The strongly prejudiced were compared with those substantially neutral or tolerant (clustered around the zero point) with respect to 25 personal and social characteristics. The two categories differed significantly on the following attitude scales: "Nationalism," "Intolerance of Ambiguity," "Superstition-pseudoscience," "Threat-competition," "F," "Religiosity," and "Child Rearing." Tolerant subjects displayed a significantly higher mean level of educational and occupational status, were less suspicious of politicians, and less venerative of their mothers.
Article
This study examined the effects of Hispanic counselors' race and speech accent on Asian American and African American students' initial perceptions. Results show that students' gender, race, and level of “universal-diverse” orientation, along with counselors' speech accent, predicted students' initial perceptions of the counselors and of the counseling relationship.
Article
In recent years as public opinion polls have shown a decline in racist responses, white Americans have strongly resisted school desegregation and affirmative action programs. Hence, there has been a debate over the extent to which racism has really declined. The theory of modern racism addresses these issues, distinguishing between old-fashioned racial beliefs recognized by everyone as racism and a new set of beliefs arising from the conflicts of the civil rights movement. The theory proposes that antiblack feeling remains high and has been displaced from the socially undesirable old-fashioned beliefs onto the new beliefs where the racism is not recognized. Three experiments were performed; results showed that, regardless of context, the old-fashioned items were perceived as more likely to reveal prejudice. The results are discussed in terms of their significance for opinion polling and continuing racial conflict in America.
Article
In this article, we introduce the concept of social identity complexity—a new theoretical construct that refers to an individual's subjective representation of the interrelationships among his or her multiple group identities. Social identity complexity reflects the degree of overlap perceived to exist between groups of which a person is simultaneously a member When the overlap of multiple ingroups is perceived to be high, the individual maintains a relatively simplified identity structure whereby memberships in different groups converge to form a single ingroup identification. When a person acknowledges, and accepts, that memberships in multiple ingroups are not fully convergent or overlapping, the associated identity structure is both more inclusive and more complex. In this article, we define the concept of social identity complexity and discuss its possible antecedents and consequences. Results from initial studies support the prediction that social identity complexity is affected by stress and is related to personal value priorities and to tolerance of outgroup members.
Article
In this article, the authors identify three methodological short-comings of the classic Princeton trilogy studies: (a) ambiguity of the instructions given to respondents, (b) no assessment of respondents' level of prejudice, and (c) use of an outdated list of adjectives. These shortcomings are addressed in the authors' assessment of the stereotype and personal beliefs of a sample of University of Wisconsin students. In contrast to the commonly espoused fading stereotype proposition, data suggest that there exists a consistent and negative contemporary stereotype of Blacks. Comparing the data from the Princeton trilogy studies with those of the present study, the authors conclude that the Princeton trilogy studies actually measured respondents' personal beliefs, not (as typically assumed) their knowledge of the Black stereotype. Consistent with Devine's model, high- and low-prejudiced individuals did not differ in their knowledge of the stereotype of Blacks but diverged sharply in their endorsement of the stereotype.
Article
A two-part study contrasted the utility of free-response and checklist methodologies for ascertaining ethnic and gender stereotypes. Descriptions of data collection, organization, and cluster and entropy analyses are provided. Results indicate that important differences emerge between data resulting from free-response methodology and those obtained with traditionally employed adjective checklists. These differences include the generation of a large percentage of physical descriptors and within-ethnic-group gender differences in stereotype content. A major finding is the generation of a large number of distinct responses coupled with low-frequency use of any particular response. Study 2 specifically examined whether free-response data are more schematic than checklist data. Results indicate that free-response data have a greater dependency and may thus be indicative of schematic response. This schematic response may, in turn, indicate more automatic processing than is evident with data from checklist methodologies.
Article
To further the understanding of illusory correlations, relationships between circadian variations (morningness-eveningness), personal need for structure, and the development of illusory correlations were examined. Consistent with predictions, U.S. university students who participated at nonoptimal times (morning types at night; evening types during the day) formed significant illusory correlations based on a percentage estimate measure; participants during optimal periods did not. Significant illusory correlations were found also among participants with a high need for personal structure but not among participants with a lower need for such structure. Comparisons based on trait ratings and a cued recall (assignment) task were not significant. Overall, the findings are consistent with the idea that illusory correlations are by-products of a cognitively economical heuristic process.
Article
The abstract for this document is available on CSA Illumina.To view the Abstract, click the Abstract button above the document title.
Article
Mfost of social psychology's theories of the self fail to take into account the significance of social identification in the definition of self. Social identities are self-definitions that are more inclusive than the individuated self-concept of most American psychology. A model of optimal distinctiveness is proposed in which social identity is viewed as a reconciliation of opposing needs for assimilation and differentiation from others. According to this model, individuals avoid self-construals that are either too personalized or too inclusive and instead define themselves in terms of distinctive category memberships. Social identity and group loyalty are hypothesized to be strongest for those self-categorizations that simultaneously provide for a sense of belonging and a sense of distinctiveness. Results from an initial laboratory experiment support the prediction that depersonalization and group size interact as determinants of the strength of social identification.
Article
The purpose of the paper is to describe a more generally applicable method of factor analysis which has no restrictions as regards group factors and which does not restrict the number of general factors that are operative in producing the intercorrelation. Applications of the method to different types of correlation problems are suggested. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Three experiments tested the hypothesis that people high and low in prejudice respond similarly to direct stereotype activation but differently to category activation. Study I ( N = 40) showed that high- and low-prejudice people share the same knowledge of the stereotype of Black people. In Study 2, ( N = 51) high-prejudice participants formed a more negative and less positive impression of the target person after subliminal priming of the category Blacks than did participants in the no-prime condition. Low-prejudice people tended in the opposite direction. In Study 3 ( N = 45), both high- and low-prejudice people increased negative ratings when valenced stereotype content was also primed. These findings support a distinction between automatic stereotype activation resulting from direct priming and that consequent upon category activation, implying that the relations among categorization, stereotyping, and prejudice are more flexible than it is often assumed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Two studies with 182 White female college students investigated the effects of cognitive busyness on the activation and application of stereotypes. In Exp 1, not-busy Ss who were exposed to an Asian target showed evidence of stereotype activation, but busy Ss (who rehearsed an 8-digit number during their exposure) did not. In Exp 2, cognitive busyness once again inhibited the activation of stereotypes about Asians. However, when stereotype activation was allowed to occur, busy Ss (who performed a visual search task during their exposure) were more likely to apply these activated stereotypes than were not-busy Ss. Together, these findings suggest that cognitive busyness may decrease the likelihood that a particular stereotype will be activated but increase the likelihood that an activated stereotype will be applied. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
In 3 experiments the likelihood that a behavior is interpreted in terms of a particular trait category was postulated to be a function of the relative accessibility of that category in memory. 256 undergraduates performed a task designed to activate concepts associated with a particular trait category. Ss then read a description of behaviors that were ambiguous with respect to the primed trait and rated the target person along a variety of trait-related dimensions. When Ss experienced a delay between activation of trait category and acquisition of stimulus information, their ratings of the target with respect to this trait increased with the number of times the category had been activated but decreased with length of delay. When Ss experienced a delay between acquiring information and making judgments, their ratings of the target increased with both number of prior activations and length of delay. None of these effects occurred when the trait category was activated after the information had been interpreted and encoded into memory. Thus, the way in which information is initially encoded into memory often has a profound effect on subsequent judgments of the person to whom the information is relevant. (45 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
The authors argue that self-image maintenance processes play an important role in stereotyping and prejudice. Three studies demonstrated that when individuals evaluated a member of a stereotyped group, they were less likely to evaluate that person negatively if their self-images had been bolstered through a self-affirmation procedure, and they were more likely to evaluate that person stereotypically if their self-images had been threatened by negative feedback. Moreover, among those individuals whose self-image had been threatened, derogating a stereotyped target mediated an increase in their self-esteem. The authors suggest that stereotyping and prejudice may be a common means to maintain one's self-image, and they discuss the role of self-image-maintenance processes in the context of motivational, sociocultural, and cognitive approaches to stereotyping and prejudice. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
This volume provides a comprehensive and concise overview on the nature and causes of prejudice. The importance of a scientific understanding of prejudice and racism, different approaches to the definition and conceptualization of prejudice, and the relation of prejudice and behavior are considered. John Duckitt also contributes a unique historical analysis of social scientific understandings of prejudice. He integrates an otherwise confusing mass of popular theories and perspectives into a coherent explanatory framework and develops this into a systemic multilevel approach to the problem of reducing prejudice in society and individuals. From Duckitt's perspective, prejudices are remarkable not in their existence, but in their ubiquity—the ease with which they can be aroused, their variety of expression, and the tenacity with which they are held. He demonstrates that, although it is unlikely that the universal psychological processes which underlie a fundamental propensity for prejudice can be changed, the degree to which they come to be expressed can be: at the level of social structure and intergroup relations, in the social influences to which individuals are exposed, and in individual susceptibility. "The Social Psychology of Prejudice" will be of particular use to social scientists in the fields of psychology, sociology, political science, and anthropology. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Subjects with some religious affiliation are more prejudiced than those without affiliation, but no significant difference between Protestants and Catholics. There is a low but significant negative relation of intelligence and education to ethnocentrism. Interviews threw light on parental relations, childhood, conception of self, and dynamics and organization of personality. Projective techniques are described and results analyzed. 63 interviews are analyzed qualitatively for prejudice, political and economic ideas, religious ideology and syndromes among high and low scorers. The development of two contrasting cases is given. Criminality and antidemocratic trends in prison inmates and a study of clinic patients complete the investigation of the authoritarian personality pattern. 121 references. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Individual differences in the desire for simple structure may influence how people understand, experience, and interact with their worlds. Studies 1 and 2 revealed that the Personal Need for Structure (PNS) scale (M. Thompson, M. Naccarato, and K. Parker, 1989) possesses sufficient reliability and convergent and discriminant validity. In Studies 3–5, Ss high in PNS were especially likely to organize social and nonsocial information in less complex ways, stereotype others, and complete their research requirements on time. These data suggest that people differ in their chronic desire for simple structure and that this difference can have important social–cognitive and behavioral implications. A consideration of chronic information-processing motives may facilitate the theoretical integration of social cognition, affect, motivation, and personality. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Two studies explored the relation between personal need for structure (PNS) and a reasoning process through which stereotypes may form. Participants viewed information about the performance of group members on intelligence-related tasks and then indicated their inference strategies and impressions of the groups. Results indicated that high-PNS participants were more likely than low-PNS participants to form erroneous group stereotypes. Individual differences in attributional complexity and need for cognition also predicted stereotype formation under some conditions. The effects of PNS and other cognitive personality variables were weakened under conditions in which participants believed that they would have to justify their impressions publicly. Discussion focuses on processes underlying the relation between PNS and stereotype formation and on relations among personality, social context, and social inference. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Many personality trait terms can be thought of as summary labels for broad conceptual categories that are used to encode information about an individual's behavior into memory. The likelihood that a behavior is encoded in terms of a particular trait category is postulated to be a function of the relative accessibility of that category in memory. In addition, the trait category used to encode a particular behavior is thought to affect subsequent judgments of the person along dimensions to which it is directly or indirectly related. To test these hypotheses, undergraduates first performed a sentence construction task that activated concepts associated with either hostility (Exp I, 96 Ss) or kindness (Exp II, 96 new Ss). As part of an ostensibly unrelated impression formation experiment, Ss later read a description of behaviors that were ambiguous with respect to hostility (kindness) and then rated the target person along a variety of trait dimensions. Ratings of the target along these dimensions increased with the number of times that the test concept had previously been activated in the sentence construction task and decreased with the time interval between these prior activations and presentation of the stimulus information to be encoded. Results suggest that category accessibility is a major determinant of the way in which social information is encoded into memory and subsequently used to make judgments. (22 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
To broaden the understanding of interpersonal relations, the nature of nonprejudice is proposed, and a means of measuring it is developed. Nonprejudice is conceptualized, in part, as a universal orientation in interpersonal relations whereby perceivers selectively attend to, accentuate, and interpret similarities rather than differences between the self and others (cognitive integration vs. differentiation). A series of studies indicates that the Universal Orientation Scale is a reliable, valid construct, presumedly measuring nonprejudice. In 2 studies in which participants rated photographs of persons differing in ethnicity, universally oriented participants were more accepting and less discriminating between minority and nonminority control targets than were less universally oriented participants. Discussion includes an elaboration of a theory of nonprejudice. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Universal-diverse orientation was defined as an attitude of awareness and acceptance of both the similarities and differences that exist among people. A 45-item scale developed to measure the construct was administered to 4 separate samples ( ns =  93, 111, 153, and 135). Internal consistency and retest reliability for the Miville-Guzman Universality-Diversity Scale (M-GUDS) ranged from .89 to .95. The M-GUDS significantly correlated in theoretically predicted ways with measures of racial identity, empathy, healthy narcissism, feminism, androgyny, homophobia, and dogmatism (the last 2 correlations were negative). The M-GUDS displayed discriminant validity by failing to correlated with Scholastic Achievement Test Verbal Scores, although mixed results were obtained with social desirability. In summary, the data suggest considerable reliability and initial construct validity for the M-GUDS. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
The widely used paradigm developed by Katz and Braly (1933) for the assessment of “stereotypes” has been criticized because of the ambiguity of the subject's task. In the present study, 2 alternate sets of instructions were used, attempting to make the subject's task more clearcut. Traits attributed to each of 5 ethnic groups were virtually identical to those given under the instructional format usually utilized in such studies. When subjects were asked to list the trait-attributions most commonly made by “others” in our society to each of the ethnic groups, responses concerning Negroes were considerably different from subjects' own attributions to Negroes. This own-others difference was not evident for the other 4 ethnic groups rated. Racial attitude was significantly related to attribution for 5 of the 17 traits attributed to blacks by over 10% of the subjects, when subjects were giving their own views. The degree to which a subject's attributions to Negroes agreed with those of the sample as a whole was not related to his racial attitude. However, the degree to which a subject's attributions to Negroes agreed with those seen as most commonly attributed by “others” in our society was positively related to racial prejudice. The implications of these findings for common conceptualizations of stereotype are discussed.
Article
The authors argue that self-image maintenance processes play an important role in stereotyping and prejudice. Three studies demonstrated that when individuals evaluated a member of a stereotyped group, they were less likely to evaluate that person negatively if their self-images had been bolstered through a self-affirmation procedure, and they were more likely to evaluate that person stereotypically if their self-images had been threatened by negative feedback.' Moreover, among those individuals whose self-image had been threatened, derogating a stereotyped target mediated an increase in their self-esteem. The authors suggest that stereotyping and prejudice may be a common means to maintain one's self-image, and they discuss the role of self-image-maintenance processes in the context of motivational, sociocultural, and cognitive approaches to stereotyping and prejudice. A most striking testament to the social nature of the human psyche is the extent to which the self-concept—that which is the very essence of one's individuality—is integrally linked with interpersonal dynamics. Since the earliest days of the for-mal discipline of psychology, the significant influences of a number of social factors on the self-concept have been recog-nized. A central focus of sociocultural and social-cognitive approaches to psychology has concerned the ways in which individuals' self-concepts are defined and refined by the people around them. This is evident in early discussions of the social nature of individuals' self-concepts (Cooley, 1902; Mead, 1934) and of social comparison theory (Festinger, 1954), and it contin-ues to be evident in more recent work, such as that concerning self-fulfilling prophecies (e.g. The converse focus—the self-concept's influence on percep-tions of and reactions toward others—has been recognized more fully within the last two decades, through, for example, research on self-schemas (H.
Article
Over the last 50 years, many theories of prejudice reduction in social psychology have embraced the premise that intergroup contact allows people to recognize similarities between themselves, and that this perceived similarity overwhelms the social distance associated with intergroup antipathy. Given the mixed empirical evidence, however, we suggest that the positive effects of perceived similarity have been overemphasized. Although similarity may be sufficient for improved intergroup relations, the relationship between similarity and intergroup relations is far more complex than the literature usually suggests. Moreover, studying difference in intergroup contexts may yield new ways to resolve intergroup conflict and address group inequalities.
Article
Administered a collective self-esteem scale (CSES) and measures of psychological well-being (personal self-esteem, life satisfaction, depression, and hopelessness) to 91 Black, 96 White, and 35 Asian college students. Correlations between the Public and Private subscales of the CSES were near zero for Blacks, moderate for Whites, and strong for Asians. The membership and private subscales of the general CSES were related to psychological well-being, even when the effects of personal self-esteem on well-being were partialed out. However, when the 3 groups were examined separately, the relation of CSE to well-being with personal self-esteem partialed out was nonsignificant for Whites, small for Blacks, and moderate to strong for Asians. General and race-specific CSE were correlated for all 3 groups, although the correlations were strongest for Asians. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
An experiment was conducted to assess the effects of an ethnic slur on evaluations of a targeted minority group member by those who overheard the slur. White subjects plus four confederates participated in a study ostensibly concerned with debating skills. Two of the confederates, one of whom was black, were always picked to engage in a debate which the others were to evaluate. The black debator either won or lost the debate. After the debate, one confederate-evaluator criticized the black in a manner that either did or did not involve an ethnic slur; in a control condition, no such comment was made. Based on the notion that ethnic slurs activate negative schemata regarding members of the targeted minority group, it was predicted that when the black debator lost the debate, the ethnic slur would lead to lower evaluations of his skill. This hypothesis was supported. Theoretical and practical implications of the findings were discussed.