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The Hofstede model Applications to global branding and advertising strategy and research

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- keting and advertising. Many recent studies point at the necessity of adapting branding and advertising strategies to the culture of the consumer. In order to understand cultural differences, several models have been developed of which the Hofstede model is the most used. This article describes elements of this model that are most relevant to brand - ing and advertising, and reviews studies that have used the model for aspects of inter - national branding and for advertising research. It provides some cautious remarks about applying the model. Suggestions for more cross-cultural research are added.
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International Journal of Advertising, 29(1), pp. 85–110
© 2010 Advertising Association
Published by Warc, www.warc.com
DOI: 10.2501/S026504870920104X
The Hofstede model
Applications to global branding and
advertising strategy and research
Marieke de Mooij and Geert Hofstede
Recent years have seen increasing interest in the consequences of culture for global mar-
keting and advertising. Many recent studies point at the necessity of adapting branding
and advertising strategies to the culture of the consumer. In order to understand cultural
differences, several models have been developed of which the Hofstede model is the
most used. This article describes elements of this model that are most relevant to brand-
ing and advertising, and reviews studies that have used the model for aspects of inter-
national branding and for advertising research. It provides some cautious remarks about
applying the model. Suggestions for more cross-cultural research are added.
Introduction
The study of culture for understanding global advertising results from the
global–local dilemma: whether to standardise advertising for efficiency
reasons or to adapt to local habits and consumer motives to be effective.
Only recently have studies included performance criteria and several have
demonstrated that an adaptation strategy is more effective (Dow 2005;
Calantone et al. 2006; Okazaki et al. 2006; Wong & Merrilees 2007). As a
result, understanding culture will be viewed as increasingly important. In
the past decades, various models have emerged of which the Hofstede
model has been applied most to global marketing and advertising.
1
Geert
Hofstedes dimensional model of national culture has been applied to vari-
ous areas of global branding and advertising, and the underlying theories
of consumer behaviour. The model has been used to explain differences
1
When we use the term global marketing and advertising, we refer to advertising worldwide, not to
standardised advertising.
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of the concepts of self, personality and identity, which in turn explain
variations in branding strategy and communications. Another area is infor-
mation processing, including differences in perception and categorisation
that influence interpersonal and mass communication, and the working
of advertising. This article summarises various elements of consumer
behaviour that affect global branding and advertising strategy, and that
have been explained by the Hofstede model. Referring to several issues
from Taylors (2005, 2007) research agenda, we not only cover advertising
research, but also questions concerning global brand image, brand equity,
advertising and consumer behaviour theories in cross-cultural contexts.
We have pulled a number of topics of this article together in Figure 1.
First of all, we view cultural values as an integrated part of the consumers
self, not as an environmental factor. For developing effective advertising
the consumer must be central. Cultural values define the self and person-
ality of consumers. Next we distinguish mental processes and social proc-
esses. Mental processes are mostly internal processes, how people think,
learn, perceive, categorise and process information. Social processes are
about how we relate to other people, including motivation and emotions.
Both processes affect interpersonal and mass communication, which in
turn affect advertising appeals and advertising style. All elements must
Communication and culture, purpose of advertising
How advertising works across cultures
Cross-cultural advertising research
Brand positioning
Advertising strategy
Consumer
The self
Personality
Identity, Image
Cultural values
Advertising appealAdvertising style
Information processing
Categorisation
Abstract-concrete
Mental
processes
Motivation
Emotion
Figure 1: Global advertising research – understanding cultural values of consumers
Social
processes
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THE HOFSTEDE MODEL
be taken into account when researching how advertising works across
cultures. Cultural models help to analyse cultures consequences for the
self and personality, mental and social processes, and how these influence
global advertising strategy.
Cultural models applied to advertising research
Cultural models define patterns of basic problems that have consequences
for the functioning of groups and individuals, e.g. (a) relation to authority;
(b) the conception of self, including ego identity; and (c) primary dilem-
mas of conflict and dealing with them (Kluckhohn & Strodtbeck 1961;
Inkeles 1997). These basic problems can be recognised in the Hofstede
model (Hofstede 2001; Hofstede & Hofstede 2005), and have been found
in other studies, such as those by Trompenaars (1993), Schwartz (1994;
Schwartz & Bilsky 1987), and the recent GLOBE study (House et al. 2004).
Although these models find similar basic value differences, they are
different with respect to the number of countries measured, the level
of analysis (individual versus culture level), the dimension structure
(one-poled or two-poled categorisations), the number of dimensions, the
subjects (Schwartz teachers and students; GLOBE middle managers;
Hofstede all levels of employees in a company), and conceptual and
methodological differences (e.g. measuring what ought versus measuring
what is). These differences in research design can cause different results
when applying dimensional models to international branding and advertis-
ing. In particular the differences resulting from asking for the desired or
the desirable influence research results. The desirable is how people think
the world ought to be, the desired is what people want for themselves.
Statements about the desired, although closer to actual behaviour, do not
necessarily correspond to the way people really behave when they have
to choose (Hofstede & Hofstede 2005). Advertising tends to appeal to the
desired, as the desirable is too far from reality. Dimensional models based
on questions asking for the desirable may be less useful for measuring dif-
ferences in consumer attitudes, motives and advertising appeals. A most
important area of research would be to analyse and compare the working
of the various models in this respect.
A reason for the widespread adoption of Hofstede’s classification of cul-
ture lies in the large number of countries measured and the simplicity of
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his dimensions, which are straightforward and appealing to both academic
researchers and business people. Comparison of different models for the
purpose of measuring cultural distance for international marketing strat-
egy shows that the more recent cultural frameworks provide only limited
advancements compared with Hofstedes original work (Magnusson et al.
2008).
None of the cultural models was developed for analysing consumer
behaviour. When using them, the manifestations of culture that are rel-
evant for consumer behaviour have to be selected and interpreted. Too
often, cross-country research begins with a research instrument without
consideration of the underlying conceptual framework (Douglas & Craig
2006), and research method focuses almost exclusively on sophisticated
statistical analyses (Schwarz 2003). There is a variety of manifestations of
the Hofstede dimensions to consider before setting hypotheses. The next
section describes the manifestations of the five Hofstede dimensions that
are most relevant to branding and advertising. These elements are based
on findings from cross-cultural psychology and meta-analysis of consumer
behaviour data (De Mooij 2004, 2010).
The Hofstede dimensional model of national culture
The Hofstede model (Hofstede 2001; Hofstede & Hofstede 2005) dis-
tinguishes cultures according to five dimensions: power distance, indi-
vidualism/collectivism, masculinity/femininity, uncertainty avoidance, and
long-/short-term orientation. The model provides scales from 0 to 100 for
76 countries for each dimension, and each country has a position on each
scale or index, relative to other countries.
Although the country scores were originally produced in the early 1970s,
many replications of Hofstede’s study on different samples have proved
that the country ranking in his data is still valid. In the second edition of
his book Cultures Consequences (2001), Hofstede describes over 200 exter-
nal comparative studies and replications that have supported his indexes.
Many data on product ownership and related behaviour (Hofstede 2001;
De Mooij 2004, 2010) appear to correlate with Hofstede’s dimensions.
Sometimes a configuration of two dimensions explains differences in
product usage or other consumption-related phenomena even better.
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THE HOFSTEDE MODEL
The power distance dimension can be defined as ‘the extent to which
less powerful members of a society accept and expect that power is dis-
tributed unequally’. In large power distance cultures, everyone has his or
her rightful place in a social hierarchy. The rightful place concept is impor-
tant for understanding the role of global brands. In large power distance
cultures, one’s social status must be clear so that others can show proper
respect. Global brands serve that purpose. Luxury articles, some alcoholic
beverages and fashion items typically appeal to social status needs.
The contrast individualism/collectivism can be defined as ‘people
looking after themselves and their immediate family only, versus peo-
ple belonging to in-groups that look after them in exchange for loyalty’.
In individualistic cultures, one’s identity is in the person. People are
‘I’-conscious and self-actualisation is important. Individualistic cultures
are universalistic, assuming their values are valid for the whole world.
They also are low-context communication cultures with explicit verbal
communication. In collectivistic cultures, people are ‘we’-conscious. Their
identity is based on the social system to which they belong, and avoiding
loss of face is important. Collectivistic cultures are high-context commu-
nication cultures, with an indirect style of communication. In the sales
process in individualistic cultures, parties want to get to the point fast,
whereas in collectivistic cultures it is necessary to first build a relationship
and trust between parties. This difference is reflected in the different
roles of advertising: persuasion versus creating trust.
The masculinity/femininity dimension can be defined as follows: ‘The
dominant values in a masculine society are achievement and success; the
dominant values in a feminine society are caring for others and quality of
life.’ In masculine societies, performance and achievement are important;
and achievement must be demonstrated, so status brands or products such
as jewellery are important to show one’s success (De Mooij & Hofstede
2002; De Mooij 2010). An important aspect of this dimension is role dif-
ferentiation: small in feminine societies, large in masculine societies. In
masculine cultures, household work is less shared between husband and
wife than in feminine cultures. Men also do more household shopping in
the feminine cultures. Data from Eurostat (2002) show that low masculin-
ity explains 52% of variance of the proportion of men who spend time on
shopping activities.
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Uncertainty avoidance can be defined as ‘the extent to which people
feel threatened by uncertainty and ambiguity and try to avoid these situa-
tions’. In cultures of strong uncertainty avoidance, there is a need for rules
and formality to structure life. This translates into the search for truth and
a belief in experts. People of high uncertainty avoidance are less open to
change and innovation than people of low uncertainty avoidance cultures.
This explains differences in the adoption of innovations (Yaveroglu &
Donthu 2002; Yeniurt & Townsend 2003; Tellis et al. 2003). Whereas high
uncertainty avoidance cultures have a passive attitude to health by focus-
ing on purity in food and drink and using more medication, low uncer-
tainty avoidance cultures have a more active attitude to health by focusing
on fitness and sports (De Mooij & Hofstede 2002; De Mooij 2010).
Long- versus short-term orientation is ‘the extent to which a society
exhibits a pragmatic future-orientated perspective rather than a conven-
tional historic or short-term point of view’. Values included in long-term
orientation are perseverance, ordering relationships by status, thrift, and
having a sense of shame. The opposite is short-term orientation, which
includes personal steadiness and stability, and respect for tradition. Focus
is on pursuit of happiness rather than on pursuit of peace of mind. Long-
term orientation implies investment in the future. An example is the
relationship between LTO and broadband penetration (De Mooij 2010).
Broadband asks for large investments by business or governments.
The concepts of self and personality implications for
global branding and advertising
The concepts of self, personality, identity and image that are applied to
branding strategy are derived from an individualistic worldview. A host
of knowledge from cross-cultural psychology is now available that helps
understand the basic differences between the concepts of self and person-
ality in different cultures.
The concept of self
The concepts of self and personality, as developed in the individualistic
Western world, include the person as an autonomous entity with a distinctive
set of attributes, qualities or processes. The configuration of these internal
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attributes or processes causes behaviour. Peoples attributes and processes
should be expressed consistently in behaviour across situations. Behaviour
that changes with the situation is viewed as hypocritical or pathological.
In the collectivistic model the self cannot be separated from others
and the surrounding social context, so the self is an interdependent entity
that is part of an encompassing social relationship. Individual behaviour
is situational; it varies from one situation to another and from one time to
another (Markus & Kitayama 1991). The very first words of little children
in China are people-related, whereas children in the United States start
talking about objects (Tardiff et al. 2008). In Japan, feeling good is more
associated with interpersonal situations such as feeling friendly, whereas
in the United States feeling good is more frequently associated with
interpersonal distance, such as feeling superior or proud. In the United
Kingdom feelings of happiness are positively related to a sense of inde-
pendence, whereas in Greece good feelings are negatively related to a
sense of independence (Nezlek et al. 2008).
How the self of young people develops is not the same either. In indi-
vidualistic cultures, a youth has to develop an identity that enables him
or her to function independently in a variety of social groups apart from
the family. Failure to do so can cause an identity crisis. In collectivistic
cultures, youth development is based on encouragement of dependency
needs in complex familial hierarchical relationships, and the group ideal is
being like others, not being different (Triandis 1995).
Next to individualism, masculinity explains variation of the self-concept.
Whereas in feminine cultures modesty and relations are important char-
acteristics, in masculine cultures self-enhancement leads to self-esteem.
A relationship orientation, including family values, not only is specific to
collectivistic cultures but also is found in individualistic cultures that are
also feminine (Watkins et al. 1998).
Personality
Personality generally is defined as unique and cross-situationally consist-
ent and is usually described in terms of traits such as autonomy or socia-
bility. In collectivistic cultures, peoples ideal characteristics vary by social
role, and behaviour is influenced by contextual factors (Church 2006).
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Easterners believe in the continuous shaping of personality traits by situ-
ational influences (Norenzayan et al. 2002).
The Western habit of describing oneself and others in terms of abstract
characteristics has led to the development of characterisation systems of
personal traits. The most used set of personality traits is the Five-Factor
Model, also called ‘Big Five’ (McCrae 2002). Although these five factors
are found in many different cultures, they vary in weight across cultures
and these variations relate to Hofstede’s cultural dimensions (Hofstede
& McCrae 2004). Although research using the same set of questions has
resulted in similar five-factor structures across cultures, this doesn’t imply
that these are the only existing conceptions of personhood; it merely
shows that a set of English-language questions, when translated, results
in similar five-dimensional structures (Schmitt et al. 2007). There may be
other conceptions of personality that are not found. The different factors
also vary as to different facets (Cheung et al. 2008). Personality research in
East Asia suggests a ‘Big Six’ structure, including a factor ‘dependence on
others’ (Hofstede 2007).
The practice of attaching personalities to brands is typical of individual-
istic cultures. Several studies have found brand personality factors that are
culture specific (e.g. Aaker et al. 2001). For example, in the United States
‘Ruggedness’, in Japan and Spain ‘Peacefulness’, and a specific Spanish
dimension, labelled ‘Passion. A study of Korean brand personalities (Sung
& Tinkham 2005) of well-known global brands like Nike, Sony, Levi’s,
Adidas, Volkswagen and BMW found two specific Korean brand personali-
ties, labelled ‘Passive Likeableness’ and ‘Ascendancy’.
Consumers across cultures attribute different brand personalities to one
and the same global brand. The Red Bull brand has been marketed with
a consistent brand identity, but consumers attribute different personalities
to the brand (Foscht et al. 2008). A commercial cross-cultural brand value
study (Crocus 2004, in De Mooij 2010) found that a brand characteristic
like ‘friendly’ is most attributed to strong global brands in high uncertainty
avoidance and low power distance cultures. ‘Prestigious’ is a characteristic
attributed to global brands in high power distance cultures, and ‘trust-
worthy’ is most attributed to strong brands in high uncertainty avoidance
cultures. In cultures of the configuration low power distance and low
uncertainty avoidance, people attributed ‘innovative and ‘different’ to
these brands. So consumers project their own personality preferences on
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THE HOFSTEDE MODEL
to global brands. The companies that own global brands want to be con-
sistent in their messages worldwide, but consumers attribute personalities
to such brands that fit their own cultural values, not the values of the pro-
ducer of the brand. More research is needed to find whether consumers
link brand personalities to brands and, if they do so, consumers’ personal-
ity preferences across cultures.
The need for consistency also is at the basis of preferences for stand-
ardisation strategies of US multinationals. It drives the wish of compa-
nies to build uniform brand images (Duncan & Ramaprasad 1995) and
academic focus on standardisation instead of adaptation. Taylor (2002)
mentions a preoccupation with questions of whether campaigns should be
standardised to the detriment of seeking answers for pragmatic execution
across markets. Consistency needs drive several research assumptions and
questions, such as the assumption that a uniform brand image plays a key
role in building global brands, and questions about the role of standardised
advertising in building a uniform brand image (Taylor 2005, 2007).
Another consequence of consistency need is the relationship attitude
behaviour. Individualists want consistency between their attitudes, feel-
ings and behaviours. As a result, under certain conditions, the behaviour of
consumers can be predicted from their attitudes towards products, services
and brands, and a purchase prediction is derived from a positive attitude.
In collectivistic cultures, however, there is not a consistent relationship
between attitude and future behaviour. It may even be a reverse relation-
ship: behaviour (product usage) comes first and defines attitude (Chang
& Chieng 2006). This implies that measurement of attitude towards the
advertisement (A
ad
) for measuring advertising effectiveness will not work
the same way in collectivistic cultures as it does in individualistic cultures.
The most widely known model that measures the relationship between
attitude and behaviour is the Fishbein behavioural intentions model, in
which a normative or social component refers to social pressures on behav-
iour such as expectations of others. What in Western terms is calledsocial
pressure’ (Lee & Green 1991) has relatively weak influence on individu-
alists, who will refer to their own personal attitudes as having influenced
their buying decisions. This is different in collectivistic cultures where
the norm is to live up to the standards of ones position, to save ‘face’.
The social norm component of the Fishbein model doesn’t capture ‘face’.
Face motivates collectivists to act in accordance with one’s social position.
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If one acts contrary to expectations of one’s social position, ‘a shadow is
cast over ones moral integrity’ (Malhotra & McCort 2001).
Social processes: motivation and emotion
Assumed universal emotions and consumer motives are fundamental to
standardisation issues, but both motives and emotions are culture-bound.
Understanding the variations in what motivates people is important for
positioning brands and for developing advertising appeals in different
markets. Many motives are category-bound, such as status motives for
luxury brands, but the strength of such motives will vary across cultures
(De Mooij 2004, 2010). More research should be done to find different
category motives and the relationship with culture.
Emotion psychologists have argued that emotions are universal. An
argument in favour of universal basic emotions is that most languages
possess limited sets of central emotion-labelling words, such as anger,
fear, sadness and joy. However, display and recognition of facial expres-
sions, intensity and meaning of emotions vary and are culturally defined.
Emotions are, for example, more subdued in high power distance and col-
lectivistic cultures (Kagitçibasi 1997). East Asian collectivists try to display
only positive emotions and tend to control negative emotions. Probably
this is the reason why, in emotion-recognition studies, Chinese people are
less able to identify expressions of fear and disgust (Wang et al. 2006). A
comparison of emotion expression across 32 countries showed a significant
correlation with individualism for overall emotion expressivity and in par-
ticular expressing happiness and surprise (Matsumoto et al. 2008). People
also weigh facial cues differently. When interpreting the emotions of oth-
ers, the Japanese focus more on the eyes, whereas Americans focus on
the mouth. This difference may explain why emoticons differ between
Japan and the United States (Yuki et al. 2007). Researchers using emoti-
cons – assumed to be more neutral than the faces of real people – should
be aware of these differences. As the same expressions may have different
meanings in different cultures, this should be an important research area
for international advertising researchers.
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Mental processes and the implications for branding
and communication
How people see, their worldview, how they think, how language struc-
tures their thinking, how they learn and how people communicate are
mental or cognitive processes. We discuss cross-cultural studies of three
such processes: abstract versus concrete thinking, categorisation and infor-
mation processing.
Abstract versus concrete thinking
Whereas in individualistic cultures brands are made by adding values or
abstract personality traits to products, members of collectivistic cultures
are more interested in concrete product features than in abstract brands
because they are less used to conceptual thinking. For members of col-
lectivistic cultures where context and situation are important, the brand
concept is too abstract to be discussed the way members of individualis-
tic cultures do. The Reader’s Digest Trusted Brands survey in 2002 asked
people in 18 different countries in Europe about the probability of buy-
ing unknown brands. The responses ‘extremely/quite likely to consider
buying a brand which I’ve heard of but haven’t tried before’ correlated
significantly with individualism (r = 0.82***).
2
Instead of adding abstract
personal characteristics to the product, in collectivistic cultures the brand
is linked to concrete persons, in Japan called talents (Praet 2001). Whereas
American companies have developed product brands with unique char-
acteristics, Japanese companies have generally emphasised the corporate
brand. In essence, this means inspiring trust among consumers in a com-
pany and so persuading them to buy its products. As a result, Japanese
and Korean companies, in their television advertisements, display corpo-
rate identity logos more frequently than do US and German companies
(Souiden et al. 2006).
The unfamiliarity with abstract brand associations leads to variation
when measuring brand equity of global brands across cultures. An impor-
tant element of brand equity is consumer equity, which is measured in
2
For correlation analysis, the Pearson product-moment correlation coefficient is used. Correlation analysis
is one-tailed. Significance levels are indicated by *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01 and ***p < 0.005. Regression
analysis is stepwise. The coefficient of determination or R
2
is the indicator of the percentage of variance
explained.
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part by brand associations. Many of these associations are abstract. In
this respect, Western measurement systems are not adequate to measure
global brand equity. Hsieh (2004) demonstrated that the brand value
calculated based on brand associations for 19 car brands in 16 countries
varied significantly. In Europe, the average brand value of the 19 brands
was higher than in the Asian countries. These differences appear to corre-
late with individualism (r = 0.68***). Other studies confirm that different
cultural conditions lead consumers to different brand evaluations (Koçak
et al. 2007).
Categorisation
How people categorise other people and objects varies with individu-
alism-collectivism. Collectivists tend to pay attention to relationships
between objects, whereas individualists categorise objects according to
rules and properties (Choi et al. 1997). Chinese children will group items
together that share a relationship, whereas Canadian children will group
items together that share a category (Unsworth et al. 2005).
Such findings
explain variation of acceptance of brand extensions. American consumers
view a brand extension of a different product category as not fitting with
the parent brand. However, collectivists view the parent brand in terms of
the overall reputation of or trust in the company. So they perceive a higher
degree of brand extension fit also for extensions in product categories far
from those associated with the parent brand than individualists would
(Monga & Roedder 2007).
Information processing
How people acquire information varies with individualism-collectivism
and power distance. In collectivistic and/or high power distance cultures,
people will acquire information more via implicit, interpersonal commu-
nication and base their buying decisions more on feelings and trust in the
company, whereas in individualistic cultures of low power distance, people
will actively acquire information via the media and friends to prepare for
purchases. Frequent social interaction causes an automatic flow of com-
munication between people, who as a result acquire knowledge uncon-
sciously (De Mooij 2010). Cho et al. (1999) state that, in China, consumers
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THE HOFSTEDE MODEL
rely on word-of-mouth communication because of the high contact rate
among group members. A 2002 consumer survey by Eurobarometer (14
countries) asked people to what degree they view themselves as well-
informed consumers. The answers ‘well-informed’ correlate with low
power distance, low uncertainty avoidance, and individualism; individual-
ism alone explains 61% of variance.
Culture and communication
If we want to understand how advertising works across cultures, we’ll first
have to learn how communication works. One of the clearest distinctions
is between high-context and low-context communication of collectivistic
and individualistic cultures. Whereas in individualistic cultures commu-
nication is more or less synonymous with information, in collectivistic
cultures communication varies with roles and relationships, with con-
cern for belonging and occupying ones proper place (Singelis & Brown
1995; Miyahara 2004). Different interpersonal communication styles are
reflected in advertising styles across cultures. Related to this distinction
are people’s expectations of the role, purpose and effect of communica-
tion. Is advertising persuasive by nature, or can it have another role in the
sales process?
How advertising works
There is not one universal model of how advertising works. One of the first
scholars to demonstrate this was Gordon Miracle (1987). In individualistic
cultures, advertising must persuade, whereas in collectivistic cultures,
the purpose is to build relationships and trust between seller and buyer.
Japanese advertising focuses on inducing positive feelings rather than
providing information. The different purposes are reflected in the dif-
ference in timing and frequency of verbal or visual mention of the brand
name in television commercials (Miracle et al. 1992).
In a typical Japanese
television commercial, the first identification of a brand, company name,
or product occurs later than in a typical US television commercial. In
Chinese commercials, brand acknowledgement appears later than in US
commercials (Zhou et al. 2005).
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Western models of how advertising works presuppose that consumers
want to be informed, gather information actively and want to solve prob-
lems. This is the model for individualistic and low power distance cultures.
The focus on information is reflected in the Resnik and Stern (Stern &
Resnik 1991) typology, in which the criterion for considering an advertise-
ment informative is whether the informational cues are relevant enough to
assist a typical buyer in making an intelligent choice among alternatives.
Next to the fact that in some cultures people do not consciously search for
information, what is relevant information to members of one culture may
not be relevant to members of another culture.
Models also follow the assumption that the advertising concept is what
classical rhetoricians call an ‘argument from consequence’. Information
is an instrument to persuasion. Petty and Cacioppo’s (1986) elaboration
likelihood model (ELM) distinguishes a central route and a peripheral
route of persuasion. In the theory, the peripheral route generally includes
visual cues like the package, pictures or the context of the message. This
theory is embedded in Western advertising practice, which uses pictures
as illustration of words. Various studies have been conducted to find the
influence of pictures, in both the central route and the peripheral route.
Experiments conducted by Aaker and Maheswaran (1997) suggest that
the dual process model works across cultures but evaluation differences
exist between individualistic and collectivistic cultures.
Advertising appeals and style
Content analysis based studies have revealed culture-specific appeals in
advertising that can be explained by the Hofstede dimensions (e.g. Albers
1994; Zandpour et al. 1994). In collectivistic cultures such as China and
Korea, appeals focusing on in-group benefits, harmony and family are
more effective, whereas in individualistic cultures like the United States,
advertising that appeals to individual benefits and preferences, personal
success and independence is more effective (Han & Shavitt 1994). The
use of celebrities in advertising is related to collectivism, where the func-
tion of a celebrity is to give a face to the brand in a world of brands with
similar product attributes (Praet 2001).
Current research questions (Taylor 2005, 2007) are about the effective-
ness of various executional techniques and which elements of advertising
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THE HOFSTEDE MODEL
to standardise and when. These questions assume that consumers proc-
ess various elements of advertisements separately. Consumers, however,
observe the whole picture. Distinguishing what one says from how one
says it may not be the way to understand how advertising works across
cultures. Often the communication style is decisive for consumers
acceptance of advertising. For example, the direct style of individualistic
cultures may be offensive to members of collectivistic cultures. Various
advertising researchers have studied differences in style such as the direct
versus indirect styles used in individualistic and collectivistic cultures (e.g.
Cutler et al. 1997; Cho et al. 1999). As the right advertising style may be
more influential to success than executional aspects of advertising, more
research is needed to understand advertising styles across cultures. This
also applies to communications on the internet.
Advertising research across cultures: points of attention
A review of cross-cultural advertising research by Okazaki and Mueller
(2007) shows that most cross-cultural advertising research topics were
cultural values and the most used research methods were content analysis
and survey. Content analysis has been criticised for providing description
without prescription (Samiee & Jeong 1994). We have two arguments
against discarding the method.
The first is that comparative content analysis does provide insight in
cross-cultural advertising practice that also points at what works best in
a country. If in a country certain appeals and communication styles are
more common than in others, these style elements are used because they
are effective (McQuarrie & Phillips 2008). When the values of consumers
are congruent with the values reflected in advertising, the link to liking
the ad, the brand or the company increases, and advertising will be more
effective (Polegato & Bjerke 2006). Consumers are more positively dis-
posed towards local advertisements and find them more interesting and
less irritating (Pae et al. 2002). This is also relevant to website design.
People perform information-seeking tasks faster when using web con-
tent created by designers from their own culture (Faiola & Matei 2005).
Cultural adaptation not only enhances ease of use of the website but also
leads to more favourable attitudes towards the website, which in turn
affects the intention to buy (Singh et al. 2006).
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A second argument for the use of content analysis is for measuring the
degree of standardisation of advertising. The usual method is surveys
among managers of mostly US multinationals. However, the univer-
salistic values of US managers may make them give the desirable answer
in the direction of standardisation. Observation of actual practice by con-
tent analysis demonstrates what companies do in reality and may as well
uncover important advertising appeals and styles for other cultures than
the home culture.
A problem of cross-cultural content analysis is the organisation and
logistics of a large-scale cross-country study. In particular when using cul-
tural variables like the Hofstede dimensions, comparison should be across
more than two countries. Unfortunately most studies compare the United
States with one other country (Chang et al. 2007), whereas for proper
cross-cultural research preferably at least five countries must be compared.
Unfortunately, few multiple-country studies have been conducted.
Another point of attention is the use of scales or constructs developed in
a North American or European context for the study of another. Examples
from advertising research are the application of the Resnik and Stern cod-
ing scheme (Al-Olayan & Karande 2000; Mindy & McNeal 2001), the
informational-transformational distinction (Cutler et al. 2000) and Pollay’s
advertising appeals (Albers-Miller & Gelb 1996), all developed in the
United States to analyse advertising in other countries. Such constructs
may not uncover important items of other cultures.
Next to comparing cultures something can be learned from national
studies of how advertising works in other countries than the United States,
conducted among non-US subjects. This is not facilitated by the way
some authors report their findings. An example is a study by Ang and Lim
(2006), whose affiliations are with universities in Singapore and Australia.
Their paper on the influence of metaphors on perceptions and attitudes
is very relevant for understanding how advertising works, but they do not
mention the national culture of their respondents, as if their findings are
universal. This limits the viability of the conclusions. Another example
is a statement like ‘Many advertisers standardise general strategy while
modifying executions’ (Taylor 2005). Are these American advertisers,
or also from other countries? This is important information as managers
of US firms are more inclined to standardise advertising and to create a
uniform brand image than, for example, Japanese managers (Taylor &
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THE HOFSTEDE MODEL
Okazaki 2006). The degree to which marketing managers customise brand
image varies with individualism and uncertainty avoidance (Roth 1995).
Any study dealing with information processing, how advertising works,
attitudes towards advertising and advertising practice should mention the
cultural background of research subjects, because the national culture of
respondents may influence the results.
Applying the Hofstede model to research for global
branding and advertising
In cross-cultural research we have noted an advance of methodological
techniques but less conceptual analysis of cultural dimensions when for-
mulating hypotheses. Some research questions ask for better understand-
ing of how dimensional models work. Examples are the question as to
which cultural dimensions are especially relevant to advertising, and the
suggestion that cross-cultural studies that examine the impact of culture
should actually measure how the individual respondents stand on the cul-
tural dimension investigated (Taylor 2005, 2007).
Measuring individual respondents on scales of cultural dimensions
In comparative cross-cultural research, the properties of individuals as
observed within a country are aggregated and then treated as culture-level
variables. These variables can be used to explain variation of phenomena
(other aggregate data) at country level (e.g. differences in ownership of
computers between countries). The aggregated data represent a mix of
different people because a society consists of a variety of people. So culture
is not one king-size personality that can be used for measuring individu-
als. Patterns of associations observed at the culture level (also called the
ecological level) can be different from patterns at the individual level. For
example, Schwartz (1994, p. 104) has shown that patterns of associations
with ‘freedom’ are different at the individual and at the cultural (national)
level. Within countries, individuals who score high on the importance of
‘freedomalso tend to score high on the importance of ‘independence of
thought and actions’. But if the scores for all individuals in each nation are
averaged, the nations where on average ‘freedom’ is scored as more impor-
tant than in other nations are not those scoring higher on the importance
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of independence’, but those scoring higher on ‘protecting the welfare of
others’. The individual associations are based on psychological logic, the
national associations on the cultural logic of societies composed of differ-
ent, interacting individuals. Measuring individual respondents on scales
based on aggregate data is an ecological fallacy.
Cultural dimensions relevant to advertising
Gudykunst and Ting-Toomey (1988) have best described the influence of
the various dimensions of culture on verbal and non-verbal communica-
tion styles, which are reflected in advertising styles. The three dimensions
that explain variance of communication styles are power distance, individ-
ualism/collectivism and uncertainty avoidance. For appeals and motives
reflected in advertising, generally the product category defines the most
relevant dimensions (De Mooij 2003, 2004, 2010). The dimensions that
are relevant for a product category can be discovered only by correlating
the data with the GNI/capita and country scores of all five dimensions.
Setting hypotheses
Sometimes researchers challenge the predictive value of the Hofstede
model because their hypotheses were not supported, instead of challeng-
ing the formulation of the hypotheses. Several aspects of the Hofstede
dimensions must be considered when formulating hypotheses: (1) Some
manifestations of each dimension are more work-related, whereas others
can be applied to consumer behaviour and advertising; (2) often it is a
configuration of dimensions that explains variation; (3) value paradoxes
have to be taken into account. It is not easy to recognise values in advertis-
ing as advertising appeals may reflect both the desired and the desirable
(De Mooij 2010). Other problems are: (4) misunderstanding the content
of a dimension, and (5) the effect of the researchers’ cultural roots when
selecting and interpreting manifestations of the values of the dimensions.
Some examples are as follows.
• Power distance is about the relationship between bosses and subordi-
nates, but it is also about everyone having his or her rightful place in
103
THE HOFSTEDE MODEL
society versus equality. The latter explains the need for luxury brands
as status symbols in high power distance cultures.
• An important value of masculine cultures is achievement. When com-
bined with individualism, success can be shown, less so when combined
with collectivism. Innovativeness and the wish for change are low in
high uncertainty avoidance cultures, but combined with high power
distance, appeals like modernity and innovation provide status. High
scores on masculinity and power distance explain status needs. In high
power distance cultures, status brands demonstrate one’s role in a hier-
archy. In masculine cultures, status brands demonstrate one’s success.
The configuration of high power distance and uncertainty avoidance
explains the importance of personal appearance. The Japanese (high
PDI/high UAI) judge people by clothes, which is not the case with the
Chinese (high PDI/low UAI). Whereas, in Japan, the proper way things
are done and ones social status provide face, for the Chinese face is
related to one’s economic capability (Suedo 2004).
• In content analysis of advertising, the picture of a family is assumed to
be a reflection of collectivism, but paradoxically it can also be a reflec-
tion of individualism where people are afraid that family values are
disappearing. In collectivistic cultures advertisers may even feel a lesser
need to depict families because the family is part of ones identity; it
is not the desirable. Comparison of the number of people shown in
advertisements is not a measure of individualism/collectivism. A better
measure is measuring the directness of communication for example,
by comparing the use of personalised headlines.
• Uncertainty avoidance tends to be confused with risk avoidance (Roth
1995). The degree to which people insure themselves is not related to
uncertainty avoidance. Instead, more life insurance policies are sold
in individualistic cultures than in collectivistic cultures. In the former,
should one die early, one cannot count on family to support ones
dependants (Chui & Kwok 2008). Showing people in relation to others
can be a reflection of collectivism, but also of the affiliation needs of
feminine cultures.
• Collectivism is not about subordinating oneself to the group. The lat-
ter is the typical description from an individualistic view of the person.
The group itself is one’s identity. Power distance is about accepting and
expecting inequality it is a two-way street. Female nudity in advertising
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING, 2010, 29(1)
should not be confused with sex appeal, as researchers from masculine
cultures may assume. There is no relationship with masculinity (Nelson
& Paek 2008).
Conclusion
The number of cross-cultural consumer behaviour studies has been
increasing over the years. The Hofstede model of national culture has
proved to be a useful instrument for understanding consumer behaviour
differences across cultures. Applying the model to branding and advertis-
ing, which originally sought answers to work-related value differences,
needs conceptual insight in the various manifestations that are relevant to
these business areas. This paper has reviewed many recent studies that
help gain conceptual insight.
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About the authors
Marieke de Mooij studied English literature at the University of Amsterdam
and Textile Engineering in Enschede, the Netherlands. She received her
PhD at the University of Navarre in Spain, at the department of com-
munication. She was advertising manager for an international company,
account executive at an advertising agency, was a director at the Dutch
institute for professional advertising education and director of education of
the International Advertising Association. She has worked on the applica-
tion of the Hofstede model to consumer behaviour and advertising since
1990. She is a consultant in Cross Cultural Communications and advises
both companies and advertising agencies on international branding and
advertising. She is visiting professor to various universities in Europe. Her
books Global Marketing and Advertising (third edition 2010) and Consumer
Behavior and Culture (2004, second edition to be published in 2011), both
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published by Sage Publications, are used at universities worldwide. Her
website: www.mariekedemooij.com
Geert Hofstede is Professor Emeritus at the University of Maastricht.
He holds an MSc in mechanical engineering and a PhD in social psychol-
ogy. He had a varied career both in business and in academia, retiring as
a professor of organizational anthropology and international management
from the University of Maastricht, the Netherlands, in 1993. Since the
publication of his book Culture’s Consequences (1980, new edition 2001) he
has been a pioneer of comparative intercultural research; his ideas are used
worldwide. A student-level book Cultures and Organizations: Software of the
Mind (1991, new edition 2005 with Gert Jan Hofstede) has so far appeared
in 15 European and 3 Asian languages. Geert Hofstede was listed in the
Wall Street Journal of May 2008 among the Top 20 most influential busi-
ness thinkers. He holds honorary doctorates from seven European univer-
sities, and is a Fellow of the Academy of Management and the Academy
of International Business in the USA. His website: www.geerthofstede.nl
Address correspondence to: Marieke de Mooij, Westerenban 44,
NL-4328 HE Burgh-Haamstede, the Netherlands.
Email: mdemooij@zeelandnet.nl
... A literature review also reveals a strong association between culture and technology adoption [36][37][38]. Of interest among competing theories is Hofstede's cultural model, which has gained popularity in technology adoption studies [39,40]. Dominating these studies are Hofstede's cultural dimensions: individualism/collectivism, uncertainty avoidance, power distance, and masculinity/femininity. ...
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