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Health Care and Public Service Use and Costs Before and After Provision of Housing for Chronically Homeless Persons With Severe Alcohol Problems

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Abstract

Chronically homeless individuals with severe alcohol problems often have multiple medical and psychiatric problems and use costly health and criminal justice services at high rates. To evaluate association of a "Housing First" intervention for chronically homeless individuals with severe alcohol problems with health care use and costs. Quasi-experimental design comparing 95 housed participants (with drinking permitted) with 39 wait-list control participants enrolled between November 2005 and March 2007 in Seattle, Washington. Use and cost of services (jail bookings, days incarcerated, shelter and sobering center use, hospital-based medical services, publicly funded alcohol and drug detoxification and treatment, emergency medical services, and Medicaid-funded services) for Housing First participants relative to wait-list controls. Housing First participants had total costs of $8,175,922 in the year prior to the study, or median costs of $4066 per person per month (interquartile range [IQR], $2067-$8264). Median monthly costs decreased to $1492 (IQR, $337-$5709) and $958 (IQR, $98-$3200) after 6 and 12 months in housing, respectively. Poisson generalized estimating equation regressions using propensity score adjustments showed total cost rate reduction of 53% for housed participants relative to wait-list controls (rate ratio, 0.47; 95% confidence interval, 0.25-0.88) over the first 6 months. Total cost offsets for Housing First participants relative to controls averaged $2449 per person per month after accounting for housing program costs. In this population of chronically homeless individuals with high service use and costs, a Housing First program was associated with a relative decrease in costs after 6 months. These benefits increased to the extent that participants were retained in housing longer.
... Between 30% and 50% of adults experiencing homelessness have alcohol use disorder (Fazel et al., 2008;Fischer and Breakey, 1991). Though housing-first interventions can be cost-effective, their effects on alcohol use have not been demonstrated (Larimer et al., 2009). To address the related problems of addiction, unemployment, and poverty, our research team has developed the Therapeutic Workplace, a contingency management intervention that uses employment-based abstinence reinforcement (Silverman et al., 2019). ...
Article
This study evaluated the effectiveness of abstinence-contingent wage supplements in promoting alcohol abstinence and employment in adults experiencing homelessness and alcohol use disorder. A randomized clinical trial was conducted from 2019 to 2022. After a 1-month Induction period, 119 participants were randomly assigned to a Usual Care Control group (n = 57) or an Abstinence-Contingent Wage Supplement group (n = 62). Usual Care participants were offered counseling and referrals to employment and treatment programs. Abstinence-Contingent Wage Supplement participants could earn stipends for working with an employment specialist and wage supplements for working in a community job but had to maintain abstinence from alcohol as determined by transdermal alcohol concentration monitoring devices to maximize pay. Abstinence-Contingent Wage Supplement participants reported significantly higher rates of alcohol abstinence than Usual Care participants during the 6-month intervention (82.8% vs. 60.2% of months, OR = 3.4, 95% CI 1.8 to 6.3, p < .001). Abstinence-Contingent Wage Supplement participants were also significantly more likely to obtain employment (51.3% vs. 31.6% of months, OR = 2.6, 95% CI 1.5 to 4.4, p < .001) and live out of poverty (38.2% vs. 16.7% of months, OR = 3.7, 95% CI 2.0 to 7.1, p < .001) than Usual Care participants. These findings suggest that Abstinence-Contingent Wage Supplements can promote alcohol abstinence and employment in adults experiencing homelessness and alcohol use disorder. ClinicalTrials.gov Identifier: NCT03519009.
... -29Housing first models do not require abstinence for housing and this model has shown promising outcomes. 8 Housing first incorporates harm reduction as a principle and such programs tolerate but do not manage substance use.30 , 31 Yet, substance use continues to be a factor behind exits from housing first, resulting in a return to homelessness.32 ...
Article
Communities across the country seek compassionate, effective solutions to help the growing number of their residents without stable housing who live in encampments and outside, often rotating through a variety of institutions including hospitals, jails, and shelters. Substance use often exacerbates and is a response to homelessness. Alcohol use disorders (AUDs) are particularly common, affecting 30%-50% of people experiencing homelessness. Due to the inherent instability of their living situation, people with severe AUD and unstable housing often engage in dangerous drinking patterns such as high-intensity binge drinking and consumption of non-beverage alcohol. They also have few options other than to drink in public settings, which can lead to frequent interactions with police and emergency services. Often, the treatment and shelter options offered require abstinence from alcohol; yet, for many people with AUD, abstinence is not an attainable or desired goal. Managed alcohol programs (MAPs) are innovative, evidence-based solutions for helping people with severe AUD experiencing homelessness. These programs often include resources to meet basic needs such as shelter, meals, and primary care with alcohol administration throughout the day. These programs aim to address both the harms of high-risk drinking patterns and the harms of unstable housing. Despite evidence from Canada that MAPs improve patient outcomes and are cost-effective, these innovative programs
... After accounting for housing and other costs, average per-month total costs for program participants were $2,449 lower per person compared with the control group at 6 months' postintervention. 6 The promise of programs such as 1811 Eastlake is reinforced in a 2014 report concluding that a person experiencing chronic homelessness costs taxpayers approximately $35,500 annually; this amount is nearly halved when housing is provided, to $17,611. After counting the cost of supportive housing at about $12,000, the net savings are about 13%, or $4,800resulting from decreased usage of jail services, emergency medical services, and hospitalizations. ...
Article
A better understanding of the unique risks for survivors of violence experiencing homelessness could enable more effective intervention methods. The aim of this study was to quantify the risks of death and reinjury for unhoused compared to housed survivors of violent injuries. This retrospective study included a cohort of patients with known housing status presenting to the Boston Medical Center Emergency Department between 2009 and 2018 with a violent penetrating injury. Cox proportional hazards regression models were used to estimate hazard ratios (HR) and 95% confidence intervals (95% CI) for the risks of all-cause mortality and violent reinjury. Of the 2330 patients included for analysis, 415 (17.8%) were unhoused at the time of index injury. Within 3 years of the index injury, there were 319 (13.9%) violent reinjuries and 55 (2.4%) deaths. Unhoused patients were more likely than housed patients to be violently reinjured by all causes (HR = 1.39, 95% CI = 1.06–1.83, p = 0.02), by stab wound (HR = 2.34, 95% CI = 1.33–4.11, p = 0.0003), and by blunt assault (HR = 1.52, 95% CI = 1.05–2.21, p = 0.03). Housed and unhoused patients were equally likely to die within 3 years of their index injury; however, unhoused patients were at greater risk of dying by homicide (HR = 2.89, 95% CI = 1.34–6.25, p = 0.006) or by a drug/alcohol overdose (HR = 2.86, 95% CI = 1.17–6.94, p = 0.02). In addition to the already high risks that all survivors of violence have for recurrent injuries, unhoused survivors of violence are at even greater risk for violent reinjury and death and fatal drug/alcohol overdose. Securing stable housing for survivors of violence experiencing homelessness, and connecting them with addiction treatment, is essential for mitigating these risks.
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Research suggests a number of barriers to successful reentry for justice-involved individuals, even after a short period of detention in jail. The challenges are well-documented, with housing being one of the most salient needs returning citizens face (Lutze et al., 2014; O’Brien, 2001; Roman and Travis, 2004). Estimates of housing instability and homelessness vary widely (Metraux & Culhane, 2006; Schlay & Rossi, 1992) as those incarcerated and those who are homeless are considered “hard-to-reach” populations (Umamaheswar, 2018). This is important as housing instability can have direct consequences for reoffending behavior, and stable housing has been shown to reduce recidivism (Bobashev et al., 2009; Lutze et al., 2014; Metraux & Culhane, 2004; Steiner et al., 2015). The current study employs a unique sample of male and female inmates in a jail reentry program to examine the prevalence of housing instability and the circumstances that led to said housing issues. This study fills a gap in the previous literature by making a distinction among those who are more stably housed, precariously housed, and literally homeless. We discuss the consequences of housing instability as well as important policy implications for this population.
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Michigan's recently revised Lead and Copper Rule requires water utilities to inventory existing water service lines by 2025 and replace all lead-containing lines by 2041. This article summarizes a cost-benefit analysis using new inventory data on the number of lead service lines in the state, the projected cost of their replacement, and the estimated lifetime benefits from reduced lead exposure. Replacing 423,479 lead service lines would reduce lead exposure for 420,800 newborns and result in $3.24 billion in future benefits (compared with replacement costs of $1.33 billion). This would generate net savings of $1.91 billion and a societal return on investment of $2.44 per dollar invested. These estimates are conservative and include only quantified benefits for newborn children in Michigan for the period 2020-60. More than 153,100 of the children benefiting would be non-White (of whom 78,400 would be Black or African American), and 106,900 would be in households with incomes below the federal poverty level. Sensitivity analyses show that accelerating the replacement pace would increase the societal return on investment. This primary prevention-driven policy has the potential to reduce childhood lead exposure and improve health equity.
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Background: Adequate housing is a basic human right. The many millions of people experiencing homelessness (PEH) have a lower life expectancy and more physical and mental health problems. Practical and effective interventions to provide appropriate housing are a public health priority. Objectives: To summarise the best available evidence relating to the components of case-management interventions for PEH via a mixed methods review that explored both the effectiveness of interventions and factors that may influence its impact. Search methods: We searched 10 bibliographic databases from 1990 to March 2021. We also included studies from Campbell Collaboration Evidence and Gap Maps and searched 28 web sites. Reference lists of included papers and systematic reviews were examined and experts contacted for additional studies. Selection criteria: We included all randomised and non-randomised study designs exploring case management interventions where a comparison group was used. The primary outcome of interest was homelessness. Secondary outcomes included health, wellbeing, employment and costs. We also included all studies where data were collected on views and experiences that may impact on implementation. Data collection and analysis: We assessed risk of bias using tools developed by the Campbell Collaboration. We conducted meta-analyses of the intervention studies where possible and carried out a framework synthesis of a set of implementation studies identified by purposive sampling to represent the most 'rich' and 'thick' data. Main results: We included 64 intervention studies and 41 implementation studies. The evidence base was dominated by studies from the USA and Canada. Participants were largely (though not exclusively) people who were literally homeless, that is, living on the streets or in shelters, and who had additional support needs. Many studies were assessed as having a medium or high risk of bias. However, there was some consistency in outcomes across studies that improved confidence in the main findings. Case management and housing outcomes: Case management of any description was superior to usual care for homelessness outcomes (standardised mean difference [SMD] = -0.51 [95% confidence interval [CI]: -0.71, -0.30]; p < 0.01). For studies included in the meta-analyses, Housing First had the largest observed impact, followed by Assertive Community Treatment, Critical Time Intervention and Intensive Case Management. The only statistically significant difference was between Housing First and Intensive Case Management (SMD = -0.6 [-1.1, -0.1]; p = 0.03) at ≥12 months. There was not enough evidence to compare the above approaches with standard case management within the meta-analyses. A narrative comparison across all studies was inconclusive, though suggestive of a trend in favour of more intensive approaches. Case management and mental health outcomes: The overall evidence suggested that case management of any description was not more or less effective compared to usual care for an individual's mental health (SMD = 0.02 [-0.15, 0.18]; p = 0.817). Case management and other outcomes: Based on meta-analyses, case management was superior to usual care for capability and wellbeing outcomes up to 1 year (an improvement of around one-third of an SMD; p < 0.01) but was not statistically significantly different for substance use outcomes, physical health, and employment. Case management components: For homelessness outcomes, there was a non-significant trend for benefits to be greater in the medium term (≤3 years) compared to long term (>3 years) (SMD = -0.64 [-1.04, -0.24] vs. -0.27 [-0.53, 0]; p = 0.16) and for in-person meetings in comparison to mixed (in-person and remote) approaches (SMD = -0.73 [-1.25,-0.21]) versus -0.26 [-0.5,-0.02]; p = 0.13). There was no evidence from meta-analyses to suggest that an individual case manager led to better outcomes then a team, and interventions with no dedicated case manager may have better outcomes than those with a named case manager (SMD = -0.36 [-0.55, -0.18] vs. -1.00 [-2.00, 0.00]; p = 0.02). There was not enough evidence from meta-analysis to assess whether the case manager should have a professional qualification, or if frequency of contact, case manager availability or conditionality (barriers due to conditions attached to service provision) influenced outcomes. However, the main theme from implementation studies concerned barriers where conditions were attached to services. Characteristics of persons experiencing homelessness: No conclusions could be drawn from meta-analysis other than a trend for greater reductions in homelessness for persons with high complexity of need (two or more support needs in addition to homelessness) as compared to those with medium complexity of need (one additional support need); effect sizes were SMD = -0.61 [-0.91, -0.31] versus -0.36 [-0.68, -0.05]; p = 0.3. The broader context of delivery of case management programmes: Other major themes from the implementation studies included the importance of interagency partnership; provision for non-housing support and training needs of PEH (such as independent living skills), intensive community support following the move to new housing; emotional support and training needs of case managers; and an emphasis on housing safety, security and choice. Cost effectiveness: The 12 studies with cost data provided contrasting results and no clear conclusions. Some case management costs may be largely off-set by reductions in the use of other services. Cost estimates from three North American studies were $45-52 for each additional day housed. Authors' conclusions: Case management interventions improve housing outcomes for PEH with one or more additional support needs, with more intense interventions leading to greater benefits. Those with greater support needs may gain greater benefit. There is also evidence for improvements to capabilities and wellbeing. Current approaches do not appear to lead to mental health benefits. In terms of case management components, there is evidence in support of a team approach and in-person meetings and, from the implementation evidence, that conditions associated with service provision should be minimised. The approach within Housing First could explain the finding that overall benefits may be greater than for other types of case management. Four of its principles were identified as key themes within the implementation studies: No conditionality, offer choice, provide an individualised approach and support community building. Recommendations for further research include an expansion of the research base outside North America and further exploration of case management components and intervention cost-effectiveness.
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A better understanding of the unique risks for survivors of violence experiencing homelessness could enable more effective intervention methods. The aim of this study was to quantify the risks of death and re-injury for unhoused survivors of violent injuries. This retrospective study included a cohort of patients presenting to the Boston Medical Center Emergency Department between 2009 and 2018 with a violent penetrating injury. Cox proportional hazards regression models were used to estimate hazard ratios (HR) and 95% confidence intervals (95% CI) for the risks of all-cause mortality and violent reinjury within 3 years of the index injury. Of the 2330 patients included for analysis, 415 (17.8%) were unhoused at the time of index injury. Within 3 years of surviving the index injury, unhoused patients were more likely than housed patients to be violently reinjured by all causes (HR = 1.39, 95%CI = 1.06–1.83, p = 0.02), by stab wound (HR = 2.34, 95%CI = 1.33–4.11, p = 0.0003), and by assault (HR = 1.52, 95%CI = 1.05–2.21, p = 0.03). Housed and unhoused patients were equally likely to die within 3 years of their index injury; however, unhoused patients were at greater risk of dying by homicide (HR = 2.89, 95%CI = 1.34–6.25, p = 0.006) or by a drug/alcohol overdose (HR = 2.86, 95%CI = 1.17–6.94, p = 0.02). In addition to the already high risks that all survivors of violence have for recurrent injuries, unhoused survivors of violence are at even greater risk for violent reinjury and death, and fatal drug/alcohol overdose. Securing stable housing for survivors of violence experiencing homelessness, and connecting them with addiction treatment, is essential for mitigating these risks.
Conference Paper
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Homelessness presents a long-standing problem worldwide. Like other welfare services, homeless services have gained increased traction in Machine Learning (ML) research. Unhoused persons are vulnerable and using their data in the ML pipeline raises serious concerns about the unintended harms and consequences of prioritizing different ML values. To address this, we conducted a critical analysis of 40 research papers identified through a systematic literature review in ML homelessness service provision research. We found that the values of novelty, performance, and identifying limitations were uplifted in these papers, whereas (in) efficiency, (low/high) cost, fast, (violated) privacy, and (homeless condition) reproducibility values collapse. Consequently, unhoused persons were lost (i.e., humans were deprioritized) at multi-level ML abstraction of predictors, categories, and algorithms. Our findings illuminate potential pathways forward at the intersection of data science, HCI, and STS by situating humans at the center to support this vulnerable community.
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Problem: At present, homelessness in the United States is primarily addressed by providing emergency and transitional shelter facilities. These programs do not directly address the causes of homelessness, and residents are exposed to victimization and trauma during stays. We need an alternative that is more humane, as well as more efficient and effective at achieving outcomes. Purpose: This article uses research on homelessness to devise alternative forms of emergency assistance that could reduce the prevalence and/or duration of episodes of homelessness and much of the need for emergency shelter. Methods: We review analyses of shelter utilization patterns to identify subgroups of homeless single adults and families with minor children, and propose alternative program models aimed at the particular situations of each of these subgroups. Results and conclusions: We argue that it would be both more efficient and more humane to reallocate resources currently devoted to shelters. We propose the development of community-based programs that instead would focus on helping those with housing emergencies to remain housed or to quickly return to housing, and be served by mainstream social welfare programs. We advocate providing shelter on a limited basis and reserving transitional housing for individuals recently discharged from institutions. Chronic homelessness should be addressed by permanent supportive housing.
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This article assesses the impact of public investment in supportive housing for homeless persons with severe mental disabilities. Data on 4,679 people placed in such housing in New York City between 1989 and 1997 were merged with data on the utilization of public shelters, public and private hospitals, and correctional facilities. A series of matched controls who were homeless but not placed in housing were similarly tracked.Regression results reveal that persons placed in supportive housing experience marked reductions in shelter use, hospitalizations, length of stay per hospitalization, and time incarcerated. Before placement, homeless people with severe mental illness used about $40,451 per person per year in services (1999 dollars). Placement was associated with a reduction in services use of $16,281 per housing unit per year. Annual unit costs are estimated at $17,277, for a net cost of $995 per unit per year over the first two years.
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Important questions about health care are often addressed by studying health care utilization. Utilization data have several characteristics that make them a challenge to analyze. In this paper we discuss sources of information, the statistical properties of utilization data, common analytic methods including the two-part model, and some newly available statistical methods including the generalized linear model. We also address issues of study design and new methods for dealing with censored data. Examples are presented.
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Homeless persons in US cities have high mortality rates. However, few comparison data exist for death rates among homeless persons in other developed countries. To compare mortality rates among men using homeless shelters and the general population in Toronto, Ontario, and to determine whether mortality rates differ significantly among men using homeless shelters in Canadian and US cities. Cohort study conducted from 1995 through 1997, with a mean follow-up of 2.6 years. Men aged 18 years or older who used homeless shelters in Toronto in 1995 (n=8933). Mortality rate ratios comparing age-specific mortality rates among men using homeless shelters in Toronto with those of men in the general population of Toronto and of men using homeless shelters in New York, NY; Boston, Mass; and Philadelphia, Pa. Men using homeless shelters in Toronto were more likely to die than men in the city's general population. Mortality rate ratios were 8.3 (95% confidence interval [CI], 4.4-15.6) for men aged 18 to 24 years, 3.7 (95% CI, 3.0-4.6) for men aged 25 to 44 years, and 2.3 (95% CI, 1.8-3.0) for men aged 45 to 64 years. In most cases, however, the risk of death was significantly lower for men using homeless shelters in Toronto than for those in US cities. For men aged 25 to 44 years using homeless shelters, mortality rate ratios were 0.52 (95% CI, 0.41-0.65) for Toronto compared with Boston and 0.61 (95% CI, 0.44-0.85) for Toronto compared with New York City. For men aged 35 to 54 years using homeless shelters, the mortality rate ratio was 0.42 (95% CI, 0.27-0.66) for Toronto compared with Philadelphia. Mortality rates among men who use homeless shelters in Toronto, while higher than in the general population of Toronto, are much lower than mortality rates observed among men using homeless shelters in 3 major US cities. Further study is needed to identify the reasons for this disparity.
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Background Homelessness affects many people in contemporary society with consequences for individuals and the wider community. Homeless people experience poorer levels of general physical and mental health than the general population and there is a substantial international evidence base which documents multiple morbidity. Despite this, they often have problems in obtaining suitable health care. Aim To critically examine the international literature pertaining to the health care of homeless people and discuss the effectiveness of treatment interventions. Design of study Review and synthesis of current evidence. Method Medline (1966-2003), EMBASE (1980-2003), PsycINFO (1985-2003), CINAHL (1982-2003), Web of Science (1981-2003) and the Cochrane Library (Evidence Based Health) databases were reviewed using key terms relating to homelessness, intervention studies, drug misuse, alcohol misuse and mental health. The review was not limited to publications in English. It included searching the internet using key terms, and grey literature was also accessed through discussion with experts. Results Internationally, there are differing models and services aimed at providing health care for homeless people. Effective interventions for drug dependence include adequate oral opiate maintenance therapy, hepatitis A, B and tetanus immunisation, safer injecting advice and access to needle exchange programmes. There is emerging evidence for the effectiveness of supervised injecting rooms for homeless injecting drug users and for the peer distribution of take home naloxone in reducing drug-related deaths. There is some evidence that assertive outreach programmes for those with mental ill health, supportive programmes to aid those with motivation to address alcohol dependence and informal programmes to promote sexual health can lead to lasting health gain. Conclusions As multiple morbidity is common among homeless people, accessible and available primary health care is a pre-requisite for effective health interventions. This requires addressing barriers to provision and multi-agency working so that homeless people can access the full range of health and social care services. There are examples of best practice in the treatment and retention of homeless people in health and social care and such models can inform future provision.
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This study evaluated secondary prevention approaches for young adults (N = 36, mean age 23 years) at risk for alcohol problems. Subjects were randomly assigned to cognitive-behavioral alcohol skills training, a didactic alcohol information program, or assessment only. The skills program included training in blood alcohol level estimation, limit setting, and relapse prevention skills. All subjects maintained daily drinking records during the 8-week intervention and for 1 week at each follow-up. Repeated measures MANOVA found a significant reduction over 1-year follow-up in self-reported alcohol consumption for the total sample. For all drinking measures, the directional findings consistently favored skills training. Despite overall reductions, most subjects continued to report occasional heavy drinking.
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The objective of this study was to test whether an intensive case management intervention would be effective with a group of homeless chronic public inebriate clients. The primary goals of the case management were to improve the financial and residential stability of the clients and to reduce their use of alcohol. Subjects (N = 298, 81% male) were interviewed at baseline, randomly assigned to treatment and control conditions and given follow-up interviews at 6-month intervals for 2 years. Case management services were provided for the duration of the project. Follow-up rates for the first three interviews averaged 82%. Repeated measures MANCOVAs showed significant group differences favoring the case-managed group in all three areas targeted by the intervention: total income from public sources, nights spent in "own place" out of the previous 60 nights and days drinking out of the previous 30 days. The results held whether the three variables were analyzed jointly or separately and for alternative measures of drinking and homelessness. Although statistically significant, the group differences are generally not large. The results indicate that case management had a beneficial effect on the clients receiving it. This effect may have been the result of an increase in services received by the case-managed clients.