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Youth Sport Parenting Styles and Practices



The purpose of this study was to examine parenting styles and associated parenting practices in youth sport. Following a season-long period of fieldwork, primary data were collected via interviews with 56 parents and supplemented by interviews with 34 of their female children. Data analysis was guided by Grolnick's (2003) theory of parenting styles. Analyses produced five findings: (1) Autonomy-supportive parents provided appropriate structure for their children and allowed them to be involved in decision making. These parents were also able to read their children's mood and reported open bidirectional communication. (2) Controlling parents did not support their children's autonomy, were not sensitive to their children's mood, and tended to report more closed modes of communication. (3) In some families, there were inconsistencies between the styles employed by the mother and father. (4) Some parenting practices varied across different situations. (5) Children had some reciprocal influences on their parents' behaviors. These findings reveal information about the multiple social interactions associated with youth sport parenting.
Youth Sport Parenting Styles and Practices
Nicholas L. Holt,1 Katherine A. Tamminen,1 Danielle E. Black,1
James L. Mandigo,2 and Kenneth R. Fox3
1University of Alberta; 2Brock University; 3University of Bristol
The purpose of this study was to examine parenting styles and associated parenting
practices in youth sport. Following a season-long period of fieldwork, primary data
were collected via interviews with 56 parents and supplemented by interviews with
34 of their female children. Data analysis was guided by Grolnick‟s (2003) theory of
parenting styles. Analyses produced five findings: (1) Autonomy-supportive parents
provided appropriate structure for their children and allowed them to be involved in
decision making. These parents were also able to read their children‟s mood and
reported open bidirectional communication. (2) Controlling parents did not support
their children‟s autonomy, were not sensitive to their children‟s mood, and tended to
report more closed modes of communication. (3) In some families, there were inconsistencies between
the styles employed by the mother and father. (4) Some parenting practices varied across different
situations. (5) Children had some reciprocal influences on their parents‟ behaviors. These findings
reveal information about the multiple social interactions associated with youth sport parenting.
Key Findings
Autonomy-Supportive Parenting Styles
Thirty-two parents from 18 families consistently used an autonomy-
supportive parenting style. These parents were highly involved in their children‟s
lives. But despite their high level of involvement, autonomy-supportive
parents provided few examples of controlling behaviors. For example, Father 9
(F9) was so involved that he was a member of the coaching staff for his daughter‟s
team. But he did not try to control his children. Instead, he explained that:
There are certain limits and boundaries to what they [my children] can and
cannot do. There are expectations of how they should perform. I try to leave
decisions up to them, rather than enforcing what they can and can‟t do, should
or shouldn‟t do. I try to guide them so that they‟re making the decisions.
Autonomy-supportive parents also seemed to place minimal pressure on their
children to act in certain ways. F16 said, “We‟re trying to teach [daughter] to take
responsibility and control of situations.” The mother (Mother 16; M16) agreed
and explained how one day during the summer she involved her daughter in decision
making: “I said to her [daughter], „do you want to go rafting? You have to
decide by tomorrow, I‟m not pushing you to do anything you don‟t want to.‟ The
next day she [daughter] said, „I‟ll regret it [if I do not go rafting], and yeah, I want
to go.‟” Referring to her involvement in decision making, their child (Child 16;
C16) said that “yeah, Mom and Dad just try to keep me relaxed and not worry
about [things] and just encourage me [to make decisions] and give me confidence.”
Taken together, these data described several core characteristics of an autonomy supportive
parenting style (promoting personal autonomy, providing choice, supporting
decision making).
Another element of the autonomy-supportive style was providing appropriate
structure. It appeared that these parents provided structure in more autonomy granting
than in controlling ways. For example, M10 explained that “[We say],
„Here‟s the structure, and this is the way,‟ and then try to let them [children] move.
. . . Give them a structure and then, let, hopefully let them go.” Her child described
that she had learned to be autonomous and take responsibility for herself within
the structure that had been created by her parents. When she provided an example
in relation to general home environment, she said that she had learned to “spend
my money wisely and stuff like that. . . . I like personal responsibility. I would like
to do it myself instead of someone doing it for me.” When asked for another
example of this, C10 said that
well, my mom‟s been away and Dad‟s been at work, so I had to make sure
I got to [soccer] practice and make sure I have food and stuff like that, and
follow the schedule so that I don‟t miss something.
C10‟s reference to “the schedule” again suggested that she lived in a structured
household with clear and consistent guidelines. With further reference to
appropriate structure, F29 described his overall parenting styles as “firm but fair,”
and his wife elaborated by explaining that they
. . . bring structure and lead by the standards that we set out for our children
and expectations. So we give them a certain amount of freedom in their own
decision making but we like to have a lot of input as well if they need it.
Similarly, their child (C29) provided examples that reflected this balance
between structure and freedom and the fact that she could learn by her own mistakes.
She said, “Say I actually had a [bad] experience, and I didn‟t learn the life
lesson sort of example. Then they‟d [parents] tell me it [the life lesson] or remind
me the next time maybe.”
Autonomy-Supportive Parenting Practices
Parents who created an autonomy-supportive emotional climate also generally
used parenting practices in specific situations that were consistent with this general
approach. These parents were able to read their child’s mood and engaged in
open bidirectional communication. This exchange between two parents
revealed a consistency between their parenting practices. F27 said, “Yeah, if
I‟m driving her home from soccer . . . It‟s almost like she‟ll ask that [feedback] . . .
I know that you‟re not supposed to talk about that, any specifics on the ride home
. . . that‟s my one fault, I can‟t help it.” However, rather than this being a “fault”
of the father per se, his child actually reported that “Well, I like getting feedback
on what I‟ve been doing good and bad.” Her parents explained how they read their
child and provided feedback on her soccer performances:
M27: Between him [husband] and I, we might do that, [and say] “oh, that‟s
nice!” but we‟d wait until we‟re one on one with her, she would prefer that,
she prefers that, we prefer that. . . . If we didn‟t [provide feedback], then she‟ll
often, if she thinks she did something [wrong], then she‟ll bring it up. . . .
F27: Usually, try to do the sandwich approach, where you find two good
things and one bad, or needs improvement, and go through those after. So
you know, yeah, you made two great passes, you took the ball on the line, you
fired it up or whatever, but here‟s what you missed. . .
These examples showed that there were open lines of communication, a parenting
practice consistent with an autonomy-supportive style. In fact, only three
parents who were coded as autonomy-supportive (F3 and M/F32) did not report
being able to read their children‟s mood, and only one parent (F8) coded as autonomy-
supportive did not report being able to engage in open communication.
Overall then, autonomy-supportive parents seemed to recognize some of the better
times to speak to their child. Furthermore, children‟s willingness to engage in
open communication (e.g., asking for feedback) was in stark contrast to some of
the closed communication associated with the controlling families (see below).
Controlling Parenting Styles
Thirteen parents (from seven families) were coded as consistently using a controlling
parenting style. The typical profile of these families was represented by parents
being highly involved in their child‟s life in general and in sport, providing
little to no autonomy support, and engaging in controlling behaviors. For example,
these parents were involved in their child‟s lives in a manner that undermined
the child‟s autonomy. M4 said,
We‟re quite strict, we really are. We do have high expectations, the kids all
know that. Sometimes we can be hard on them. . . . You can always find things
they did wrong. . . . I‟m also not afraid to tell them when [it‟s] something that
they need to learn from.
This quote seemed to indicate a controlling style. The mother also revealed
how she was not afraid to confront her child, which is another characteristic of a
controlling approach. In a similar vein, her husband said,
You can‟t win if you don‟t put in the time and effort and practice. And so ten
minute [practice] drills. . . . At our house they are non-negotiable, you have
to do them. And it will be me or their mom. . . . We both have the same kinds
of expectations of them.
This quote from F4 referred to how he controlled his child by forcing her to
practice at home (the children on the team were expected to practice and perfect
three soccer moves by the end of the season). When we asked the child (C4) to
reflect on the way she interacted with her parents, she provided this rather bizarre
example. She said, “If you do something and maybe don‟t want to tell them [parents]
but you realize you have to. . . . Other times, you just lie or something, and
then they figure it out, and you are in trouble basically.” This suggests that within
the controlling climate created by the parents in this family the child had learned
to lie to avoid punishment.
Further examples of controlling parenting styles were obtained. M17 said
that her daughter was “not allowed to do things that lots of kids are allowed to do.
She‟s not allowed to go to the mall. . . . Like we don‟t let her out.” Furthermore,
this family controlled their child by removing her bedroom door from its hinges if
the child disobeyed their behavioral expectations. This is a controlling behavior
likely to induce guilt on the part of the child until the behavior matches the parents‟
Controlling Parenting Practices
In terms of more specific parenting practices, many of the controlling parents did
not appear to have open communication with their child in relation to soccer situations.
Eight parents (from five families) were not able to read the child’s mood,
and three parents from two families said that “sometimes” they were able to read
their child‟s mood. Only four parents from three families clearly reported that they
could engage in open bidirectional communication, but this included F4, who said
that he could only engage in open communication with his daughter when he was
providing positive feedback about soccer. Therefore, the general pattern was that
controlling parents were usually able neither to read their child‟s mood nor engage
in open bidirectional communication. For example, with reference to providing
feedback to his daughter, F2 said,
She doesn‟t like it [feedback]. We‟ll try and try and tell her stuff but she
doesn‟t like us to do that. She tells us or she‟ll just shut up. [She says], “I
don‟t want to talk about that.” So we try to give her feedback on a game or
we‟re trying to tell her something [but] she doesn‟t want to listen.
His daughter (C2) explained that her parents “try [our emphasis added] . . . to
tell me what I did right and wrong [after games]” but later in her interview she
said that her parents “should not yell as much and just let [me] play.”
One key distinction used to code controlling parenting styles was the presence
of control rather than structure. These parents set boundaries in a controlling
manner. For example, F22 said that “I think limits and boundaries around the kids
[are] very important to us.” However, he then referred to a dance class his daughter
had taken and he said, “I made her [emphasis added] stay for like half of the
year. I struggled with that one.” This example shows that the father controlled at
least one aspect of his daughter‟s behavior. His daughter talked about her dad
becoming over-involved during soccer games, which could be interpreted as him
making controlling comments. She described a time during the season when her
dad was yelling at the referee and she thought, “Oh my gosh, I can‟t believe
they‟re doing this. Why me? . . . Why is my parent doing this to me?”
Mixed Parenting Styles
Eleven parents from seven families were coded as having a mixed parenting style,
which involved elements of both autonomy support and control. Coding these
parents as one style or another would be an example of “forcing” the data (Strauss
& Corbin, 1998). Hence, two distinct aspects of a mixed parenting style were
identified—inconsistencies between parents‟ style and inconsistencies in parenting
practices across situations.
Inconsistencies Between Parents’ Style. This category involved one parent
adopting a more autonomy-supportive style and the other was more controlling.
For example, F24 said, “Well I‟m pretty . . . flexible is the word. Her mother is a
little bit rigid on things but overall quite flexible, but I‟ll pull her [daughter‟s]
leash back when she‟s gone too far.” The following example from M20 also
reflected some contradiction between her parenting style and the style she thought
her husband employed:
Interviewer (I): OK, um, and so we‟re moving into some questions about
your parenting style. So overall, how would you describe your approach to
M20: [laughing] I‟m the goofball.
I: And [name of husband] would be . . . ?
M20: [laughing] [He] flips out more easily [laughing]. It‟s not fair to say that
when he‟s not here to defend himself! [laughing]
I: OK. So, if you had to use a word to describe your parenting style, or the two
of you combined, what would it be?
M20: Well we‟re opposite. . . . I‟m the goofball and he‟s the one that will sit,
like at bedtime they‟ll be, you know, reading and we‟ll be giggling in bed and
if we hear [name of husband] coming up the stairs, [gasp] “Dad‟s coming!”
These examples reflected the point that some parents perceived they possessed
a parenting style that differed from the parenting style their spouse
Inconsistencies in Parenting Practices Across Situations. Adding more complexity
to this issue of consistency, these parents also provided examples whereby
they would use autonomy-supportive practices in certain situations, but controlling
practices in others. For example, M25 said, “I like to, um, I think it‟s really
important that they have space of their own. Like their bedrooms are their sanctuaries.
. . . We did a big reno on the house, you know, they picked their colours for
their rooms, I didn‟t pick them, they got what they wanted, they, they could set
their room up anyway they wanted.” This shows that she involved her children in
decision making and gave them autonomy. She went on to say, “I think it‟s important
that parents or others aren‟t controlling every aspect of their life and that they
have some control over certain aspects of their life,” which again reflected an
autonomy-supporting approach. However, she explained that in certain circumstances
she would in fact engage in more controlling practices. She said, “. . . like
about proper eating, for example. And so, if they want a cookie, yeah they can
have a cookie, but they have to have a piece of fruit first. . . . They like to eat at
Subway [fast-food sandwich restaurant], they get all vegetables on their sandwich
you know. . . . We‟re pretty strict with them.” Hence, it appeared that in some
circumstances this mother gave her children more autonomy, but in other circumstances
she was more controlling. This example shows how the specific practices
used by a parent could vary across situations.
Reciprocal Influence of Children on Parenting Styles
and Practices
Analyses revealed an unexpected finding indicating that children‟s behavior influenced
the styles and practices their parents used among 33 parents from 19 families. The general pattern was
that parents adopted a more autonomy supportive style once their children demonstrated that they could
take responsibility for their behavior. This may explain why reciprocal socialization was most often
reported by autonomy-supportive parents. These findings were based exclusively
on the parents‟ data. F10 provided an example of how his children influenced his
(and his wife‟s) parenting style:
I‟d say and I‟d have to lump my wife in on this as well. We talk about a lot of
things; we‟re fairly big on discipline. [But] we‟ve never had to be overly big
on it because with three girls that are filled with common sense we‟ve never
had to do too much. . . . I‟m not sure how that relates to soccer but parenting
style is pretty laid back as long as everything is working according to plan.
Similarly, F20 explained how his daughter had influenced his parenting
I guess what I‟ve learned is I‟ve kind of backed off a little bit from that and
understanding the fact that it‟s not necessarily the fact that she achieved the
goal. I think what I‟m finding as a parent is how we brought the child to that
goal is more important.
However, there were some examples of parents becoming controlling when
they thought they had provided too much freedom for their children. The following
quote from M19 exemplified this:
I mean [I am] learning with games, like Nintendo, we thought, we didn‟t
want to ban anything from the house. Like, some houses there‟s you know,
no video games, no guns, you know, not even toy guns, and we didn‟t want
to stigmatize those things, we wanted to expose them [our children] to those
things that naturally they would [experience]. When we did bring a Nintendo
into the house we thought the novelty would wear off. Well, he was like a
casino mentality, you know? The whole day, he [my son] would go without
food, so we had to put limits on it. . . . We said, “OK, if that‟s the way you‟re
going to be when you‟re off [Nintendo], you know what, it‟s going to be a
while before you get back on there.”
In addition to children influencing the general emotional climate that parents
created in the home, we also obtained some (limited) examples of parents learning
to changes their soccer-specific parenting practices in response to their child‟s
behavior. For example, M6 explained how she had learned to change her own
behaviors as a result of her interactions with her children. She said,
I‟ve learnt [that] most of the time you don‟t realize how hard you are on your
kids. . . . I learned from my youngest son when he was playing soccer and
. . . I didn‟t realize he could hear me right and I had said to him “ah come on
[son], you can run a little harder get that ball.” He turned around to me and
said, “you know, Mom, I‟m working as hard as I can out here, I can‟t work
any harder.” And I felt so bad after that, right? And so I thought “oh I won‟t
do that again.”
The purpose of this study was to examine parenting styles and practices in youth
sport. By adopting a broad perspective and examining multifaceted social interactions,
the findings of this study add to the extant youth sport literature (for further
discussion of these matters, see Horn & Horn, 2007). Indeed, findings supported
the complexity of youth sport parenting and the need to be sensitive to a range of
perceptions and behaviors rather than single variables in isolation. The importance
of considering youth sport parenting within the social milieu of family life
was highlighted. Finally, information about the reciprocal influence of children on
their parents‟ parenting styles was revealed and suggests an important area of
Some parents were highly involved without being controlling, were autonomy
supportive, and provided appropriate structure. Alternatively, other parents
were highly involved but controlling, did little to support their children‟s autonomy,
and provided little appropriate structure. Grolnick (2003), drawing on propositions
associated with self-determination theory (Deci & Ryan, 1985), suggested
that children from autonomy-supportive families are more self-determined and
intrinsically motivated than children from controlling families. This prediction
has been supported in the general psychology literature (e.g., Deci, Driver, Hotchkiss,
Robbins, & Wilson, 1993). There is also support for the motivational benefits
of autonomy-supportive practices among coaches in youth sport (e.g., Gagné et
al., 2003; Goudas et al., 1995) and teachers in physical education classes (Morgan
et al., 2005; Ntoumanis, 2001; Standage et al., 2005). Hence, theory and research
suggest that autonomy-supportive parenting is more beneficial for enhancing children‟s
and adolescents‟ well-being and intrinsic motivation than controlling parenting.
However, because we did not assess these child-level outcomes, this interpretation
must be treated with caution and provides a direction for future
Although the majority of data were coded into autonomy-supportive versus
controlling parenting styles, a mixed parenting style category was also reported.
Two issues were identified. The first issue related to a mother and a father reporting
different styles. This highlights a methodological challenge facing researchers.
Studies of parenting styles have typically grouped both parents into a predominant
style, but if each parent uses a different approach this has implications
for measurement. The current study therefore supports the need to disaggregate
parenting styles to uncover the unique effects of specific aspects of parenting that
may vary between parents (Barber, Bean, & Erickson, 2001; Silk, Morris, Kanaya,
& Steinberg, 2003).
The second issue referred to inconsistencies in parenting practices used across
situations. For example, autonomy-supportive parents sometimes used controlling
practices to influence their children‟s behavior. Differences in the specific practices
parents employ may be a result of particular situational demands. That is, in
certain situations (e.g., talking with their children about nutrition) autonomy-supportive
parents may use controlling practices that contrast to their overall style.
Such subtle variations between parenting styles/practices reflect the complex
social interactions that must be assessed in order to understand the effect of parenting
on children‟s development. Again, these findings support the need to disaggregate
parenting styles, not only between parents but also across situations
(Barber et al., 2001; Silk et al., 2003).
An unexpected finding concerned the reciprocal influence of children on their
parents. At a general level, Weiss and Hayashi (1995) found that children‟s
involvement in gymnastics had positive implications for family interactions. Parents
reported that they committed a large amount of time and finances as a result
of their children‟s gymnastics involvement, and thought that their children‟s participation
positively influenced their attendance at meets, reading sport literature,
watching sport on television, and their own physical activity. At a situation-specific
level, Holt, Tamminen, Black, Sehn, and Wall (2008) found that parents‟
verbal reactions during soccer games changed in response to aspects of their children‟s
performances. Parents experienced empathy through sharing the emotions
their children felt in sport, and these emotions appeared to change in relation to
dynamic game and contextual circumstances. The current findings extended previous
research by revealing that children may actually influence parenting styles
and practices.
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... Indeed, those parents low in kindness while being highly controlling (authoritarian), provided little supportive and appropriate structure. This result is consistent with the findings of Maccoby & Martin, and also supports the selfdetermination theory, which states that in autonomy-supportive families, children are more selfdetermined and motivated than those in controlling families (Holt et al, 2009). ...
... For example, alcohol abuse was higher among adolescents who perceived low parental control, and the children of authoritative parents were less likely to use illicit substances than those of neglectful parents. Another found that adolescents who rated their parents more highly on these dimensions had lower tobacco, alcohol and 'other drug' consumption (Holt et al, 2009). ...
... These results are in agreement with Holt, Tamminen, Black, Mandigo, and Fax (2009) who reported that, the parenting style is one of the factors in adolescence that can have a great deal with the life stylish habitual behaviors in the life span. Indeed, those parents low in kindness while being highly controlling (authoritarian), provided little supportive and appropriate structure. ...
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The article provides a comprehensive survey of 13–14-year-old boys who engaged in canoe slalom. The most informative indicators were revealed, a rower model was formed, based on morphological and functional indicators and somatotypes. At present, when selecting promising canoe slalom athletes, coaches mainly rely on pedagogical criteria, focus on the speed of mastering rowing techniques, take into account the intensity of the progression of sports results and the levels of formation of specific physical abilities. Physique is one of the most important determinants of success in rowing. The discrepancy between the indices of morphological development and the proper characteristics forces athletes to compensate for this deficiency by forcing the work of other body systems. In conditions of competitive activity, when the athlete's body is in a state of extreme tension of all functional systems, such compensation causes additional waste of energy, which, in turn, leads to a decrease in his reserve capabilities. Our survey of 13 and 14-year-old boys engaged in canoe slalom made it possible to form a certain rower model based on morphological and functional indicators and to determine the somatotypes (constitutional types) of rowers. For canoe slalom, you should select young athletes of taller stature and with a longer body (excess height is provided due to the body length). Canoe slalom athletes should have smaller thigh girth and larger shoulder girth. It was found that the majority of the examined canoe slalom athletes of 13-14 years old were attributed to the average and above average level of morphological development.
Sports can significantly influence the lives of those who play them. Psychosocial outcomes such as values, skills, self-esteem, and goal setting are some of the referenced benefits associated with playing sports and are the result of athletes being exposed to situations in an environment that is favorable to learning. Due to the abundant nature of sports in the United States, there is a growing need to understand how to effectively create environments that are conducive to positive outcomes. However, such results and experiences are often anecdotally supported rather than scientifically driven. Therefore, the purpose of this dissertation was two-fold. First, it looked to develop and validate a reliable measure (i.e., Learned Lessons in Sport; LLS) to assess athlete’s perceptions that participating in sports led to their learning of valuable skills that transcend the sporting context. Second, it attempts to provide an empirical explanation and model to discern and assess how coaches’ communication affects a set of variables acting on learned lessons in sport. The designed measure and models serve to demonstrate the inherently communicative nature of sport and athlete development and identify the intersection of individual development and human growth that is the effect of playing sports. Using factor analytic techniques and serial mediation, three studies were conducted. Results of Study One (N = 207) and Study Two (N = 206), via exploratory factor analytics and confirmatory factor analytics, successfully developed and validated the LLS scale that assesses an athlete’s perception of their learning lessons through sport. The third study (N = 636) proposed and tested a model to demonstrate how coaches’ communication significantly affects a set of variables, such as values, orientation, and attitudes, that act on learned lessons via serial mediation. Results of Study Three support the proposed relationships but the data was not an overall good fit for the model and a revised model is proposed. Overall, this dissertation contributes to the growing field of sport communication and provides implications for stakeholders invested in creating meaningful environments for athletes to compete in.
The present study explored factors potentially influencing parental involvement. A total of 1260 parents (Mage = 43.54, SD = 5.10) completed an online form including demographic questions, questions on their children’s sport participation, and three self-report measures (Parental Involvement in Sport Questionnaire (PISQ), Competitive State Anxiety Inventory 2 (CSAI-2), and Perceived Autonomy Support Scale for Exercise Setting (PASSES)). Possible predictors of the four assessed types of parental involvement were tested with hierarchical linear regression models. The significant predictors were the parent’s gender, her/his sporting experience (or the lack thereof), and the child’s current stage of sport participation. Furthermore, significant associations were found between directive parental behavior and state anxiety and between parental praise/understanding and autonomy support, which were independent of the parent’s gender and sporting experience, and of the child’s age and sport injuries. The obtained results expand the existing knowledge of the complexity of parents’ importance in children’s sport career.
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Interpersonal relationships exist in many forms within the sport environment. Athlete performance and career direction, at times, depend on their formed sport relationships. Positive and negative interpersonal relationships among the coach, the athlete, and the parent affects many athletes’ behavioral outcomes, such as continued participation. Our research aimed to understand whether the positive and negative processes in the coach, athlete, and parent interpersonal relationships depend on athletes’ sex, age, family composition, sport experience, and the type of sport. To achieve our research purpose, 632 volunteer student-athletes (aged 11–19) completed our survey. Our survey included the Positive and Negative Processes in the Coach–Athlete–Parent (PNPCAP) relationship scale and demographics (i.e., sex, age, family composition, years in competitive sport, and sport type). The study results revealed that positive processes, as measured by the positive PNPCAP subscale, were invariant to our categorical variables. However, participants’ self-ratings of negative PNPCAP-measured processes depended upon sex, sport type, and family makeup. Significant (p < 0.05) two-way interactions revealed boys involved in individual sports and residing without their parents or with one self-reported a higher level of the negative processes. The calculated effect size values with the other groupings were mostly medium in magnitude. The third significant two-way interaction resulted for sport type by family makeup. This two-way interaction revealed individual sport participants without or residing with one parent reported higher levels of negative processes. The effect size values were a mix of small and medium in meaningfulness. In conclusion, while positive Coach–Athlete–Parent processes appear invariant to our measured categorical variables, sex, sport type, and family makeup moderated the negative processes. Further research, such as mixed methods, is required to best understand and provide direction for intervention research to reduce negative processes in youth sport.
The goal of this research was to know whether there are differences in parental educational styles depending on gender in athletes and parents, the level of sports success (local successes, national successes and international successes) and the competition level (local competition, national competition and international competition). The sample was made up of 357 Spanish athletes. An ad hoc sociodemographic questionnaire, the Multifactor Self-Assessment Test of Child Adjustment (TAMAI) and the Oviedo Scale of Infrequency of Response (INF-OV), were used to measure the different variables. Results showed that women athletes perceived more protective fathers and men perceived more authoritarian mothers. MANOVA analyses revealed that no gender differences were found depending on the competition level and the level of success. In conclusion, fathers should be aware that they unconsciously can be more protective with girls, otherwise , mothers can be more authoritarian with boys. Thus, these results should be considered by practitioners to create programs to intervene with parents depending on athlete's gender differences.
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This study assessed three dimensions of parent style, autonomy support, involvement, and provision of structure in 64 mothers and 50 fathers of elementary-school children in Grades 3–6, using a structured interview. Construct validity data for the interview ratings suggested that the three parent dimensions were reliable, relatively independent, and correlated with other parent measures in hypothesized ways. Aspects of children's self-regulation and competence were measured through children's reports, teacher ratings, and objective indices. Parental autonomy support was positively related to children's self-reports of autonomous self-regulation, teacher-rated competence and adjustment, and school grades and achievement. Maternal involvement was related to achievement, teacher-rated competence, and some aspects of behavioral adjustment, but no significant relations were obtained for father involvement. The structure dimension was primarily related to children's control understanding. Results are discussed in terms of the motivational impact of the parent on school competence and adjustment and in terms of transactional models of influence. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Despite broad consensus about the effects of parenting practices on child development, many questions about the construct parenting style remain unanswered. Particularly pressing issues are the variability in the effects of parenting style as a function of the child's cultural background, the processes through which parenting style influences the child's development, and the operationalization of parenting style. Drawing on historical review, the authors present a model that integrates 2 traditions in socialization research, the study of specific parenting practices and the study of global parent characteristics. They propose that parenting style is best conceptualized as a context that moderates the influence of specific parenting practices on the child. It is argued that only by maintaining the distinction between parenting style and parenting practice can researchers address questions concerning socialization processes. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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This study investigated the effects of different teaching styles on the teaching behaviours that influence motivational climate and pupils' cognitive and affective responses in physical education. Four (two male, two female) initial teacher education (ITE) students and 92 pupils (47 boys, 45 girls), from two schools in the UK, partici-pated in the study. The student teachers were filmed teaching three lessons each, adopting a different teaching style for each. The teaching styles (command/practice, reciprocal and guided discovery) were selected from Mosston and Ashworth's spectrum. The teaching behaviours were measured using a computer-coding system devised for Ames's guidelines on how to create a mastery climate. Focus groups were conducted to examine the pupils' cognitive and affective responses. Results revealed that the reciprocal and guided discovery styles resulted in more mastery and less performance focused teaching behaviours and more adaptive cognitive and affective responses than the command/practice style.
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It is widely acknowledged that Physical Education (PE) can play a potentially important role in enhancing public health by creating positive attitudes toward exercise and by promoting health-related fitness programmes. However, these initiatives will have limited success if students are not motivated to participate actively in their PE lessons. A sequence of motivational processes, proposed by Vallerand (1997), was tested in this study. The sequence has the form 'social factors-->psychological mediators-->types of motivation-->consequences'. Participants were 424 British students aged 14-16 years from Northwest England. Questionnaires were used to measure cooperative learning, self-referenced improvement, and choice of tasks (social factors), perceived competence, autonomy, and relatedness (psychological mediators), intrinsic motivation, identification, introjection, external regulation, and amotivation (types of motivation), and boredom, effort, and future intention to exercise (consequences). A SEM analysis showed that perceived competence was the major psychological mediator. Intrinsic motivation was related to positive consequences, whereas external regulation and amotivation were predictors of negative consequences. A multisample analysis indicated that the model was largely invariant across gender. The findings underline the importance of perceived competence and intrinsic motivation in compulsory PE.
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Individual participation in athletics was examined as a representative achievement-oriented activity in which perceived parental support and pressure influence adolescents' perceptions of themselves and their performance. Adolescent tennis players attending one of the three regional tennis academies indicated their perceptions of the quality of their parents' involvement in their tennis participation, their enjoyment of tennis participation, their self-esteem, and their feelings of burnout associated with tennis participation. Both females and males perceived similar levels of support from their mother and father; however, females perceived greater support from both parents than did males. Males perceived higher levels of pressure from their father than from their mother, whereas females perceived similar levels of pressure from both their father and mother. For both females and males, perceived parental support was positively associated with enjoyment of tennis participation and self-esteem. The findings are discussed as evidence of a general association between adolescents' perceptions of their parents' involvement in their achievement-oriented activities and their enjoyment of such activities and self-perception of abilities associated with those activities.
This study examined psychological correlates of performance in youth wrestlers by replicating and extending the findings of Scanlan et al. (18). A secondary purpose was to replicate and extend work on antecedents of pre- and postcompetitive state anxiety. A total of 202 youth wrestlers, ages 13 and 14, completed a background questionnaire assessing demographic characteristics, trait anxiety, achievement orientations, and characteristic prematch cognitions prior to participating in an age-group wrestling tournament. Prematch performance expectancies and prematch state anxiety were also assessed 10 to 20 minutes before Rounds 1 and 2 of the tournament. Postmatch assessments of satisfaction and state anxiety were conducted immediately after both bouts. Results partially replicated those of Scanlan et al. (18), that is, wrestlers who performed best had more years of experience and higher prematch performance expectancies. Pre- and postmatch competitive state anxiety antecedent variables of trait anxiety, prem...
This study examined the interrelationships between young athletes’ and parents’ personal and perceived goal orientations in sport. Forty-three boys and 34 girls who were involved in a summer basketball camp completed the Task and Ego Orientation in Sport Questionnaire (TEOSQ) with respect to their own dispositional goal perspective in basketball and their perceptions of the goal orientation of the parent who was most involved with their basketball participation. The parents (55 mothers and 21 fathers) responded to the TEOSQ in tenns of their personal goal orientation and their perceptions of the goal orientation held by their child in basketball. Results revealed no significant correlations between children’s and parents’ self-reported task and ego orientation. Children’s goal orientation was significantly related to their views concerning the goal orientation adopted by their patents. The implications of these findings for understanding the socialization of sport goal orientations are discussed.
Objectives: Based on ecological systems theory [Bronfenbrenner, U. (2005). Making human beings human: Bioecological perspectives on human development. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage], the purpose of this study was to examine parents' involvement in competitive youth sport settings. Design: Data were collected through two distinct phases of fieldwork. Phase 1 involved longitudinal data collection with four families. Phase 2 involved observations of youth soccer settings. Method: Data were collected from four families via individual interviews and audio-diaries and were supplemented through 120 h of observation. Data were transcribed verbatim and analyzed using grounded theory methodology. Results: Parents' verbal reactions to their children's sport performance behaviors were placed on a continuum moving from more supportive to more controlling comments. These comments were categorized as praise/encouragement, performance contingent feedback, instruction, striking a balance, negative comments, and derogatory comments. Parents experienced empathy in that they perceived sharing the emotions their children felt in sport, and these emotions appeared to change in relation to dynamic game and contextual circumstances. Parents also thought that they possessed knowledge and expertise of sport, which they perceived enabled them to make comments to their children. Conclusion: A series of reciprocal and bi-directional relationships were central to parents' involvement in competitive youth sport.
An overview of the Family Socialization and Developmental Competence longitudinal program of research (FSP) is followed by a presentation of the hypotheses and findings pertaining to family patterns as determinants of adolescent competence, and of types of adolescent substance users. Data include clusters derived from comprehensive ratings of parents and their children completed independently within- and across-time periods at ages 4, 9, and 15 years. At Time 3 (T3), the sample included 139 adolescents and their parents from a predominantly affluent, well-educated, Caucasian population. Parenting types were identified that differ on the bases of commitment and balance of demandingness and responsiveness. Authoritative parents who are highly demanding and highly responsive were remarkably successful in protecting their adolescents from problem drug use, and in generating competence. Authoritative upbringing, although sufficient, is not a necessary condition to produce competent children. Casual recreational drug use was not associated with pathological attributes, either precursive or concurrent, although nonusers showed an increment in competence from Time 2 (T2) to Time 3 (T3).
This article explores the relationship between parental psychological control and parental autonomy granting, and the relations between these constructs and indicators of adolescent psychosocial functioning, in a sample of 9,564 adolescents from grades 9 to 12. Participants completed a comprehensive parenting questionnaire as well as several measures of psychosocial adjustment. Confirmatory factor analyses of the parenting items revealed discrete factors for psychological control and autonomy granting, suggesting that these are distinct parenting constructs rather than opposite ends of a parental control continuum. Moreover, structural equation modeling showed that these factors were weakly correlated and differentially related to adolescent internalizing symptoms. Findings have implications for future conceptualization and measurement of psychological control and autonomy granting, and for research examining their effects on adolescent development.