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Sierra Otomí Religious Symbolism: Mankind Responding to the Natural World


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Published In Mesas and Cosmologies in Mesoamerica. Edited by Douglas Sharon. Pp 25-31. San Diego, CA: San Diego Museum of Man. 2003.
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Douglas Sharon, ed., Mesas & Cosmologies in Middle America. San Diego Museum Papers 42, 2003.
Central and Northern Mexico
Sierra Otomí Religious Symbolism:
Mankind Responding to the Natural World
James W. Dow
y goal is to view the symbolic world of the
Sierra Otomí. I will look at the most pub-
lic symbols in their religion and then examine the
native concepts that lie behind them. These inter-
pretations were developed during more than 30
years studying and writing about their culture.
The Sierra Otomí are a cultural group of
Mesoamerican Indians who live in the mountains
to the northeast of Mexico City. Although not of-
ten stated, the difficulty that Euro-Mexicans have
with the Otomí language has inhibited the under-
standing of the group. This situation is now be-
ing corrected by a more intense effort to study
the language and culture (e.g., Bernard and Sali-
nas Pedraza 1989, Lastra 2001). As an illustration
of the problems created by the language one can
cite the issue of pronouncing the correct name of
the linguistic group. The proper name is “Ñähñu.”
In the International Phonetic Alphabet Ñähñu is
written as nanu and is derived from “na” mean-
ing “word” or “speech” and nu meaning “nose.”
Thus Ñähñu means “nasal word” or “the nasal
language.” European language speakers have dif-
ficulty recognizing and pronouncing the voiceless
palatal nasal n in this word. It is pronounced by
putting the tongue to the roof of the mouth and
expelling air without sounding the vocal chords.
The Ñähñu people have a very old culture that
predates the Aztecs. Most of the speakers of
Ñähñu live in the highlands. The culture there
was changed most radically by the Spanish be-
cause it was a region of haciendas during the co-
lonial period. The haciendas lasted through the
19th century. However, the hacienda system did
not reach into the mountains to the east where
the sierra branch of this group lives. Figure 1
shows the location of the Sierra Ñähñu in 1990.
There were approximately 49,300 speakers of
Ñähñu there in 2001.
The Sierra Ñähñu population is located in the
states of Hidalgo (28,300) and in adjacent regions
of the states of Puebla (5,900) and Veracruz
Although the Indians are the largest eth-
nic group in some municipios, the municipio gov-
ernments are usually controlled by smaller Span-
ish-speaking elites.
Profits to be made from trade,
cattle ranching, and coffee production have at-
tracted such elites into the sierra. The Indians are
the poorest segment of this multi-ethnic society.
Municipio government usually represents the in-
terests of a town-dwelling mestizo elite.
In the 16th century, Augustinian monks
brought the Holy Catholic Church to the area and
attempted to evangelize the Indians. The Augus-
tinian chronicler Esteban García (1918) reported
that the Sierra Ñähñu were still worshiping their
own idols in the 17th century after considerable
effort by the Augustinians to convert them. When
I first went to study the area in 1967, the Catho-
lic Church in Tutotepec was still unable to attract
the Indian population. The Catholics had of-
fended the Ñähñu by deprecating some of their
most sacred idols. Even today Catholic ideas and
customs are only part of the native religion. Al-
though the Augustinian monks left in the 18th
century, leaving behind many buildings, only a
26 James W. Dow
partial impression of Roman Catholicism re-
mained. Today, because it is the religion of the
powerful classes and, hence, the most politically
correct religion, Catholicism in the region is more
visible to outsiders. This makes it an excellent
entry point for our view of Sierra Ñähñu religion.
Each municipio has a parish church with a resi-
dent priest. The church is located in the capital
town (cabecera) of the municipio. Sometimes the
Bishop will visit the parish church to baptize in-
fants and in general show support by the priestly
hierarchy. People, especially the townsfolk, appre-
ciate his presence because it lends status to their
municipio. But the Bishop never—and the priest
seldom—visits the other communities in the
municipio, the pueblos and rancherías. However, the
pueblos do have churches left over from the evan-
gelizing work of the Augustinians. For example,
the pueblo of San Pablo El Grande in the municipio
of Tenango de Doria, Hidalgo, has an old church,
the origins of which seem to be in the 17th cen-
tury. During the annual fiesta of Saint Paul (San
Pablo) the doorway of the church is festooned with
leaves and flower images. An image of Saint Paul
is kept inside and is paraded around the village
with other images in the evenings of the fiesta
Figure 1. The area occupied by the Sierra Ñähñu
Sierra Otomí Religious Symbolism: Mankind Responding to the Natural World
image. However, the prestige created by the con-
spicuous public spending of mayordomos some-
times overshadows that of the padrinos in larger
communities. The San Pablo church has three im-
ages on the main altar: the Virgin of Guadalupe,
Saint Paul (San Pablo), and Saint Peter (San Pedro).
Two Christ (Cristo) images in niches on opposite
walls flank the main altar.
In 1990, the village elders appointed only
three mayordomos, one each for the images on the
main altar. They promised to make the offerings
and to hold feasts to honor their saints. The ritu-
als for the Cristos were supported by public con-
tributions, not by a single mayordomo. This situa-
tion illustrates a change in religion that is taking
place throughout the Sierra Ñähñu area. Men are
no longer willing to bear all the expenses of spon-
soring a pueblo image as a mayordomo. In the past,
each image had several ranked mayordomos, and
men vied to be allowed to accept this honor of
sponsorship. But the economy has changed and
along with it the religion. Wages are coming into
the communities from migrants who go as far
away as the United States to earn money. At
home, this largess can be well invested in houses
or land, so the urge to capture prestige by spon-
soring a public image has diminished. San Pablo
has solved this problem by opening up mayordomo
sponsorship to ambitious young men who have
earned enough excess wealth that they can afford
to spend some of it on public displays. In previous
years, mayordomoships only went to the older and
respected conservative members of the community.
In the background, however, today the older men
watch over the fiesta to make sure that the village
saints are well treated, hence, the community sup-
port for rituals for the two Cristos who would oth-
erwise be neglected. In other Sierra Ñähñu pueblos,
the changing economy and the pressure to spend
all one’s wealth on religious fiestas has encour-
aged the growth of Protestant sects that have re-
duced expenditures on fiestas (Dow 2001).
Mobile altars on which the three saints are car-
ried stand at the back of the church. They are
decorated with flower fans and stalks of corn. The
fiesta takes place each year when the corn is just
beginning to ripen and when the fresh ears (elotes)
can be eaten. It is a festive time. In the evening,
the images are taken from the church on their
mobile altars to enjoy the fireworks outside with
the people. They are lit by candlelight on the hill
next to the plaza and wait with their supporters
days. There is a cross associated with this church,
but it is not inside. It is outside the church and is
decorated with a large flower design made of
palm leaves (see Figure 2) during fiestas. Crosses
are important symbols for the Sierra Ñähñu, but
they always are covered with flowers and foliage
during rituals, so much so, that they look more
like the pre-Columbian foliated cross than the
Christian cross. The cross with its flower decora-
tions actually symbolizes Jesus and God Sun to-
gether. Every holy building, church and oratory
(oratorio), has a cross associated with it. A small
private oratorio may have its cross inside on the
wall opposite the altar, but a larger oratorio or
church will display its cross more prominently,
outside and in front, on its own altar. So stands
the cross of the San Pablo church.
Appointed officials, mayordomos, care for the
images that belong to the pueblo as a whole. Ev-
ery image also has a padrino (godfather), but if the
image is owned by a family, no mayordomo is nec-
essary, because the owners and the padrino share
the leadership of the fiesta. I have been told that
the padrino is the most important steward of an
Figure 2. The Cross and Sun-Flower in front of the San Pablo
28 James W. Dow
grow. Animals would not move. Sierra Ñähñu
shamans are experts who study and understand
this other dimension, the dimension of zaki.
Shamans study the hidden nature of zaki and
are respected for their work, which may involve
visionary contact with unseen beings. Not all that
happens in the world of zaki is good. Sorcerers
are the incompetent fools who try to manipulate
these forces for selfish ends. Shamans say that
sorcerers outnumber good folk. I have not met
any sorcerers, but they are not likely to reveal
themselves. One must seek out sorcerers secretly,
because if other members of the community
found one doing this there would be serious re-
percussions. They are not an easy group to study.
I know that sorcery exists because I have found
sorcery figures by the Tenango graveyard. Figure
3 shows one of these figures. It has been burned
and the eye and feet have been mutilated. The
intent here was to destroy the zaki of the person
by attracting it and mutilating it near the grave-
yard where the souls of those who have died a
bad death would attack it.
Shamans have to fight these evil forces. Don
Antonio is a shaman who works in the municipio
of Tenango de Doria (Dow 1986). The following
items for the fight can be found on his altar.
(1) Paper figures representing the zaki of a pa-
tient (see Figure 4). Around the edges of the hu-
man figure are the figures of the patient’s animal
companions, his rogi.
(2) Plant and flower offerings.
(3) Long candles to illuminate the evening of-
fering to the gods.
(4) Votive candles for the altar.
(5) The shaman’s wands covered with ribbons
and paper figures. These attract the zaki of tute-
lary beings that help the shaman in his visions.
(6) A chest containing antiguas, two of which
are the special teachers of the shaman.
(7) A censer used to activate the figures and
offerings and to divine solutions for problems.
A shaman, too has his or her oratory. Here, he
or she conducts healing rituals on a daily basis
and, from time to time, rituals for the adoration
of the traditional deities, the non-Catholic ones.
Before a ritual of adoration, called a costumbre, the
shaman will divine how many offerings are re-
quired. Many unseen beings participate as well.
Don Antonio puts it this way:
When you make a costumbre there in your
land, and as you remember your friends, call
to see the fireworks ordered by the mayordomos.
A tower of fireworks (castillo) bursts with an as-
cending fumarole of sparks, smoke, and noise to
reach a crowning pinwheel that sails off into the
night sky.
This public view of religion appears some-
what Catholic; however, when one looks at what
people believe and practice in their homes, some-
thing different emerges. One sees an animistic
view of the world that is closely attuned to na-
ture. For example, away from the church in San
Pablo another scene takes place. Men sit in front
of a oratory all day, drinking, chatting, and me-
ticulously making flower offerings to be laid in
front of the images in the church. It is a particu-
larly auspicious place for men to gather, for in-
side the oratory are other images belonging to an
old family in the pueblo.
Oratories are small buildings built very care-
fully to be the homes of religious images. Of all
cultural features beyond language, this is the one
that most closely links the Sierra Ñähñu to their
Ñähñu brethren in the rest of the highlands. Oth-
erwise, the current religion of the Sierra Ñähñu
bears a closer resemblance to the religions of the
Tepehua and Nahua than it does to the religion of
the highland Ñähñu, who have assimilated more
of the post-colonial Spanish-speaking culture.
A well-off Sierra Ñähñu family will build an
oratory to house its most precious images. They
may be of Catholic saints, but they may also be
images of non-Catholic beings. These other pre-
cious images are called antiguas or ancients, an
appropriate name because some of them are pre-
Columbian in origin. These antiguas have their
own myths of power. Shamans are able to iden-
tify them and pass on their names. The Catholic
priest in Tutotepec in the 1960s failed to recog-
nize people’s belief in these images thus causing
many people to become angry with him and the
Catholic Church in general. In the Indian lan-
guage, all the beings whose images are kept in
oratories and churches are known as zidãhmu, “re-
spected great lords.” The images are the points
in space to which the life force of the beings are
called by ritual.
The concept of life force (zaki) is probably the
most important idea in Sierra Ñähñu religion.
Zaki is an animating force that brings all living
things to life. Without zaki the world would be a
dead place. Nothing would change. The sun
would not move in the sky. Plants would not
Sierra Otomí Religious Symbolism: Mankind Responding to the Natural World
them to the meal with the censer. Put incense
in the embers four times, and the spirits of
your friends will arrive. Even though they’re
sleeping and far away, they’ll come. The
spirit of someone does not sleep. They’ll not
delay in arriving. Just think of them and
they’ll come. My friends number 60. I’ve se-
Figure 3. A Sorcery Figure.
Figure 4. A Figure of the
of a Patient with Animal
lected those who are good. I call only upon
them and not on bad friends. So, all will come
to the costumbre, and all will share with me
[Dow 1986:73].
The ritual of adoration is just one of the many
traditional rituals. The Sierra Ñähñu are noted for
their use of paper figures in these rituals (Sandstrom
and Sandstrom 1986). The paper figures represent
the zaki of the beings that are addressed. The sha-
man gains some power over the beings by ma-
nipulating the figures. Let us take a particular
case, the healing of a sick patient. The patient can
be healed magically at a distance, but usually he
or she comes to the oratory of the shaman. He or
she sits in the oratory for a while to personally
pray to the shaman’s zidãhmu, whose images are
on the altar. Then, the shaman comes in for a con-
sultation not just with the patient but with other
unseen beings. Don Antonio puts it this way:
A shaman never has to ask someone else
about a illness. The little virgin (an antigua
called Delfina) I have here tells me every-
thing about an illness. No matter what time
30 James W. Dow
of day it is, she informs me that patients will
be coming. She gives me the information as
if it were a dream. When I look like I’m rest-
ing or catnapping, she’s telling me how to do
one thing or another. So everything is de-
tailed. So always remember there is nothing
to worry about. There in your consciousness
everything will be left [Dow 1986:55].
Inside a chest on the altar, Don Antonio has
an image of Delfina, one of his two most impor-
tant antiguas. The image has a tiny porcelain fe-
male face, which seems to have come from an
antique doll. A patient may be allowed to hold
this image with the hope of receiving some of the
healing power of this miraculous tutelary being.
After the consultation, a paper figure repre-
senting the zaki of the patient may be left on the
altar to receive the protection of the beings that
arrive there. If the patient has been attacked by
evil winds (dahi), a cleaning (hokwi) is required.
The shaman cuts figures of the evil winds from
tissue paper and lays them out on a bed of tissue
paper and newspaper. If the sickness is particu-
larly bad, the shaman may see that the evil winds
have been commanded by a higher evil being
who was bribed by a sorcerer. In this case, an ap-
peal also needs to be made to this being. A hokwi
that makes an additional appeal to higher evil
beings is called the “large” hokwi. Otherwise it is
just the “regularhokwi.
Santa Catarina is one of these beings. I was
never able to determine where its name came
from. It is a male monster that is aided by evil
companion animals. In a large hokwi involving
Santa Catarina, the figures of the evil animal com-
panions are then tied to the figure of Santa
Catarina. The “altar” on which these figures are
placed is the dirt floor of the house. They would
never be placed on the raised altar, for that is for
good beings. They are surrounded by candles and
threads with magical powers that prevent the zaki
from escaping the encirclement. They are offered
money, rum, and cigarettes to attract the zaki into
the circle. After the offerings have been made, the
bundle is wrapped and passed over the patient,
other persons present, the house, and its furnish-
ings. Because the zaki of these beings are danger-
ous, the bundle is thrown away after the patients
and house have been swept clean with it. I was
able to photograph the figures before the cer-
emony began, because they had not started to at-
tract zaki at that time. They have to be bathed in
the smoke of the censer and sprinkled with the
blood of a sacrificial chicken before they begin
their work.
There are many other evil beings that can com-
mand the evil winds such as Lightning Bolt and
The Devil. Traditional bark paper is used for the
worst beings. The tradition of making bark pa-
per has continued among the Sierra Ñähñu in or-
der to supply shamans with the material they
need to cut figures of evil beings. Plain writing
paper and tinseled paper are used for the zaki of
the good beings. The Sierra Ñähñu of San Pablito
have also started a business selling the paper to
outsiders through handicraft markets. Outsiders
evaluate the paper in a reverse fashion. They be-
lieve the handmade bark paper, closely resem-
bling pre-Columbian paper, to be the most valu-
able. Yet these beliefs in evil beings provide a ra-
tionale and a means for psychologically escaping
some of the hardships of life, a very valuable cul-
tural trait in itself. If shamans did not have the
bark paper, they would not be able to do their
good work.
An animistic view of the world underlies all
the rituals and symbolism of the Sierra Ñähñu
religion. Everything that has zaki is a being, and
beings are ranked by the power of their zaki. The
most powerful being of all is Maka Hyãdi (God
Sun) who transmits his powerful zaki to all liv-
ing beings below him. On the top of a nearby sa-
cred mountain, Maka Hyãdi is worshiped at a
shrine of crosses. Maka Hyãdi and Jesus are re-
garded as the same, and the foliated cross is his
symbol. Thus Christianity has entered the religion
at the top. However it is the historical Maka Hyãdi
who governs the cosmology not the historical
Jesus. This religion is very ecological, for accord-
ing to modern science, the sun is the primary
source of energy for all life on earth. Another life-
giving god is Maka Sumpe Dehe (Goddess Lady
Water). Again, Sierra Ñähñu cosmology recognizes
the fundamental sources of life in the biosphere.
Animals have a lesser zaki than humans with
one exception, the animal companions called rogi.
These are thought to be real animals with super-
natural protective power to help other beings,
especially humans, to whom they belong. They
are born at the same time as their human com-
panions and they protect them throughout their
Thus, the religion relates people to nature. It
evolved from centuries of living close to nature
Sierra Otomí Religious Symbolism: Mankind Responding to the Natural World
in a subsistence-based agricultural economy. Al-
though it is a profound expression of the relation-
ship between humans and the natural world, it
would be a mistake to equate it with modernistic
Euro-American environmental concepts. It does
not contain an ethic of technological conservation
or sustainability. It is a religious rather than tech-
nical solution. It sees humans as part of a web of
life with moral imperatives that are different from
those being generated by scientific biological ecol-
ogy. It tries to solve ecological problems through
ritual rather than through technological change.
The Sierra Ñähñu rituals do have some mate-
rial consequences that help to regulate the human
environmental ecosystem such as those discov-
ered by Rappaport in New Guinea (Rappaport
1967). For example, only the best seeds are se-
lected to present to Maka Hyãdi in the spring fer-
tility ritual.
Thus ritual supports good plant
breeding. However, it has failed to control human
population. The area is now overpopulated rela-
tive to the agricultural resources and conse-
quently suffers from high rates of poverty. So al-
though we as humans build these spiritual links
to nature and to ourselves, modern science still
has something to tell us about our actions and our
End Notes
1. This map was produced by the author with
the help of the bilingual school teachers who live
and work in the region.
2. Note that the speakers do not include chil-
dren less than five years of age, so the actual
Ñähñu population is larger.
3. In these states, the executive power of the
state is divided into municipios, each of which is
governed by a president (presidente). The territory
of most sierra municipios is smaller than an Ameri-
can county.
4. Seeds contain the zaki of plants. The paper
figures representing the zaki of plants are called
James Dow
Oakland University
Rochester, Michigan
References Cited
Bernard, H. Russell, and Jesús Salinas Pedraza
1989 Native Ethnography: A Mexican Indian Describes
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1986 The Shaman’s Touch: Otomí Indian Symbolic Heal-
ing. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press.
2001 Demographic Factors Affecting Protestant
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Lastra, Yolanda
2001 Unidad y diversidad de la lengua: Relatos otomíes.
Mexico City: Instituto de Investigaciones Antropo-
lógicas, UNAM.
Rappaport, Roy A.
1967 Pigs for the Ancestors: Ritual in the Ecology of a
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of Mexico. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
... En el año 1250 d.C., los aztecas y otros grupos con mayor poderío que los otomíes, los desplazaron del Valle de México hacia las zonas áridas del Valle del Mezquital y hacia refugios montañosos más norteños (Carrasco, 1979;Moreno et al., 2006). Con el arribo de los españoles, hacia el año 1520, los cazadores-recolectores otomíes del Valle del Mezquital se refugiaron en los lugares más inaccesibles que ofrecían las serranías, en donde dependían de la flora y fauna silvestre para subsistir (Vázquez, 1994;Dow, 2003). Desde entonces, los otomíes, como todos los pueblos indígenas de México, han sido víctimas de la discriminación social, de la explotación de su fuerza de trabajo y del despojo de sus recursos naturales (Carruthers, 1996;Levy et al., 2002;Sandoval, 2002;Hernández et al., 2005;Fernández et al., 2006). ...
... En la actualidad la mayoría de los pobladores del municipio de Nicolás Flores, incluyendo a los niños, poseen algún grado de conocimiento sobre el uso medicinal de las plantas, pero los ancianos son los más cultos porque en décadas pasadas dependían por completo de la flora para remediar las enfermedades (Vázquez, 1994;Hernández et al., 2005;Hurtado et al., 2006;Moreno et al., 2006). El término medicina tradicional trasciende al uso de las plantas medicinales para la curación de enfermedades, constituye una gama amplia de conocimientos, tradiciones, conjeturas sobrenaturales y creencias religiosas (Levy et al., 2002;Dow, 2003;Maffi, 2005). Como en otros grupos étnicos, el pensamiento mágico-religioso forma parte de la cosmovisión de los hñähñü de Nicolás Flores (Galinier, 1990;Moreno et al., 2006): ellos consideran que la pérdida de la salud se relaciona directamente con emociones como el miedo, la angustia y el coraje, lo cual implica una visión más integral de tratar a sus pacientes, en contraste con los preceptos y valores de la medicina alópata actual (Dow, 2003;Maffi, 2005;Moreno et al., 2006). ...
... El término medicina tradicional trasciende al uso de las plantas medicinales para la curación de enfermedades, constituye una gama amplia de conocimientos, tradiciones, conjeturas sobrenaturales y creencias religiosas (Levy et al., 2002;Dow, 2003;Maffi, 2005). Como en otros grupos étnicos, el pensamiento mágico-religioso forma parte de la cosmovisión de los hñähñü de Nicolás Flores (Galinier, 1990;Moreno et al., 2006): ellos consideran que la pérdida de la salud se relaciona directamente con emociones como el miedo, la angustia y el coraje, lo cual implica una visión más integral de tratar a sus pacientes, en contraste con los preceptos y valores de la medicina alópata actual (Dow, 2003;Maffi, 2005;Moreno et al., 2006). La sabiduría hñähñü es semejante en el tratamiento de enfermedades a la de otros grupos étnicos, al considerar la dualidad frío-caliente (Messer, 1991;Heinrich et al., 1998;Hernández et al., 2005), tanto las enfermedades como las plantas y animales que sirven para tratarlas se clasifican tomando en cuenta esta dualidad. ...
Full-text available
The otomies (the hñähñü) of the Nicolás Flores municipality, Hidalgo, have maintained their knowledge of medicinal plants over generations. Allopathic medicine is limited mostly to prevention of diseases such as poliomyelitis, measles, smallpox, and malaria. It is considered that traditional medicine is more viable for this group of people because of the socioeconomic, cultural and physiographic conditions prevalent in the region. The objectives of this work were to identify the medicinal plant species used by the hñähñü, the diseases treated with them, and their geographic affinity. For the field study, interviews were conducted with people in the municipality, and plant samples in different "ethno-ecological units" were collected. The use of 112 species was reported in treatment of disorders such as shock ("susto"), stomach pain, kidney pain, diarrhea, fever, and "mal de ojo" ("evil eye"), among others. Although most of the inhabitants know the medicinal use of some plant species, the elders are the keepers of the deepest knowledge. In hñähñü wisdom, magical-religious thought is part of their cosmovision. Like other Mexican ethnic groups, they consider the duality cold-hot in the treatment of diseases. The range of diseases the plants presumably heal is very broad, from colds to cancer. 75 % of the species used by this ethnic group are native to the American continent, principally Mexico and Central America (39 %), suggesting that the basic stock of traditional botanical knowledge is still observed.
Full-text available
Mexico has long been recognized as one of the world's cradles of domestication with evidence for squash (Cucurbita pepo) cultivation appearing as early as 8,000 cal B.C. followed by many other plants, such as maize (Zea mays), peppers (Capsicum annuum), common beans (Phaseolus vulgaris), and cotton (Gossypium hirsutum). We present archaeological, linguistic, ethnographic, and ethnohistoric data demonstrating that sunflower (Helianthus annuus) had entered the repertoire of Mexican domesticates by ca. 2600 cal B.C., that its cultivation was widespread in Mexico and extended as far south as El Salvador by the first millennium B.C., that it was well known to the Aztecs, and that it is still in use by traditional Mesoamerican cultures today. The sunflower's association with indigenous solar religion and warfare in Mexico may have led to its suppression after the Spanish Conquest. The discovery of ancient sunflower in Mexico refines our knowledge of domesticated Mesoamerican plants and adds complexity to our understanding of cultural evolution. • Asteraceae • Aztec • domestication • eastern North America • Mesoamerica
Daniel Merkur, Assistant Professor of Religion at Syracuse University, is the author of "The Psychodynamics of the Navajo Coyoteway Ceremonial" and Becoming Half Hidden: Shamanism and Initiation among the Inuit.
Native Ethnography: A Mexican Indian Describes His Culture. H. RUSSELL BERNARD and JESUS SALINAS PEDRAZA (illustrated by Winfield Coleman). Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, 1989. 648 pp., ink drawings, index. $75.00 (cloth). ISBN 0-8039-3017-8.
Unidad y diversidad de la lengua: Relatos otomíes
  • Yolanda Lastra
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Russell, and Jesús Salinas Pedraza 1989 Native Ethnography: A Mexican Indian Describes His Culture
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Cited Bernard, H. Russell, and Jesús Salinas Pedraza 1989 Native Ethnography: A Mexican Indian Describes His Culture. Newbury Park, California: Sage Publications.