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The moderating effects of rituals on commitment in premarital involvements

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Abstract

Rituals promote commitment in marital and family relationships. However, the salience of rituals to commitment in premarital involvements has not been investigated. This study examined if rituals were related to commitment, and to what extent rituals moderated the association between investment model variables (i.e., satisfaction level, investment size, and alternatives) and commitment. University students (N = 100) who were in a couple relationship volunteered to participate. Findings indicated that rituals were significant predictors of commitment; however, no unique variance was accounted for once investment model variables were taken into consideration. Rituals significantly moderated the relationship between alternatives and investments, and commitment. Implications for future research are discussed.
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
The moderating effects of rituals on
commitment in premarital
involvements
KELLY CAMPBELL
1
& JAMES J. PONZETTI JR
2
1
Family and Child Development, University of Georgia, USA,
2
School of Social Work and
Family Studies, The University of British Columbia, Canada
ABSTRACT Rituals promote commitment in marital and family relationships. However, the salience
of rituals to commitment in premarital involvements has not been investigated. This study examined if
rituals were related to commitment, and to what extent rituals moderated the association between
investment model variables (i.e., satisfaction level, investment size, and alternatives) and
commitment. University students (N¼100) who were in a couple relationship volunteered to
participate. Findings indicated that rituals were significant predictors of commitment; however, no
unique variance was accounted for once investment model variables were taken into consideration.
Rituals significantly moderated the relationship between alternatives and investments, and
commitment. Implications for future research are discussed.
KEYWORDS:rituals; commitment; investment model
The moderating effect of rituals on commitment in premarital involvements
Commitment is an essential factor in determining the persistence of intimate
involvements. It reflects a dynamic process that shapes the degree to which
individuals intend a particular relationship to persist into the future because it fulfills
personal needs and expectations in the present (Adams & Jones, 1999). Past research
has espoused rituals as vital elements of premarital involvements (Baxter, 1987;
Fiese et al., 2002). Thus, rituals provide an important means for understanding
commitment.
The authors equally contributed to this paper and are listed alphabetically. The study is based on a
graduate thesis by the first author under the direction of the second. An earlier version of this research was
presented at the International Association of Relationship Research conference, Madison, WI, July, 2004.
Correspondence to: James J. Ponzetti, School of Social Work and Family Studies, 2080 West Mall,
Vancouver, BC V6T 1Z2, Canada. E-mail: james.ponzetti@ubc.ca
Received 22 July 2006; Accepted 31 May 2007.
Sexual and Relationship Therapy
Vol 22, No. 4, November 2007
ISSN 1468-1994 print/ISSN 1468-1749 online
ªBritish Association for Sexual and Relationship Therapy
DOI: 10.1080/14681990701496415
Rituals serve as guides in close relationships especially during significant life
events and stressful periods. The magical quality of rituals is embedded in their
capacity to make transitions manageable. Simply knowing which rituals lay ahead
during a day, a year, or lifetime quells uncertainty and tempers feelings of anxiety
(Fiese, 1992; Schuck & Bucy, 1997; Shipman, 1982). Accordingly, rituals are
particularly beneficial during adolescence and early adulthood because this is a
unique time for establishing intimate involvements (Compan et al., 2002; Eaker &
Walters, 2002). Further, whether such involvements persist or end is related to
commitment (cf., Kelley, 1983). These conclusions suggest a link between rituals and
the development of commitment in premarital relationships.
Rituals
Rituals are symbolic events that are repeated in a predictable manner over time. They
are highly valued because they reflect the special experiences and unique interaction
that partners create and share together. Whether rituals emerge from deeply felt
religious convictions or consist of secular customs whose origin has been forgotten
over the years, the need for rituals seems universal. Rituals connect the past with the
present and give shape and meaning to the future.
Types
Ritual types range from formal structured occasions like weddings to less articulated
interactions like mealtimes. Some rituals celebrate normative transitions, such as
graduations and funerals, but others are emergent rituals in response to unexpected
or nonnormative occurrences, such as a divorce or health crisis. There are daily
practices (such as the reading of a bedtime story or expressing affection for a partner)
and rituals that occur on a weekly or monthly basis (such as going to a favorite
restaurant). In addition, some rituals are recognized by the whole community: for
example, seasonal events such as Thanksgiving, religious observances such as
Passover, or national holidays such as Independence Day. Others are exclusive to a
particular couple (e.g., anniversaries), recognize new generations (e.g., birthdays or
baptisms), or affirm entire family units (e.g., special holiday gatherings or reunions).
The assorted types of ritual represent sundry characteristics and serve various
functions.
Characteristics
Five characteristics are definitive of rituals. First, a ritual is a structured endeavor.
Although there is a reticence to vary a ritual, it can change in subtle and gradual
ways if necessary. Second, a ritual is prescribed. Rituals mean precision in
procedure. Using familiar symbols, actions, and words, rituals are enacted in this
way, not that. Third, rituals recur. Repetition is salient to the prescribed form. As a
ritual is repeated over and over, there gradually emerges a sense of rightness about
it. Fourth, a ritual is ascribed special meaning for those involved. It may be more
416 K. Campbell & J. J. Ponzetti Jr
expedient, less expensive, or more efficient to do it another way, but it does not
impart the special meaning ascribed to it when it is not done the right way. The
signs and symbolic actions of ritual embrace meaning that cannot always be easily
expressed in words. Finally, rituals reinforce relationships. Through their execution
and repetition, these characteristics enable rituals to serve a variety of covert
processes as well as explicit functions (Fiese et al., 2002; Viere, 2001; Wolin &
Bennett, 1984).
Functions
Rituals serve important and diverse functions in interpersonal involvements especially
marital and family relationships. The first and most prominent function is to bind
people together and sustain ongoing interaction. For example, conjugal rituals
strengthen marital bonds, clarify marital role expectations, and enhance marital
satisfaction (Braithwaite & Baxter, 1995; Bruess & Pearson, 1997, 2002). As family
members share rituals, they develop a sense of belonging and connectedness as
family. Family rituals can transmit common values and beliefs, reiterate family history
and heritage, and gather members together during major changes (Baxter &
Clark, 1996; Friedman & Weissbrod, 2004). Second, rituals extend feelings of
belonging by creating a sense of distinctiveness. Personal development within the
familial context is supported by rituals (Fiese, 1992; Giblin, 1995; Mize, 1995).
Rituals also increase feelings of intimacy and solidify a shared identity (Chesser,
1980; Moriarity & Wagner, 2004). When individuals establish a common identity,
they also articulate to one another the way to live together (Bennett, Wolin, &
McAvity, 1988). In addition, dysfunctional patterns that undermine family
interaction can be altered using rituals (Leon & Jacobvitz, 2003). Finally, rituals
are powerful organizers and can facilitate relationship stability and continuity (Cheal,
1988; Denham, 2003; Kiser et al., 2005). Research clearly demonstrates the
protective role rituals provide for coping with uncertainty and change (Bennett
et al., 1987; Giblin, 1995).
Interpersonal rituals serve as a means of dealing with both normative and non-
normative stressors. For example, normative transitions, such as that from
adolescence to adulthood (Fiese, 1992; Meredith et al., 1989), to early parenthood
(Fiese et al., 1993), or to the later years (Albrecht, 1962; Meske et al., 1994), are
eased by rituals. Further, rituals facilitate adjustment to non-normative disruptions,
such as illness (Bush & Pargament, 1997; Markson & Fiese, 2000), alcoholism
(Bennett et al., 1987; Fiese, 1993; Wolin et al., 1980), marital dissolution (Berg-Cross
et al., 1992; Pett et al., 1992), remarriage (Braithwaite et al., 1998; Whiteside, 1989),
and single-parent families (Moriarity & Wagner, 2004; Olson, & Hayes, 1993). The
prescriptive and repetitive nature of rituals imparts predictability and order to
interpersonal life.
Given previous work concerning rituals in marriage and family relationships, it is
surprising that the association between rituals and commitment in premarital
relationships has not been studied (Fiese & Kline, 1993; Rogers & Holloway, 1991;
Viere, 2001; Wolin & Bennett, 1984).
Rituals and commitment 417
The investment model of commitment
One of the leading theoretical frameworks for understanding commitment is the
investment model developed by Rusbult (1980b, 1983). Extensive research has
supported the investment model and its theoretical claims (Rusbult et al., 1994;
Rusbult et al., 1986; Rusbult et al., 2004). The model is cross-culturally generalizable,
accounting for commitment processes in the United States, the Netherlands, and
Taiwan (Lin & Rusbult, 1995; Van Lange et al., 1997).
The investment model is based on interdependence theory, which uses economic
models to explain the process by which individuals develop a sense of commitment.
Interdependence theory proposes that as individuals become involved with a particular
other, they are more likely to want the involvement to continue if they experience
rewarding outcomes from it. When individuals experience more rewards than costs
from their involvement, commitment emerges as a condition of their dependence.
The degree of interdependence is enhanced as both satisfaction with and investment
in the involvement increase and the quality of alternatives to their involvement
decrease (Kelley & Thibaut, 1978). The investment model accordingly defines
commitment in terms of three interrelated components; namely, satisfaction level,
investment size, and quality of alternatives (Le & Agnew, 2003; Rusbult et al., 1998).
Satisfaction level is conceptualized as the extent to which a relationship is worth-
while. Investment size refers to resources, both tangible (such as money and
possessions) and intangible (e.g., self-disclosure, emotional involvement), an indi-
vidual contributes to a relationship that is non-recoverable if the relationship were to
end. The quality of alternatives consists of an individual’s perceptions of available
options that would be more rewarding than the current relationship. Investment
model variables have been shown to predict commitment across a wide array of
relationships, such as friendships, dating relationships, marital relationships, gay and
lesbian relationships, and abusive relationships (Bui et al. 1996; Duffy & Rusbult,
1986; Impett et al., 2001; Rusbult, 1980a; Rusbult & Martz, 1995).
The purpose of the present study was two-fold. The main goal was to investigate
the link between rituals and commitment. While the association between the
investment model variables and commitment has been demonstrated, whether rituals
predicted commitment in premarital involvements, and, if so, whether commitment
was explained beyond that accounted for by investment model variables. The second
purpose was to examine whether rituals moderated the relationship between invest-
ment model variables and commitment. Rituals were hypothesized to moderate
feelings of commitment such that as rituals increased satisfaction level and investment
size increased and alternatives to the relationship decreased.
Method
Participants
One hundred undergraduate students (27 men, 73 women) at a large university in
western Canada who were in couple relationships but not married volunteered to take
418 K. Campbell & J. J. Ponzetti Jr
part in the study. The majority of participants (70%) were exclusively dating at the
time they completed the questionnaire. Participants had been involved with their
partners for 22.5 months on average. The mean age of the participants was 22 years
(S.D. ¼2.7 years, range 19 33). The majority of respondents were either Euro-
Canadian (47%) or Chinese-Canadian (22%) which reflected the composition of the
student body.
Measures
The Premarital Rituals Scale (PRS) was designed to assess rituals in premarital
relationships. The PRS consisted of 45 items that assessed five dimensions of nine
ritual types (see Table I for a sample subscale from the PRS). Content for the PRS
was based on a qualitative study of marital rituals by Bruess and Pearson (1997). Nine
of the 12 ritual types identified by Bruess and Pearson were pertinent to premarital
involvements: enjoyable activities, intimacy expressions, togetherness rituals, com-
munication rituals, favorites, private codes, patterns/habits/mannerisms, escape
TABLE I. Sample subscale from the PRS.
ENJOYABLE ACTIVITIES
Examples of enjoyable rituals could include going out for dinner, playing sports, going to the movies,
going for walks, and participating in hobbies together.
Instructions: Think of typical enjoyable or recreational rituals in your relationship.
Circle ONE letter that best describes your current relationship.
Really
true
Sort of
true
Sort of
true
Really
true
1. A B We regularly engage in
enjoyable activities in
our relationship
OR We rarely engage in
enjoyable activities in
our relationship
CD
2. A B In our relationship everything
about time is scheduled;
enjoyable activities always
occur at set times
OR In our relationship enjoyable
activities are flexible.
We take part in them
whenever we can
CD
3. A B In our relationship we feel
strongly about engaging
in enjoyable activities
together
OR In our relationship it is
not that important if
we engage in enjoyable.
activities together
CD
4. A B In our relationship enjoyable
activities have a special
meaning
OR In our relationship
enjoyable activities are
just done to pass time
CD
5. A B In our relationship there is
little planning around
enjoyable activities
OR In our relationship
enjoyable activities are
planned for in advance
CD
Note: In each subscale, one item was reverse scored so in the example above question 5 was reversed
scored.
Rituals and commitment 419
episodes, and play rituals. Three were excluded because they were considered less
relevant to premarital involvements: routines and tasks, spiritual rituals, and
celebration rituals. The opportunity to partake in routine tasks may be compromised
because premarital involvements typically do not involve a shared residence that
would facilitate interaction on a regular daily basis. Both spiritual and celebration
rituals were considered less salient because occurrence was either infrequent or
sporadic. Premarital involvements are often shorter in duration than marital or family
relationships and do not encounter societal expectations and support for prescribed
activities, which may jeopardize the shared participation in spiritual rituals and
celebration rituals.
The format of the PRS was adapted from the Family Rituals Questionnaire (FRQ;
Fiese & Kline, 1993). Fiese and Kline identified eight dimensions relevant to family
rituals, five of which pertained to premarital involvements: occurrence, repetitiveness,
affect, meaning, and deliberateness. Three were excluded: attendance, continuance,
and roles. Rituals emerge in a relationship as partners spend time together so
attendance was necessary for rituals to occur in the first place. Continuation was not
relevant because premarital involvements do not span generations. Finally, the roles
dimension was redundant with the roles and patterns ritual type described by Bruess
and Pearson (1997).
Each of the 45 PRS items were measured on a 4-point Likert-type scale
(1 ¼lowest score, and 4 ¼highest score). The range of each participant’s summed
rituals score was from 45 180. The mean rituals score for the sample was 128, with a
standard deviation of 21.5, and a median of 129. The distribution was not
significantly skewed (skewness ¼70.29, S.E. ¼0.24) and it approximated a normal
distribution. Reliability analyses revealed acceptable coefficients for the PRS. The
Cronbach alpha for the overall PRS was 0.93. Internal consistency scores were
computed for the PRS subscales representing ritual type. Cronbach alphas were 0.74
for leisure, 0.48 for intimacy, 0.69 for couple time, 0.68 for communication, 0.78 for
favorites, 0.80 for private codes, 0.72 for roles, 0.68 for escape episodes, and 0.67 for
play.
Commitment and the investment model variables (i.e., satisfaction level, quality of
alternatives, and investment size) were assessed using the Investment Model Scale
(IMS). The IMS is a self-report 37-item scale questionnaire consisting of four
subscales (Rusbult et al., 1998). Participants were asked to rate how well each
question represents their thoughts or feelings on a 9-point Likert-type scale with
response options ranging from 0 to 8. The commitment subscale consists of seven
global items. The range of possible scores is from 0 to 56. The mean commitment
level score was 44, with a standard deviation of 13.5, and a median of 48. The
distribution was skewed (skewness ¼71.39; S.E. ¼70.24). The satisfaction,
alternatives, and investments subscales each consist of five items. The possible
summed range of scores is from 0 to 40. The mean satisfaction level score was 32,
with a standard deviation of 9.7, and a median of 35. The distribution was skewed
(skewness ¼71.8; S.E. ¼0.24). The mean quality of alternatives score was 14, with a
standard deviation of 10, and a median of 13. The distribution approximated a
normal distribution (skewness ¼0.70; S.E. ¼0.24). The mean investment size score
420 K. Campbell & J. J. Ponzetti Jr
was 26.5, with a standard deviation of 9.2, and a median of 29. The distribution
approximated a normal distribution (skewness ¼70.75; SE ¼0.24). Although the
distributions for satisfaction level and commitment level were skewed, these findings
are consistent with previous research (cf., Rusbult et al., 1998). The internal
consistencies (i.e., Cronbach alpha scores) for the IMS were high with a range from
0.86 (for investments) to 0.98 (for satisfaction). These results were also comparable
to research by Rusbult and her colleagues.
Procedure
Participants were recruited from lower division courses at a large university in western
Canada. Classes were informed about the purpose of the study then surveys were
distributed and completed voluntarily outside of class. Surveys were returned at the
following class meeting. Participants were assured all responses would be anonymous
and confidential.
Data analysis
Labovitz (1970, 1972) supported the use of interval statistics on ordinal-level
variables and it is common practice in work on the investment model by Rusbult
(1983). Analyses were completed in four steps. First, sex differences were examined
using independent-groups t-tests. Descriptive statistics, t-values, and correlations
between variables are displayed in Table II. Second, main effects of rituals on
commitment were examined using simple linear regression. Third, the significance of
rituals on commitment controlling for the investment model variables was assessed
with hierarchical multiple regression. Finally, moderation was tested by following the
procedures outlined by Baron and Kenny (1986). Variables were standardized prior
to the analyses (Aiken & West, 1991). Commitment was initially regressed on each
investment model variable and rituals. Then, an interaction term (i.e., the product of
the variables already entered) reflecting the two-way interactions was entered at the
second step of the equation to discern any moderating effects. Moderation is
TABLE II. Descriptive statistics, tvalues, and intercorrelations.
Females Males
t
Value
Total sample IM variables
Mean SD Mean SD Mean SD Rituals Satisfaction Investments
Rituals 125.8 21.4 133.8 21.2 1.68 127.9 21.5
Satisfaction 31.6 10.6 33.3 6.9 0.96 32.0 9.7 0.60**
Investments 25.8 9.7 28.4 7.7 1.43 26.5 9.2 0.44** 0.47**
Alternatives 14.5 10.6 13.9 9.9 70.27 14.3 10.4 70.50** 70.58** 70.59**
Commitment 44.1 14.2 44.4 11.8 0.12 44.2 13.6 0.52** 0.78** 0.67**
**p50.01 level.
Rituals and commitment 421
indicated by a significant interaction term regardless of the effects measured in
previous steps.
Results
No significant differences were noted between males and females so further
consideration was not necessary. Rituals were a significant predictor of commitment
(B¼0.52, F¼36.56, p50.001) accounting for 27% of the variance. However,
rituals contribute no unique variance to commitment when investment model
variables are taken into account (see Table III).
Table IV shows the interaction effects of rituals and investment model variables
on commitment. For satisfaction, no interaction effect was found. However, the
TABLE III. Standardized regression coefficients for commitment: Main effects.
Predictor Step 1 Step 2
Investment Model variables
Satisfaction (S) 0.48** 0.50**
Investments (I) 0.27** 0.28**
Alternatives (A) 70.29** 70.30**
Rituals (R) 70.05
Adjusted R
2
0.76 0.76
Fchange 106.20** 79.48**
**p50.001.
TABLE IV. Standardized regression coefficients for moderating influences of rituals.
Predictor Step 1 Step 2 Step 3
Satisfaction 0.78*** 0.72*** 0.91**
Rituals 0.09 0.22
S6R70.29
Adjusted R
2
0.60 0.60 0.60
Fchange 148.92*** 1.12 0.46
Investments 0.67*** 0.55*** 2.06***
Rituals 0.28*** 1.00***
I6R71.95***
Adjusted R
2
0.45 0.50 0.57
Fchange 81.04*** 12.75*** 16.86***
Alternatives 70.73*** 70.63*** 71.79***
Rituals 0.21** 70.09
A6R1.07***
Adjusted R
2
0.53 0.56 0.61
Fchange 114.25*** 7.42** 12.36***
**p50.01, ***p50.001.
422 K. Campbell & J. J. Ponzetti Jr
interaction effect of investment size was significant, explaining 7% of the variance in
commitment. Significant interaction effects were also noted for the quality of
alternatives, explaining 5% of the variance.
The simple slopes of the regression of significant investment model variables on
commitment at low and high values were computed to gain further perspective on
two-way interactions. Values one standard deviation above the mean were considered
high and values one standard deviation below the mean were considered low, which is
standard for variables for which there is no theoretical rationale for determining high
and low values (Aiken & West, 1991).
For investment size, if participants reported low investment (i.e., below the
mean), more rituals predicted more commitment. Yet, when participants reported
high investment, more rituals also predicted more commitment though not as great
(see Figure 1). On the other hand, if participants reported high quality of alternatives
(i.e., above the mean) or they perceived they had more options than their current
involvement, then more rituals predicted less commitment. However, for participants
who reported low quality of alternatives or few options to involvement, more rituals
predicted more commitment (see Figure 2).
Discussion
Previous research has focused exclusively on marital and family relationships
neglecting premarital involvements. This study extended past research regarding
rituals to premarital involvements. Rituals in premarital involvements were a sig-
nificant predictor of commitment. An increase in rituals predicted commitment
whereas lower commitment was predicted by a decrease in rituals. These results
FIGURE 1. Interaction of investment size and rituals on commitment.
Rituals and commitment 423
provided a preliminary indication of the import of rituals for premarital involvements
in early adulthood.
The association between the investment model predictors and commitment
replicated earlier research (Le & Agnew, 2003). Individuals who were more satisfied,
invested more, and perceived fewer alternatives to their relationships, reported more
commitment. Yet, the results of this study indicated only the association between
investment size and quality of alternatives, and commitment was moderated by
rituals. When satisfaction was considered, rituals relation to commitment was not
significant even though satisfaction appeared to be a stronger predictor of com-
mitment than rituals. The strong positive relationship between satisfaction level and
commitment appears to override the influence of rituals. Satisfaction with a rela-
tionship may be a necessary condition for commitment regardless of rituals.
The association between investment size and commitment was moderated by
rituals. The level of investment in the premarital involvements promoted commit-
ment. This finding may be explained if rituals are considered another form of invest-
ment. From this perspective, the presence or absence of rituals was unimportant
because if investments were high, the addition of rituals would increase commitment
as it would if investments were low. The fact that increases in commitment were
stronger when participants did not invest in their involvements may be due to rituals
making up for the lack of other investments.
Rituals change the relationship between the quality of alternatives and commit-
ment. If alternatives to the current relationship are high, then more rituals did not
predict more commitment. That is, low rituals did predict high commitment. On the
other hand, if alternatives are low, then more rituals fostered more commitment.
FIGURE 2. Interaction of alternatives and rituals on commitment.
424 K. Campbell & J. J. Ponzetti Jr
When potential alternatives to particular heterosexual involvements are better than
remaining in it, more rituals may not compensate for the difference. Yet, if the
desirability of alternatives is low, more rituals predicted more commitment. By
definition, rituals emerge from and characterize the special nature of particular
involvements. Thus, rituals supplement the influence of alternatives on commitment.
Several factors may limit the interpretation of the current findings. The first
limitation concerns sample representativeness. Participants included college-age
individuals who were queried about premarital involvements. Only one member of
any particular couple completed the questionnaire so these findings are individual
rather than dyadic effects. In future research, diverse groups (e.g., nonheterosexual
relationships, common law partnerships) and both partners of a couple, including
each partner’s perception of the others’ ritual enactment, could be investigated.
Second, the data reported were subject to the limitations of similar research designs.
The causal relations between rituals and commitment cannot be addressed. These
and other possible interpretations remain to be explored in subsequent studies.
Nevertheless, several notable strengths about the import of rituals in maintaining
premarital relationships may be drawn from the results.
Despite these limitations, this study is notable for several reasons. First, it
examined how rituals are linked to commitment in premarital heterosexual involve-
ments. Prior to this study, the focus of research on rituals was on marital and family
relationships. Previous studies have described the constructive influence of marital
and family rituals. The findings reported here suggested that rituals are similarly
associated with commitment in premarital involvements. However, to be succinct,
rituals in premarital involvements did not predict commitment beyond the exp-
lanation accounted for by investment model variables.
A second contribution pertains to rituals moderation of the relationship between
investment model variables and commitment. Results from this study indicated that
rituals altered the prediction of commitment for investment size and quality of
alternatives.
This study provided foundational information about rituals, investment model
variables, and commitment in premarital involvements. Building on these findings,
future researchers are left with exciting avenues for expanding the literature on rituals
in close relationships.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to acknowledge the helpful comments of Dan Perlman on an
earlier draft.
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Contributors
KELLY CAMPBELL, M.A., Graduate Student.
JAMES J. PONZETTI JR, Ph.D., D.Min., Associate Professor.
428 K. Campbell & J. J. Ponzetti Jr
... Family rituals are a symbolic form of communication performed by the family system in a formal, repetitive, and stereotyped manner (Fiese et al., 2002). According to Campbell and Ponzetti (2007), family rituals may derive from religious convictions or secular customs, but their origin is usually forgotten over time. Nevertheless, they have a crucial role as "special" experiences and interactions shared by the family members (Alarcão, 2000;Boss, 2002). ...
... Unlike other rituals, this one is seldom mentioned in the literature (e.g., anthropological, sociological, and psychological studies). However, the introduction of families serves one of family ritual functions by putting together the most important relatives from each side and strengthening the ties between the couple and their extended family (Campbell & Ponzetti, 2007;Crespo et al., 2013;Fiese et al., 2002;Hobson et al., 2018;Santos et al., 2015). The practice of this ritual may have arisen because of changes in family and social dynamics. ...
... The practice of the okupita pondje ritual in the family with a young child stage is consistent with the anthropological literature (Melo, 2005b). This ritual is seen as the first event of socialization that a child goes through, and it underlines the protective role of rituals during the transition to parenthood, helping to cope with the uncertainty and changes that occur in this stage of development (Campbell & Ponzetti, 2007;Hobson et al., 2018). Although such rituals were reported primarily by couples belonging to the Nyaneca group (Melo, 2005b), other ethnic groups also have performed naming rituals for newborns, but without the period of confinement required for Nyaneca babies. ...
Article
Rituals and routines are fundamental parts of the family dynamic and contribute to its organization across generations. However, studies on these variables in the context of urban Southern Angolan families are scarce. Thus, this article aims to identify the rituals and routines that organize the development of families in urban Southern Angola through different life stages, using semistructured interviews with 20 professionals from various social fields and 25 couples. Despite some discrepancies between the views of the two groups, they both reported a set of rituals and routines relevant to the organization of the families’ life trajectories.
... Rituals serve profound functions for relational members: as organizing devices allowing for both stability and change (Pearson et al., 2010); as enactments for navigating competing ideals of marriage (Baxter & Braithwaite, 2002) and blending families (Braithwaite et al., 1998); as sites of intersectional identity negotiation and performance (Glass, 2014;Oswald, 2002); as safe spaces for LGBTQþ partners (Oswald & Masciadrelli, 2008); as devices through which bonds among family members are forged and solidarity reified (Campbell & Ponzetti, 2007;Smit, 2011); as transmissions and (re)enactments of family values, beliefs, and attitudes (Fiese et al., 2002); and as contributors to the physical and mental well-being of family members (Santos et al., 2018). ...
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Framed by Wefulness Theory (WT; Nuru & Bruess, 2022), the present study explores the COVID-19 global pandemic as a context for examining relational struggle and strength during times of challenge. Analysis of in-depth, dyadic interviews with 54 couples who reflect a broad range of ethnic-racial compositions, partnership structures, sexual orientations, and ages rendered intelligible relational partners’ wefulness practices in situ. Results reveal four suprathemes: (a) cultivating relational consciousness, (b) negotiating wefulness amidst challenge, (c) accepting life on life’s terms, and (d) inviting challenge as opportunity for growth. Data reveal how relational partners engage in ritualized (re)commitments as multi-vocal practices of expressing and embracing the current pandemic moment. Data also evidenced WT is heuristically powerful in reconceptualizing and illuminating relational meaning- and sense-making.
... More generally, our results may also speak to the ways in which rituals are linked to relationship commitment (Campbell & Ponzetti, 2007). Performing celebration rituals during the dating episode of the marriage life script appears to amplify dater's pre-existing feelings about their relationshipswhether positive or negativeand to spur thoughts about the state of the relationship and the future (Maniotes et al., 2020). ...
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Little research exists concerning the Western marriage proposal ritual, and rejected proposals are particularly understudied. The current research used the lens of life script theory to quantitatively and qualitatively analyze 374 first-person written accounts of accepted and rejected marriage proposals between men and women that were sampled from online forums. Rejected proposals were more likely than accepted proposals to violate the proposal script. Compared to accepted proposals, rejected proposals included fewer ritual elements and they often happened "off-time." Specifically, rejected proposals came earlier in the relationship, typically prior to the discussion of the topic of marriage by the couple, and rejected men sometimes proposed to "save" an unstable or abusive relationship that was headed toward dissolution. As with other important life transition events, audiences played an important role in many proposals. Rejected proposals were more likely to occur in public than accepted proposals, and when present, audience members often participated in the proposal by encouraging couples to follow the proposal script and by expressing dissatisfaction when the script was violated. Some audiences became hostile when the woman said "no." Also consistent with life script theory, couples evinced strong emotions during proposals, and confusion and anger were common emotional responses among rejected suitors. Indeed, 15% of rejected proposal accounts described intimate partner violence. Yet, about 30% of relationships continued after the rejection, sometimes for years. These and other novel results contribute to the science of close relationships, family psychology, life script theory, commitment, rejection, and social rituals. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).
... For example, Bruess and Pearson (1997) qualitatively assessed friends and married individuals, resulting in new typologies for each relationship stage. Whereas the marital typology developed by Bruess and Pearson (1997) has been adapted to dating relationships to examine commitment (Campbell & Ponzetti Jr., 2007), some have argued that this adaptation is not sufficient in fully explicating the nuanced experience of daters, which has resulted in studies exploring rituals in dating couples (Campbell et al., 2011;Pearson et al., 2010). These rituals include the foundational categories contained in Wolin and Bennett's (1984) typology along with categories such as future planning rituals that are specific to those who are dating (Campbell et al., 2011). ...
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Full-text available
The decision to marry is complex, often with seemingly innocuous events impacting a partner’s marriage eligibility. Engaging in rituals is one area where couples have the opportunity to see their partners in a new light as well as assess commitment. Although rituals have impactful roles in married couples, there is a dearth of research on ritual activity in dating couples. A qualitative approach was used to explore how rituals act as facilitators or barriers to commitment to wed using data from a random sample of dating couples in a diverse Southwestern region of the U.S. Results showed that celebration and tradition rituals played a contextual role in magnifying the importance of three normative relationship features: family interactions, relationship awareness, and conflict management. Experiencing these relationship features during a ritual time highlighted the uncertainty inherent in determining marriage eligibility with a current partner and enhanced the information gathering process.
... The partners' differing families of origin and respective upbringings represent exosystem examples that are directly relevant to the study of romantic love. As a result of early life experiences, partners bring values, beliefs, and practices into the relationship that must be negotiated for the partnership to function smoothly (Campbell & Ponzetti, 2007). Several chapters in the book address the macrosystem, including Diamond as well as Conley and coauthors, who discuss the sociocultural and political norms guiding who and how people love. ...
... Monthsaries are one form of rituals that are crucial as "dynamic social (re)enactments by which relational partners co-create the identity of a relationship, a shared history, and a pattern of everyday, shared interactions" (Bruess & Pearson 1997: 28). A recurring practice of monthsaries as a dating ritual is "essential to healthy interpersonal relationships" Pearson et al. (2011: 360, drawing on Baxter 1987, Campbell & Ponzetti 2007, Oring 1984 if practiced at an appropriate intensity. Monthsaries can also mark the progression of a coupling, which "may take the form of loosely defined stages marked not by deliberate decisions, but by various actions taken by a couple" (Jackson et al. 2011: 630, drawing on Manning & Smock 2005. ...
Article
Romantic monthsaries, or monthly commemorations of the date on which a couple first got together, are increasingly practiced by young couples and archived on social media. As a form of visually oriented practice, monthsaries are fraught with vernacular readings, perceptions, and practices. This paper investigates the practice of monthsaries among ‘young couplings’, which I define as the experiences of young people’s partnering practices in their teenage years and/or their initial experience of early partnering regardless of the age of first coupling, in which young couples do not yet have any formal status, are unable to experience domestic living together, and have limited opportunities to be alone and intimate. In the absence of any scholarly precedence and adopting a Grounded Theory approach, this paper is an exploratory study that approaches monthsaries through internet folk knowledge, forum threads and visual displays of monthsaries on Instagram.
Book
Cambridge Core - Social Psychology - Intimate Relationships across Cultures - by Charles T. Hill
Article
Purpose Recent global migration trends have led to an increased prevalence, and new patterning, of intercultural family configurations. This paper is about intercultural couples and how they manage tensions associated with change as they settle in their new cultural context. The focus is specifically on the role food plays in navigating these tensions and the effects on the couples’ relational cultures. Design/methodology/approach A qualitative relational–dialectic approach is taken for studying Polish–Irish intercultural couples. Engagement with relevant communities provided multiple points of access to informants. Findings Intercultural tensions arise as the couples jointly transition, and food consumption represents implicit tensions in the household’s relational culture. Such tensions are sometimes resolved, but sometimes not, leading to enduring tensions. Dialectical movement causes change, which has developmental consequences for the couples’ relational cultures. Research limitations/implications This study shows how the ways that tensions are addressed are fundamental to the formation of a relational family identity. Practical implications Recommendations emphasise the importance of understanding how the family relational culture develops in the creation of family food practices. Marketers can look at the ways of supporting the intercultural couple retain tradition, while smoothly navigating their new cultural context. Social policy analysts may reflect on the ways that the couples develop an intercultural identity rooted in each other’s culture, and the range of strategies to demonstrate they can synthesise and successfully negotiate the challenges they face. Originality/value Dealing simultaneously and separately with a variety of dialectical oppositions around food, intercultural couples weave together elements from each other’s cultures and simultaneously facilitate both relational and social change. Within the relationship, stability–change dialectic is experienced and negotiated, while at the relationship’s nexus with the couple’s social ecology, negotiating conventionality–uniqueness dialectic enables them reproduce or depart from societal conventions, and thus facilitate social change.
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Adolescent satisfaction in family rituals and psychosocial development (E. Greenberger & A. B. Sorenson, 1974) were explored in the context of adolescent personality characteristics (International Personality Item Pool, 1999) and family environment characteristics (S. M. Gavazzi, M. J. Reese, & R. M. Sabatelli, 1998; D. H. Olson et al., 1983). Data were collected from 159 female undergraduates with the Adolescent Satisfaction in Family Rituals Scale (D. G. Eaker & L. H. Walters, 1999). Family ritual satisfaction was positively related to late adolescent psychosocial development and mediated the relation between family boundaries and psychosocial development. Furthermore, the relation between personality (measured as discontentedness, an aspect of neuroticism) and satisfaction with family rituals was found to be mediated by family boundaries in preliminary analyses. These results suggest that the relevance of family ritual experiences to adolescent psychosocial development is in part a function of an individual's personality and the family environment.
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This article is a qualitative review of 32 publications appearing since J. Bossard and E. Boll's (1950) seminal work on family rituals was conducted. Definitions are offered whereby a distinction is made between family routines as observable practices and family rituals as symbolic representations of collective events. The relative occurrence of family routines, as described in the literature, appears to follow a developmental course and is affected by the cultural environment. Family routines and rituals were found to be related to parenting competence, child adjustment, and marital satisfaction. The studies were limited by inconsistent methods of assessing family routines, reliance on samples of convenience, and a failure to distinguish between direct and indirect effects. Recommendations are made to better integrate theory with empirical efforts to demonstrate the importance of family routines and rituals in contemporary life.
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In this article, we attempt to distinguish between the properties of moderator and mediator variables at a number of levels. First, we seek to make theorists and researchers aware of the importance of not using the terms moderator and mediator interchangeably by carefully elaborating, both conceptually and strategically, the many ways in which moderators and mediators differ. We then go beyond this largely pedagogical function and delineate the conceptual and strategic implications of making use of such distinctions with regard to a wide range of phenomena, including control and stress, attitudes, and personality traits. We also provide a specific compendium of analytic procedures appropriate for making the most effective use of the moderator and mediator distinction, both separately and in terms of a broader causal system that includes both moderators and mediators. (46 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
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Used a longitudinal study of heterosexual dating relationships to test investment model predictions regarding the process by which satisfaction and commitment develop (or deteriorate) over time. Initially, 17 male and 17 female undergraduates, each of whom was involved in a heterosexual relationship of 0-8 wks duration, participated. Four Ss dropped out, and 10 Ss' relationships ended. Questionnaires were completed by Ss every 17 days. Increases over time in rewards led to corresponding increases in satisfaction, whereas variations in costs did not significantly affect satisfaction. Commitment increased because of increases in satisfaction, declines in the quality of available alternatives, and increases in investment size. Greater rewards also promoted increases in commitment to maintain relationships, whereas changes in costs generally had no impact on commitment. For stayers, rewards increased, costs rose slightly, satisfaction grew, alternative quality declined, investment size increased, and commitment grew; for leavers the reverse occurred. Ss whose partners ended their relationships evidenced entrapment: They showed relatively low increases in satisfaction, but their alternatives declined in quality and they continued to invest heavily in their relationships. (39 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2006 APA, all rights reserved).
Book
A fundamental assumption underlying the formation of our most important relationships is that they will persist indefinitely into the future. As an acquaintanceship turns into a friend­ ship, for example, both members of this newly formed interpersonal bond are likely to expect that their interactions will become increasingly frequent, diverse, and intimate over time. This expectation is perhaps most apparent in romantically involved couples who, through a variety of verbal and symbolic means, make explicit pledges to a long-lasting relationship. In either case, it is clear that these relationships represent something valuable to the individuals in­ volved and are pursued with great enthusiasm. Virtually all close relationships are formed within the context of mutually rewarding in­ teractions and/or strong physical attraction between partners. Friends and romantically in­ volved couples alike are drawn to one another because of similarity of attitudes, interests, and personality and, quite simply, because they enjoy one another's company. This enjoyment, cou­ pled with the novelty that characterizes new relationships, almost makes the continuation of the relationship a foregone conclusion. As relationships progress, however, their novelty fades, conflicts may arise between partners, negative life events may occur, and the satisfaction that previously characterized the relationships may diminish.
Article
Survey data collected from 400 non-metropolitan gay men and lesbians were used to examine what factors lead them to attend a family-of-origin ritual and affect their sense of belonging during the event. The present study was inspired by qualitative findings regarding the production of outsider status during rituals. Attendance and belonging were both predicted by type of ritual and the quality of relationships with families of origin. Also, partners were more likely to be invited when the couple relationship was more visible, Residential community climate, age, income, and gender were not significant. The family membership complexities of gay and lesbian people are discussed, and a more nuanced understanding of membership during ritual is encouraged.
Chapter
As a construct of psychological relevance, commitment has for some time been the focus of numerous programs of research, including explorations in decision making (Edwards, 1954; Festinger, 1957), deviation, and conformity in group settings (Kiesler & Corbin, 1965; Kiesler & Kiesler, 1969; Kiesler, Zanna, & De Salvo, 1966); the maintenance of costly courses of action (Staw, 1976, 1981; Staw & Fox, 1977); and job turnover (Aranya & Jacobson, 1975; Grusky, 1966; Porter, Crampon, & Smith, 1976). However, the examination of commitment specifically within the context of close relationships is a relatively recent development, with most theoretical treatments of the construct emerging after 1965 and most empirical studies being published after 1980. Given the relatively long history of research on interpersonal relationships, it is somewhat perplexing that the critical examination of commitment has been so late in coming to this area.
Article
Organization of the family system at two points in early parenthood was examined through the study of family rituals. Fifty-four couples whose oldest child was 12 months of age or less and sixty-one couples whose oldest child was between 24 and 66 months of age participated in the study. Family rituals were assessed through the Family Ritual Questionnaire and couple interviews. Marital satisfaction was assessed through the Dyadic Adjustment Scale. As predicted, the preschool family group reported the practice of more family rituals and ascribed more meaning to their family rituals than did the infant family group. Significant main effects for group and family ritual meaning were found for mothers' and fathers' marital satisfaction. The protective function of family rituals for marital satisfaction was examined through cluster analyses. Preschool families who reported more meaningful family rituals also reported more marital satisfaction.