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Evaluating Family Group Conferences
Abstract
this paper is supported by Criminology Research Council Grant 14/92.
... Second, this occurred without increasing the recidivism rate (in fact, there was a 40 percent reduction in repeat offending overall). In addition, 93 percent of offenders fulfilled the agreements that they had participated in creating during the conference and high levels of satisfaction amongst all participants [i.e. the police, victims and offenders] was reported (see Moore 1994). ...
Restorative policing has experienced somewhat of a tumultuous journey within the international criminal justice landscape. The practice first emerged in Wagga Wagga, Australia in the early 1990s where its architects drew inspiration from both the New Zealand conferencing system and John Braithwaite’s theory of reintegrative shaming. This chapter argues that the inspiring results of that pilot project have not been replicated elsewhere and proceeds to interrogate the reasons for this. The chapter contributes to the Handbook’s objectives by making two key arguments. The first is that the operationalisation of restorative justice within contemporary policing environments, with the pressures of austerity and public accountability, naturally lends itself to quantity over quality resolutions. The second is that both the champions and evaluators of contemporary restorative policing schemes have prioritised learning from failure over success. If we return to the origins of the restorative policing model, we learn that good practice takes time, investment and community-police partnerships. Only once these internal resources are secured can true restorative policing that benefits the community take place. Limits to that realisation come from surprising quarters and raise some uncomfortable questions about the state of the field, if restorative policing was ‘allowed’ to work.
... Thus, shame is an appropriate response to a moral transgression, and this has been noted in the literature on restorative justice conferences within the legal context (see Van Stokkom, 2002; for a full discussion). Drawing on the work of Moore (1994), Retzinger and Scheff (1996) argue that shame seems to be the key to successful restorative meetings. They suggest that guilt is necessary for taking responsibility and offering material reparation; however, it is shame that allows symbolic reparation between victim and offender. ...
The objective of this study was to relate the in‐session processes involved in interpersonal forgiveness to outcome. The sample consisted of 33 couples who received 10–12 sessions of Emotion‐focused couple therapy with the aim of resolving various forms of emotional injuries (i.e., transgression that violates the expectations of a close relationship, which leaves one partner feeling hurt and angry). The results of the present study were based on the analyses of 205 video‐taped segments from 33 couples' therapies. Hypotheses relating the role of three in‐session components of resolution, the injurer's “expression of shame”; the injured partner's “accepting response” to the shame, and the injured partner's “in‐session expression of forgiveness”, to outcome were tested using hierarchical linear regression analyses. Outcome measures included the Enright Forgiveness Inventory (The Enright Forgiveness Inventory user's manual. Madison: The International Forgiveness Institute, 2000), the Dyadic Adjustment Scale (Journal of Marriage and Family, 1976; 13: 723) and the The Interpersonal Trust Scale (Trust; Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 1985; 49: 95).
... As for the victim's supporters, they will generally display a higher degree of indignation for the wrongdoing, due to their identification with the victim, but also due to some concern akin to empathy for the victim. In the final stages of the conference, there are signs of relief in the victims, as they feel how other people share their anger and feeling of humiliation at the hands of the offender (Moore, 1994, p. 213). If shame is visible in the victim, the offender is more likely to pick up signs of distress and helplessness and hence will more readily empathize with the victim and apologize. ...
In this article, I examine the relevance and desirability of shame and guilt to restorative justice conferences. I argue that a careful study of the psychology of shame and guilt reveals that both emotions possess traits that can be desirable and traits that can be undesirable for restoration. More in particular, having presented the aims of restorative justice, the importance of face-to-face conferences in reaching these aims, the emotional dynamics that take place within such conferences, and the relevant parts of the empirical psychology of shame and guilt, I argue that restorative justice practitioners have to take account of a rather more complex picture than it had hitherto been thought. Restorative conferences are not simply about “shame management,” though practitioners must certainly avoid shaming and humiliation. Given the nature of shame, guilt, and restorative conferences, it is not possible to provide a single concrete precept applicable to all restorative conferences. The successful holding of conferences depends in large part on the cultural and situational specificities at hand. The latter include among others knowledge of the perceived relations standing between victim and offender as well as the affective specificities of the individuals involved.
... Thus, shame is an appropriate response to a moral transgression, and this has been noted in the literature on restorative justice conferences within the legal context (see Van Stokkom, 2002; for a full discussion). Drawing on the work of Moore (1994), Retzinger and Scheff (1996) argue that shame seems to be the key to successful restorative meetings. They suggest that guilt is necessary for taking responsibility and offering material reparation; however, it is shame that allows symbolic reparation between victim and offender. ...
This study explored how forgiveness unfolds in the context of emotion-focused couples therapy (EFT-C) in eight cases of women betrayed by their partners. Forgiveness was defined as a process involving the reduction in negative feelings and the giving out of undeserved compassion. This was measured by changes in the pre- and posttreatment scores on the Enright Forgiveness Inventory, the Unfinished Business Resolution Scale, and a single item directly asking respondents to indicate their degree of forgiveness. A task analysis was performed to rigorously track the steps leading to forgiveness using videotapes of therapy sessions for eight couples. The performance of the four couples who forgave were compared with each other and then contrasted with the performance of another four couples who did not reach forgiveness at the end of therapy. Based on these observations, a model of the process of forgiveness in EFT-C and a process rating system were developed.
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The Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development is a prospective longitudinal survey of crime and delinquency in 411 males, mostly born in 1953. The Study began in 1961–62, when most of the boys were aged 8–9. The major results obtained so far can be found in four books1) and over 60 published articles listed at the end of this paper. The Study was originally directed by Donald J. West, and it is now directed by David P. Farrington, who has worked on it since 1969. This paper initially describes the Study and past results obtained in it, and then summarizes the most recent results emerging from the latest interviews with the males at age 32.
Analyzing theories of Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Kant, Marx, Gewirth, Nozick, Rawls and others, Reiman offers a new theory of justice. He argues that to find true principles of justice, we must identify the conditions under which people are not subjugated by others.
This text examines the causes of violence and destructive conflict through an exploration of human interaction in situations ranging from a psychotherapy session and marital quarrels to television game shows.
In this book, the author's discussion of pride, shame and guilt centres on the beliefs involved in the experience of any of these emotions. Through a detailed study, she shows how these beliefs are alike in that they are directed towards the self and its status, and how they differ in the specific view taken of the self. She illustrates the experience of these three emotions by examples taken from Engish literature. Unlike invented cases, these supply a a context and indicate the complexity of the web in which these emotions usually occur. An examination of integrity makes clear the relevant notion of the self and provides the sense in which some of the emotions of self-assessment are also moral emotions.
Drawing upon the insights of several disciplines, this work focuses on the structural and experiential dynamics of interpersonal and collective apologetic discourse as means of tempering antagonisms and resolving conflicts in contemporary Western society.
Written from the standpoint of the social behaviorist, this treatise contains the heart of Mead's position on social psychology. The analysis of language is of major interest, as it supplied for the first time an adequate treatment of the language mechanism in relation to scientific and philosophical issues. "If philosophical eminence be measured by the extent to which a man's writings anticipate the focal problems of a later day and contain a point of view which suggests persuasive solutions to many of them, then George Herbert Mead has justly earned the high praise bestowed upon him by Dewey and Whitehead as a 'seminal mind of the very first order.'"âSidney Hook, The Nation
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