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Judicial Evolution of the Law of School Integration Since Brown v. Board of Education
... It was further revealed that pedagogy requires meaningful classroom interactions between teachers and learners in order to help learners build on prior learning and develop skills and attitudes. Read (2018) found that they instead used teachercentred teaching strategies that discouraged active lesson engagement on the part of learners. Coker (2018) demonstrated that the learning capacities of learners with hearing difficulties increase when they participate in learner-centred teaching approaches including demonstration and classroom discussions. ...
Teachers need to possess appropriate pedagogical competencies to be successful in addressing the special needs of students in the classroom so as to ensure their accomplishment in education. This study investigated teachers’ pedagogical competencies applied to teaching learners with hearing difficulties in the Sekyere South District of Ghana. This study adopted the constructivist paradigm using the qualitative approach. The case study design was employed. In this case study, 16 teachers were purposively sampled, and data were collected from them using a self-constructed interview guide. The instrument was pre-tested to provide experiences and opportunities to engage in critical reflection with regards to the interview schedule. The pre-test also gave a fair idea of the responses to be obtained from the field. All the participants were individually interviewed and their responses were analysed using themes that were generated from the data. Results of the study revealed that although teachers used cooperation, elaboration and motivational strategies to teach learners with hearing difficulties, they did not use other equally good strategies such as storytelling, think-pair-share and demonstration. Additionally, the teachers indicated that they required differentiated and constructivist pedagogies in order to teach learners with hearing difficulties effectively in mainstream schools. Authorities in Universities and Colleges of Education should run programs to educate teachers to be competent in differentiated and constructivist pedagogies to enable effective teaching and learning. Finally, teachers should continuously ensure that there is proper seating arrangement and positive teacher-learner relationship in the classroom to promote a good classroom environment.
... The Supreme Court settled that question in Keyes v. Denver School District No. 1 (1973), upholding a finding that school officials had deliberately segregated some schools and ordering the entire district to desegregate. 40 The BSC's actions were similar to those used by the school board in Denver, and Garrity cited several aspects of the Keyes case in his own ruling. 41 The trajectory of federal court decisions alarmed opponents of school desegregation in Boston and elsewhere. ...
Court-ordered desegregation of the Boston Public Schools in the 1970s has often been cast as an example of federal overreach that inflicted a disruptive “forced busing” plan on the city, generating only racial conflict and trauma while failing to ensure educational equality. Yet by encouraging citizen participation in developing and implementing plans for eliminating racism from the school system, the court order opened space for parents and community members to get involved in the public schools on an unprecedented scale. While some white Bostonians responded to desegregation with racist violence, others took advantage of the opportunities provided by the court order to press their vision for a more inclusive school system that would prepare children to live in an interracial democracy. Their efforts came up against an entrenched, self-interested bureaucracy that had no interest in sharing power or significantly reallocating educational resources. The struggles over education reform that played out in the offices of school administrators reveal the diverse interests and motivations that undermined school desegregation in Boston and allowed inequities to persist.
... This zoning phenomenon is historically linked to efforts by the school district and state that began in the late 1960s and lasted for roughly 15 years to actively resist school desegregation. "Dual attendance zones," annexation of surrounding counties, and other policies were explicitly designed to create separate school attendance zones for Black and White students and to dilute Black political strength (Bartley, 1999;Gates, 2014;Read, 1975). Political resistance to desegregation and equity in educational opportunities has been formative in the lives of most parents and grandparents in the communities the school serves and gives significant, but often unidentified, shape to the overall relationship the African American community has with the school district. ...
This case explores Crabapple Middle, a struggling urban school in the midst of a transition that seeks new leadership that can overcome the challenges of two sub-cultures that divide the school and community. In an effort to address issues of low academic performance and negative community perception, an International Baccalaureate magnet program was introduced as a proactive solution. However, the failure to engage in problem posing to identify underlying problems lead school leaders to seek solutions too quickly and to overlook the deeper systemic issues. Teaching notes are provided that outline the concept of problem posing as a means of overcoming the rush to problem solving. Teaching notes advocate for actively prompting discourse that challenges the theory/practice binary and facilitates discursive assessment and critical reflectivity.
... De rechters beslisten unaniem dat de wettelijke segregatie tussen zwarte en witte leerlingen op openbare scholen afgeschaft moest worden, omdat deze apartheid in tegenstrijd was met de grondwet. Van de ‗separate but equal' doctrine die op het einde van de 19 de eeuw tot stand kwam, werd er aldus overgestapt naar de ‗separate is unequal ' doctrine (Read, 1975;Wisdom, 1975). De beslissing van de rechters was echter niet enkel gebaseerd op juridische argumenten: de input van sociale wetenschappers was eveneens belangrijk. ...
Schoolsegregatie, zoals het vorm krijgt in de samenstelling van het leerlingenpubliek naar etnische en sociaaleconomische kenmerken, is een thema dat de laatste jaren sterk aanwezig is in het denken over het onderwijs in Vlaanderen (Sierens, Mahieu & Nouwen, 2011). Net zoals in de rest van de wereld heeft de notie van segregatie ook hier een pejoratieve bijklank. Het mag dan niemand verwonderen dat Vlaanderen sinds twee decennia eveneens een desegregatiebeleid kent. Dit heeft zijn kiemen in de Non-discriminatieverklaring en is verder uitgewerkt in het Gelijke Onderwijskansen beleid (Sierens, Mahieu & Nouwen, 2011). Echter, waarom bepaalde leerlingencomposities problematisch zijn en waarom er überhaupt nood is aan ‘gemengde’ scholen, aan desegregatie dus, is allesbehalve duidelijk. In Vlaanderen is er immers weinig gekend over de gevolgen van de leerlingencompositie op de cognitieve of non-cognitieve aspecten van de leerlingen (Desmedt & Nicaise, 2006; Van Houtte & Stevens, 2009). We weten uit voorgaande studies wel dat de individuele etnische en sociaaleconomische achtergrond (SES) van een leerling samenhangt met zijn onderwijsprestaties, maar wat het netto-effect van etnische en SES samenstelling van het leerlingenpubliek betreft, zijn de onderzoeksgegevens schaars. We weten bijvoorbeeld dat een allochtone leerling uit een arbeidersgezin gemiddeld genomen slechter presteert dan een etnisch Vlaamse leerling uit een welgesteld gezin (Duquet, Glorieux, Laurijssen & Van Dorsselaer, 2006; Lacante, Almaci, Van Esbroeck, Lens & De Metsenaere, 2007), maar we weten niet of die leerling beter zou presteren in een ‘zwarte’ concentratieschool, dan wel in een school met voornamelijk ‘witte’ middenklasse leerlingen. Het publieke discours suggereert voortdurend het voordeel van ‘witte’ of ‘gemengde’ scholen, maar wij kennen weinig studies die dat kunnen onderbouwen, althans wat Vlaanderen betreft. Kortom, het desegregatiebeleid en het publieke discours over schoolsegregatie steunt eerder op common sense veronderstellingen, dan op wetenschappelijke bevindingen. Met dit doctoraatsonderzoek willen we daarom een aantal wetenschappelijke bevindingen in het debat inbrengen. In tegenstelling tot Vlaanderen is er internationaal gezien veel meer bekend over de consequenties van etnische en SES schoolcompositie (voor reviews en meta-analyses zie Stephan, 1978; Braddock & Eitle, 2004; Driessen, 2007; van Ewijk & Sleegers, 2010a, 2010b). Sinds de jaren vijftig van de vorige eeuw hebben tal van studies – voornamelijk uit de Verenigde Staten (VS) – de impact van schoolcompositie onderzocht. Echter, ook het internationaal onderzoek rond segregatie heeft zijn beperkingen. Ten eerste hebben de bestaande studies zich voornamelijk gericht op de cognitieve uitkomsten, met name, op de schoolprestaties van de leerlingen. Over de impact van schoolcompositie op non-cognitieve uitkomsten is er veel minder bekend (Van Houtte & Stevens, 2009; Karsten, 2009). In deze doctoraatstudie willen we daarom ook de effecten van schoolcompositie op non-cognitieve uitkomsten, met name, op het zelfbeeld en het schoolwelbevinden van de leerlingen nagaan. Een tweede, en wel de meest cruciale tekortkoming van het bestaand internationaal onderzoek, is de quasi volledige afwezigheid van verklaringen voor de gevonden effecten van schoolcomposities. Hoewel deze kritiek al decennia herhaald wordt (zie bijvoorbeeld Jencks & Mayer, 1990), zijn de studies die op zoek gaan naar de verklaringen voor de compositie-effecten zeer schaars (zie Karsten, 2009). Ofwel worden theoretische verklaringen naar voren geschoven die niet empirisch worden getest, ofwel worden procesvariabelen in de modellen opgenomen zonder enige theoretische ondersteuning. Met andere woorden, de vraag waarom etnische en SES compositie van de school een invloed heeft, wordt zelden beantwoord. Nochtans is het openen van deze black-box vanuit een fundamenteel wetenschappelijk perspectief van kapitaal belang. Het bestuderen van de intermediaire processen tussen compositiekenmerken en leerlingen is immers de sleutel tot verdere kennisaccumulatie en theorievorming. Ook vanuit het beleidsperspectief is het nagaan van de verklaringen voor de effecten belangrijk: indien we kunnen achterhalen waarom bepaalde composities een negatief effect uitoefenen, kunnen beleidsmakers focussen op deze processen zodat er in alle scholen kwaliteitsvol onderwijs geleverd kan worden. De belangrijkste doelstelling van het voorliggend proefschrift is dan ook het openen van deze black-box van schoolsegregatie: de focus ligt op intermediaire processen die de relatie tussen schoolcompositie en leerlingenuitkomsten kunnen verhelderen. Deze intermediaire processen worden voornamelijk op basis van kwantitatieve data in kaart gebracht en aangevuld met kwalitatieve data. De hoofddoelstelling van het onderzoek kan worden samengevat als een mixed-method studie naar de gevolgen van sociaaleconomische en etnische schoolcompositie op de schoolprestaties, het zelfbeeld en het schoolwelbevinden van de leerlingen in het Vlaamse lager onderwijs met bijzondere aandacht voor intermediaire processen.
The Politics of Major Policy Reform in Postwar America examines the politics of recent landmark policy in areas such as homeland security, civil rights, health care, immigration and trade, and it does so within a broad theoretical and historical context. By considering the politics of major programmatic reforms in the United States since the Second World War - specifically, courses of action aimed at dealing with perceived public problems - a group of distinguished scholars sheds light not only on significant efforts to ameliorate widely recognized ills in domestic and foreign affairs but also on systemic developments in American politics and government. In sum, this volume provides a comprehensive understanding of how major policy breakthroughs are achieved, stifled, or compromised in a political system conventionally understood as resistant to major change.
The Politics of Major Policy Reform in Postwar America examines the politics of recent landmark policy in areas such as homeland security, civil rights, health care, immigration and trade, and it does so within a broad theoretical and historical context. By considering the politics of major programmatic reforms in the United States since the Second World War - specifically, courses of action aimed at dealing with perceived public problems - a group of distinguished scholars sheds light not only on significant efforts to ameliorate widely recognized ills in domestic and foreign affairs but also on systemic developments in American politics and government. In sum, this volume provides a comprehensive understanding of how major policy breakthroughs are achieved, stifled, or compromised in a political system conventionally understood as resistant to major change.
The Politics of Major Policy Reform in Postwar America examines the politics of recent landmark policy in areas such as homeland security, civil rights, health care, immigration and trade, and it does so within a broad theoretical and historical context. By considering the politics of major programmatic reforms in the United States since the Second World War - specifically, courses of action aimed at dealing with perceived public problems - a group of distinguished scholars sheds light not only on significant efforts to ameliorate widely recognized ills in domestic and foreign affairs but also on systemic developments in American politics and government. In sum, this volume provides a comprehensive understanding of how major policy breakthroughs are achieved, stifled, or compromised in a political system conventionally understood as resistant to major change.
The Politics of Major Policy Reform in Postwar America examines the politics of recent landmark policy in areas such as homeland security, civil rights, health care, immigration and trade, and it does so within a broad theoretical and historical context. By considering the politics of major programmatic reforms in the United States since the Second World War - specifically, courses of action aimed at dealing with perceived public problems - a group of distinguished scholars sheds light not only on significant efforts to ameliorate widely recognized ills in domestic and foreign affairs but also on systemic developments in American politics and government. In sum, this volume provides a comprehensive understanding of how major policy breakthroughs are achieved, stifled, or compromised in a political system conventionally understood as resistant to major change.
The Politics of Major Policy Reform in Postwar America examines the politics of recent landmark policy in areas such as homeland security, civil rights, health care, immigration and trade, and it does so within a broad theoretical and historical context. By considering the politics of major programmatic reforms in the United States since the Second World War - specifically, courses of action aimed at dealing with perceived public problems - a group of distinguished scholars sheds light not only on significant efforts to ameliorate widely recognized ills in domestic and foreign affairs but also on systemic developments in American politics and government. In sum, this volume provides a comprehensive understanding of how major policy breakthroughs are achieved, stifled, or compromised in a political system conventionally understood as resistant to major change.
The Politics of Major Policy Reform in Postwar America examines the politics of recent landmark policy in areas such as homeland security, civil rights, health care, immigration and trade, and it does so within a broad theoretical and historical context. By considering the politics of major programmatic reforms in the United States since the Second World War - specifically, courses of action aimed at dealing with perceived public problems - a group of distinguished scholars sheds light not only on significant efforts to ameliorate widely recognized ills in domestic and foreign affairs but also on systemic developments in American politics and government. In sum, this volume provides a comprehensive understanding of how major policy breakthroughs are achieved, stifled, or compromised in a political system conventionally understood as resistant to major change.
The Politics of Major Policy Reform in Postwar America examines the politics of recent landmark policy in areas such as homeland security, civil rights, health care, immigration and trade, and it does so within a broad theoretical and historical context. By considering the politics of major programmatic reforms in the United States since the Second World War - specifically, courses of action aimed at dealing with perceived public problems - a group of distinguished scholars sheds light not only on significant efforts to ameliorate widely recognized ills in domestic and foreign affairs but also on systemic developments in American politics and government. In sum, this volume provides a comprehensive understanding of how major policy breakthroughs are achieved, stifled, or compromised in a political system conventionally understood as resistant to major change.
The Politics of Major Policy Reform in Postwar America examines the politics of recent landmark policy in areas such as homeland security, civil rights, health care, immigration and trade, and it does so within a broad theoretical and historical context. By considering the politics of major programmatic reforms in the United States since the Second World War - specifically, courses of action aimed at dealing with perceived public problems - a group of distinguished scholars sheds light not only on significant efforts to ameliorate widely recognized ills in domestic and foreign affairs but also on systemic developments in American politics and government. In sum, this volume provides a comprehensive understanding of how major policy breakthroughs are achieved, stifled, or compromised in a political system conventionally understood as resistant to major change.
The Politics of Major Policy Reform in Postwar America examines the politics of recent landmark policy in areas such as homeland security, civil rights, health care, immigration and trade, and it does so within a broad theoretical and historical context. By considering the politics of major programmatic reforms in the United States since the Second World War - specifically, courses of action aimed at dealing with perceived public problems - a group of distinguished scholars sheds light not only on significant efforts to ameliorate widely recognized ills in domestic and foreign affairs but also on systemic developments in American politics and government. In sum, this volume provides a comprehensive understanding of how major policy breakthroughs are achieved, stifled, or compromised in a political system conventionally understood as resistant to major change.
The Politics of Major Policy Reform in Postwar America examines the politics of recent landmark policy in areas such as homeland security, civil rights, health care, immigration and trade, and it does so within a broad theoretical and historical context. By considering the politics of major programmatic reforms in the United States since the Second World War - specifically, courses of action aimed at dealing with perceived public problems - a group of distinguished scholars sheds light not only on significant efforts to ameliorate widely recognized ills in domestic and foreign affairs but also on systemic developments in American politics and government. In sum, this volume provides a comprehensive understanding of how major policy breakthroughs are achieved, stifled, or compromised in a political system conventionally understood as resistant to major change.
This article examines the integration of the Chicago Cubs as it was anticipated, chronicled, and contextualized by the Chicago Defender, the city's largest black newspaper during the 1950s. The Cubs’ additions of Ernie Banks and Gene Baker late in the 1953 season are placed into the black community's social and cultural contexts of the time. Examined are the loyalties and cleavages of the south side, loyalties that were already divided among the White Sox, which had integrated several seasons earlier, and the Negro American League, which was struggling to survive (and losing that struggle). Also studied is the reluctance with which the Cubs finally integrated, a late-season decision made almost seven full seasons after Jackie Robinson broke major league baseball's color bar as a member of the 1947 Brooklyn Dodgers.
Brown v Board of Education was decided in 1954 by the Supreme Court in the United States to order the desegregation of students by race in public schools. Opposition to this order occurred in many of the states as well as from the federal executive branch of government itself. Over time, alternatives to educating students have surfaced, some of which have the potential for undermining the original ruling in the Brown decision. National support of education has come in the form of spending legislation that favors accountability and achievement over racial equity with newly funded schools virtually free to carry on the same discrimination as in the past. This article offers an analysis of these trends in American education exposing the paradox of how an emphasis on supposed achievement trumps equality with quality; within the current government activity students of color will be doubtful recipients of either equality of opportunity or greater educator accountability.
In recent years there has been increasing evidence that, in the sensitive domain of race, expert witnesses have failed to provide balanced and useful information to representatives of the two institutions upon which social policy formulations are often dependent, law and social science. This paper examines judicial expectations of expert witnesses, the refusal of some of the nation's most knowledgeable authorities to testify on culturally sensitive racial issues, court rulings based on conventionalized and misleading testimony, and loss of public trust in social science, the law, and the courts. Faulty social science presented to the Supreme Court in the historic school desegregation case, Brown vs. Board of Education (1954) is reviewed in the context of coercion of social scientists whose research had indicated the salient role of biophysical and ecological forces on the course of human development. Ongoing fear of academics to testify objectively for fear of personal and professional damage is examined and a contemporary case vignette presented. Finally, it is suggested that failure of representatives of the legal profession to restrain inappropriate cross-examination restricts the informational spectrum available to decision makers charged with ruling on broad societal issues.
The Constitution requires that government resources must be distributed in a manner that treats all citizens equally unless there is a compelling state interest to differentiate among groups. The history of equal educational opportunity litigation has been the effort to define what constitutes equal and how resources should be allocated within states and school districts. This work addresses the question of whether teacher placement patterns in large, urban school districts can create an inequitable distribution of professional resources to such an extent that a district may be susceptible to lawsuits alleging denial of equal protection of the law. This work also considers the following three silos of educational research: (a) history of equal educational opportunity litigation, (b) nature of teacher-quality research, and (c) study of academic risk.
The earliest efforts to ensure equal educational opportunity sought to ensure that separate-but-equal schools were truly equal. Following Brown v. Board of Education, litigation began to focus on what constituted separate in relation to patterns of attendance and resource allocation. An overlooked area for potential litigation may be the definition of teacher quality as a distributable resource. In focusing on intradistrict patterns of schooling, litigants may be able to use official federal government findings to argue for an equitable distribution of resources as guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment. Formal reports from the U.S. Department of Education officially declare that poor students are at risk of academic failure because they are more likely to receive instruction from underqualified teachers than are their wealthier peers.
This work analyzes the three silos of educational research and builds an illustrative case that demonstrates plaintiffs may be able to build a case that teacher placement patterns may show prima facie evidence of a denial of equal educational opportunity. Since local school districts control the hiring and placement of faculty, they may be the next legal battleground in equal educational opportunity litigation. The conclusion offers solutions for school administrators to prepare for such a challenge by ensuring that placement of teachers bears some relationship to student needs within a single school district.
Developed from thesis work for a presentation to the Chabot College Law and Democracy class in 2012, this work traces the history of segregated schools in the United States.
There is growing interest in how, when and where neighbourhoods affect individual behaviours and outcomes. In Britain, falling levels of owner-occupation and the growth of ethnic minority populations have sparked a debate about how neighbourhood characteristics and neighbourhood change intersect with the decision to move. In this paper we investigate how mobility preferences vary with neighbourhood characteristics and neighbourhood change. We use multilevel logistic regression models to test whether this is configured by personal attributes or attachment to one's neighbourhood and perceived similarity to one's neighbours. The results show that neighbourhood deprivation, changes in neighbourhood ethnic composition and changes in tenure mix are associated with preferring to move. Importantly, we show that a feeling of belonging to the neighbourhood or feeling similar to others in the neighbourhood significantly reduces the desire to move.
The contemporary experiences of racially marginalized people in the West are affected deeply by the hegemonic capitalist Orthodox cultural codes, or episteme, in which blackness operates as the symbol of Chaos. As it relates to people of African descent, these affects are marked by a denial of the black person's full status as an unproblematic subject, by ontological voids arising from the practice of enslavement over the past centuries, and by problems of representation within the West, where examples and points of reference for black identity are always tied up with conflicting interests.
Utilizing Sylvia Wynter's model of the Ceremony as one means of describing the ways in which blacks in the West maneuver the extant psychological and philosophical perils of race in the Western world, I argue that the history of black responses to the West's ontological violence is alive and well, particularly in art forms like spoken word, where the power to define/name oneself is of paramount importance. Focusing on how art shaped black responses to ontologically debilitating circumstances, I argue that there has always existed a model for liberation within African American culture and tradition.
This work takes an approach that is philosophical and theoretical in nature in order to address the wide breadth of the black experience that lies beyond the realm of statistics. The goal of this approach is to continue the work of unraveling hidden or under-discussed aspects of the black experience in order to more clearly find possibilities for addressing problems in the construction of race and marginalized people within the Western episteme. This work attempts to redefine the struggle for a healthier ontology within the framework of a process of liberation that transcends Orthodox limitations on the marginalized subject.
This article first identifies types of second generation discrimination practices (e.g., ability grouping, tracking, racially biased disciplinary actions) and discusses how these practices may impede desegregation success and produce educational inequities. Second, based on data from 82 large urban school districts, the incidence of second generation school discrimination is measured and the variation among districts is explained. Of the variables included in the regression model to explain second generation discrimination (district socioeconomic status, black resources, federal pressure, black school board representation, and black teachers), two variables were found to be significantly related to lower levels of discrimination-high black median income and a high proportion of black teachers in the school district.
Considers the relationship of judicial decision in school segregation cases with that of social science research. (RK)
Advances the proposition that the emphasis on social science data in school desegregation litigation is misplaced; that the supporting basis for "Brown v. Board Of Education" was the equal protection clause; and that the use of social science in future school litigation should focus on how to improve desegregated educational programs rather than how to devise alternative remedies. (Author/RK)
On the basis of analysis of the desegregation of one particular school, this paper has suggested some ways in which desegregation may be beneficial to white students. This analysis suggests that under certain circumstances desegregation can lead to beneficial changes in the school programs available, as well as to an increase in the utilization of outside resources which more than offsets additional costs linked to the desegregation process. Further, experiences in desegregated classrooms may also lead to some reduction in the almost automatic unreasoning fear many white children have of blacks, was well as helping whites develop the ability to work effectively with out-group members. The purpose of this analysis is not to argue that desegregation must go forwardbecause it helps whites or even that the benefits of desegregation always outweigh the costs for individual students, black or white. Rather, my aim has been to explore some previously uncharted territory and to suggest some hypothesis that further research can explore more fully.
Two interrelated issues have increasingly occupied the attention of the courts, as judges, lawyers and expert witnesses wrestle with the issue of school desegregation and mandatory busing. The first of these issues concerns the extent to which there are causal relationships between schools and housing patterns, while the second issue revolves around the impact of mandatory busing on white flight (either as population relocation or public school abandonment). The courts have chosen to accept the tenuous argument of a causative relationship between schools and housing and to downplay the considerable impacts of their court orders requiring mandatory busing. These court orders have directly influenced population distributions and may affect population redistribution in the future.
The degree of autonomy of the local state and of urban managers is a focus of contemporary debate. This paper looks at the situation in the United States, where the actions of some local state managers may be subject to scrutiny by a panel of `supermanagers', the justices of the Supreme Court.
1971) (referring to the court's prior unreported opinion). 163. 433 F
- F D Suppe
- Mich
See 338 F. Supp. 582, 584 (E.D. Mich. 1971) (referring to the court's prior unreported
opinion).
163. 433 F.2d 897 (6th Cir. 1970).
164. 338 F. Supp. at 584.
165. 438 F.2d 945, 947 (6th Cir. 1971).
1972 determination that Detroit-only desegregation plans were unacceptable is unpublished. 168. 345 F
- Judge Roth 's
Judge Roth's March 28, 1972 determination that Detroit-only desegregation plans
were unacceptable is unpublished.
168. 345 F. Supp. 914 (E.D. Mich. 1972).
The Southern Negro Fights for Quality Education
- See Read
See Read, The Southern Negro Fights for Quality Education, N.Y. Times, Oct. 13, 1969, at
52, col. 4.
It is possible that, while the equal protection
- Rawls Seej
SeeJ. RAWLS. A THEORY OF lUST t_(1971). It is possible that, while the equal protection
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