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Thematic Section
Buen Vivir: Today’s tomorrow
EDUARDO GUDYNAS ABSTRACT Eduardo Gudynas looks at the main trends of the
discourse around Buen Vivir in South America. He looks at the rich
and multiple discourses around Buen Vivir, as a political platform for
different visions of alternatives to development. The paradox that
development can be declared defunct and yet in the next step
promoted as the only way forward is deeply embedded in modern
culture. Therefore, any alternative to development must open paths
to move beyond the modern Western culture. Buen Vivir, he argues
gives that opportunity.
KEYWORDS modernity; Latin America; visions; alternatives;
indigenous; politics
Buen Vivir o r Vivir Bien, are the Spa nish words used in Latin America to describe alte r-
natives to development focused on the good life in a broad sense. The term is actively
used by social movements, and it has become a popular term in some government pro-
grams and has even reached its way into twonew Constitutions in Ecuador and Bolivia.
It is a plural concept with two main entry points. On the one hand, it includes critical
reactions to classical Western development theory. On the other hand, it refers to alter-
natives to development emerging from indigenous traditions, and in this sense the con-
cept explores possibilities beyond the modern Eurocentric tradition.
The richness of the term is difficult to translate into English. It includes the classical
ideas of quality of life, but with the specific idea that well-being is only possible within
a community. Furthermore, in most approaches the community concept is understood
in an expanded sense, to include Nature. Buen Vivir therefore embraces the broad
notion of well-being and cohabitation with others and Nature. In this regard, the con-
cept is also plural, as there are many different interpretations depending on cultural,
historical and ecological setting.
Development as a zombie category
The classical Western idea of development has been declared dead several times in the
last decades, but it persists. Critical positions that counter the myth of development have
been repeated several times over the last 40 years. There are countless reactions from
social movements against the negative effects (both social and ecological) of many
‘development projects’. But most of the reactions were at a superficial level, attempting
to repair or fix what was considered inappropriate applications of classical development.
Development, 2011,54(4), (441–447)
r2011 Society for International Development 1011-6370/11
www.sidint.net/development/
Development (2011) 54(4), 441–447. doi:10.1057/dev.2011.86
This resulted in Western development being
declared deceased and then at the same time
being resuscitated. It became a zombie concept,
dead and alive at the same time. Even the recent
global economic and financial crisis did not offer
a clear solution, but a deepening of this paradox.
While many industrialized countries are sunk
in a deep multidimensional crisis, their main dis-
cussion is still at the level of the financial and
instrumental levels. While a series of socialist,
progressive or new left governments are found
in the Global South (ranging from China and
Vietnam, to Brazil and Venezuela), they present
themselves as emerging economies that defend
classical growth strategies, some exporting cheap
goods, others trading natural resources.
The paradox that development can be declared
defunct and yet in the next step promoted as
the only way forward is deeply embedded in
modern culture. Therefore, any alternative to
development must open paths to move beyond the
modern Western culture. Buen Vivir gives that
opportunity.
Buen Vivir emerges in South America
Early formulations of the Buen Vivir emerged
in reaction to classical development strategies,
either due to its negative social or environmental
impacts, or the debatable economic effects. Many
critiques highlighted the shortcomings and nega-
tive impacts of development projects implemented
by governments and multilateral development
banks in Latin America in the last decades. In the
early 2000s, it was clear that instrumental fixes
or economic compensation to balance the nega-
tive effects of current development strategies,
were inadequate, and the classical development
idea had to be abandoned.
That approach resembles the post-development
questioning, along the line of Arturo Escobar’s
(1992) key distinction between ‘alternative deve-
lopments’ and ‘alternatives to development’.
Although most of the early formulations of the
Buen Vivir were produc ed independ ently of those
post-development questions, there are strong
similarities, because they represent a radical de-
construction of the cultural base of development,
its legitimating discourses, its applications and
institutional frameworks.
Such radical questioning was possible within
several indigenous traditions in South America,
which culturally lacked concepts like develop-
ment or progress. The contribution of indigenous
knowledge to Buen Vivir therefore continues to be
a critical thread.
One of the most well-known approaches to
Buen Vivir is the Ecuadorian concept of sumak
kawsay, the kichwa wording for a fullness life in a
community, together with other persons and
Nature. More or less at the same time that sumak
kawsay become spoken about in Ecuador in
Bolivia a similar aymara concept of suma qaman
a
emerged.
These concepts received widespread attention,
and in a short period of time received broad social,
cultural and political support. They offered valu-
able pathways to overcome the obsession with the
word‘development’, and explore alternatives with-
in a pluricultural setting.
Constitutional adoption of Buen Vivir,
Vivir Bien
This growing consensus ended in the incorpora-
tion of the ideas of Buen Vivir in the new Constitu-
tions of Ecuador (approved in 2008) and Bolivia
(approved in 2009). Both cases were part of a poli-
tical process that started, first with a reaction to
the neo-liberal market reforms in the late 1990s
and early 2000s (which included a strong critique
of classical development strategies), and second,
with the election of governments of the Latin
American new left or progressism, that allowed
the expression of indigenous knowledge and tra-
ditions that were oppressed, minimized or subor-
dinated over centuries.
Nevertheless, the concept was handled in quite
different ways in these two constitutions. In the
Bolivian case, is presented in Spanish as ‘Vivir
Bien’, and is included in the section devoted to the
ethical and moral principles describing the
values, ends and objectives of the State. The
approach is multicultural, and Vivir Bien is
referred to the aymara concept of suma qaman
a,
but also to the guaran|¤ideas of the harmonious
Development 54(4): Thematic Section
442
living (n
andereko), good life (teko kavi), the land
without evil (ivi maraei) and the path to the noble
life (qhapaj n
an). These ideas come from different
cultures but al l are presented together at the same
level, without hierarchie s.The y are par t of a major
set o f principles linked to other wel l-known pri nci-
ples, such as unity, equality, dignity, freedom, soli-
darity, reciprocity, social and gender equity, social
justice, responsibility and so on. Furthermore,
all the ethical^moral principles, including Vivir
Bien, are linked to the economic organization of
the State. The Bolivian Constitution introduces
an economic plural model (in the sense of diverse
cultural origins of economic activities), and its
objectives a re to increas e quality of lif e and en sure
the Vivir Bien.
In the new Constitution of Ecuador the concep-
tual framework is different. Although Buen Vivir
is referred to an indigenous concept, the sumak
kawsay of the kichwa, is described as a set of
rights, which include those referred to health,
shelter, education, food, environment and so on.
Thus, BuenVivir is not an ethical principle for the
State as in Bolivia, but a complex set of several
rights, most of them found in the Western tradi-
tion, although fitted in a different framework.
These are in the same hierarchy level with
another set of rights, that include, among other,
those of freedom, participation, communities,
protection, and also the rights of Nature (one of
the other striking innovations in the Ecuadorian
text). These sets of rights should be fulfilled
in an intercultural framework, respecting their
diversity, and in a harmonious coexistence with
Nature.
Along a parallel pathway was the adoption of
Buen Vivir based on rights in the Ecuadorian Con-
stitution that brings together a‘BuenVivir regime’
with a ‘development regime’. This leads to a devel-
opment program or strategy needing to be arti-
culated and functional within the framework
and objectives of Buen Vivir. This formulation is
impressive, because it move away from the classi-
cal approach where a classical development
strategy determines and limits economic and
social life (Walsh, 2010, for further analysis). In
contrast, the Ecuadorian approach requires
that the economic, political, social, cultural and
environmental areas should be arranged to
guarantee the sumak kawsay.
As indicated, there are differences between the
two constitutions. While the Bolivian one is
focused on Buen Vivir as an ethical principle, that
of Ecuador offers a stronger approach because
the concept is conceived as a plural set of rights.
The Bolivian formulation offers more options for
cultural diversity than the Ecuadorian, but does
not include Buen Vivir as a right. The E cuadorian
text clearly stated that development in line with
Buen Vivir is required to fulfil the rights of Nature
or Pachamama (with a biocentric posture that
recognizes intrinsic values in the environment).
The Bolivian text does not recognize intrinsic
values in Nature, and the environment is pre-
sented within the classical third generation
human rights (quality of life and protection of the
environment).
A plural endeavour
The presentation of Buen Vivir in the Constitu-
tions of Bolivia and Ecuador are good examples of
present day debates in South America. In both
the contributions of indigenous knowledge are
key elements in these endeavours, particularly
those based on the aymara, quechua and kichwa
Andean traditions.
But Buen Vivir is not limited to those framings,
there are similar or analogous frameworks found
in many other cultures. Besides the guaran|
¤(as
mentioned in the case of Bolivia), other examples
are: the idea of the good life, shiir waras,ofthe
shuar of Ecuador, or the harmonious living, ku
ºme
mongen, of the mapuches of Chile.These and other
understandings of Buen Vivir have existe d for cen-
turies, but are only now being drawn into the
debate around development.
These approaches to Buen Vivir are distinct
from Wester n k nowledge rooted in the modernit y.
In fact, most of them have emerged as expres-
sions of a decolonial efforts, attempts to strength-
en cultural identities. Nevertheless, Buen Vivir
should not be understood as a return to a distant
Andean past, pre-colonial times. It is not a static
concept, but an idea that is continually being
created.
Gudynas: Buen Vivir
443
Fluid knowledge: suma qaman
˜a
The Bolivian idea of suma qaman
ais an excellent
example of this powerful process. Although extre-
mely popular, both inside and outside Bolivia,
there is strong evidence that suma qaman
ais not
found in the every day life of aymara rural com-
munities, but that the terms were a recent crea-
tion, by the aymara sociologist Simo
Łn Yampara.
His work offers a detailed and sophisticated ela-
boration of traditional knowledge that responds
to the present challenge imposed by classical
development (Yampara, 2001, and personal inter-
views in La Paz, 2011).
Yampara understands that the suma qaman
ais
not restricted to material well-being, as expressed
in the ownership of property or consumption at
the heart of capitalist societies, but is a harmo-
nious balance between material and spiritual
components, which is only possible in the specific
context of a community, which is social but also
ecological. This social and ecological conception
of community is linked to the Andean concept of
the ayllu, where well-being encompasses not only
persons, but also crops and cattle, and the rest of
Nature. The classical Western dualism that sepa-
rates society from Nature vanishes under thisper-
spective, as one contains the other, and they are
not separable.
Following this path, some ideas of BuenVivir in
the highlands of Bolivia and southern Peru
¤, could
be also formulated as a ‘common germination of a
good life’. This is because features described in
Western terms as quality of human life, should be
cultivated and nurtured in a social^natural conti-
nuum.
Buen Vivir as a multilayered political
process
As suma qaman
ais a recent formulation, it is also
an example of powerful cultural innovations and
capabilities rooted in the indigenous knowledge
and traditions, to face current development strate-
gies. Therefore, Buen Vivir expresses a process,
that is now underway which offers new answers
to post-development questions, while reinforcing
cultural identity and promoting alternatives to
Western Modernity.
All these different ideas of Buen Vivir are speci-
fic to each culture, with its own language, history,
specific social and political contexts, and placed
in diverse environments. Thus, the Ecuadorian
sumak kawsay is not identical to the guaran|
¤n
an-
dereko, and these two are different from all the
others. There is no room for an essentialist posi-
tion. Furthermore, is not possible to identify one
idea of the Buen Vivir as the best one that became
a standard reference to be followed by all others
indigenous groups in Latin America. As an exam-
ple, the suma qaman
aposition is only possible
in the cultural and ecological landscapes of the
Andes. There is no sense in trying to apply the
concept to other regions; other cultures will have
to explore and build their own Buen Vivir. The
term BuenVivir is best understood as an umbrella
for a set of diffe rent p ositions ( Gudynas, 2011).
Buen Vivir in the borders of modernity
BuenVivir is not restricted to indigenous postures.
Similar approaches are found in other mixed or
multicultural settings. A good example is the
‘quiet life’of the ‘cambas’of the forest at northern
Bolivia, resulting from more than 150 years of
mixing and hybridization of different ethnic
groupings. Their defense of the well-being, secur-
ity, happiness and identity in tropical forests, is
the result of a today’s cultural mix.
Other approaches to the Buen Vivir came from
some small, usually marginalized or neglected,
critical positions within modernity, which are cri-
tical of classical development and its deviations.
I would like to mention three cases that give
examples of different possible linkages with the
indigenous traditions. The first one, are the
critical studies on development in general, and
post-development in particular such as those
around the work of Escobar. In this case, most of
the relations are of mutual reinforcement with
ideas like suma qaman
aor sumak kawsay.
The second one, are radical environmental
postures, particularly deep ecology and other
biocentric approaches (Naess, 1989). They reject
the anthropocentric perspective of modernity,
Development 54(4): Thematic Section
444
and their recognition of intrinsic values in the
environment is analogous to postures found in
several indigenous perspectives of Buen Vivir,
particularly from the indigenous nations at
tropical forests.
The last position comes from feminist perspec-
tives, with their radical view of gender roles and
its links with societal hierarchies but also domi-
nation over Nature (Saunders, 2002). In this case,
the relation of learning and openness to other
views is reversed, as most indigenous traditions
have a difficult time acknowledging gender
inequalities and the importance of recognizing
women’s agency and power, so this critical Wes-
tern approach offers valuable insights to them.
These and other examples shows that Buen
Vivir should not be conceived as a position limited
to non-Western knowledge, but as useful concept
that can support and enhance critical traditions
looking for alternatives to development. The criti-
cal approaches to development can complement
the indigenous traditions, and vice versa.
The core of common ideas
Although BuenVivir is a plural endeavour, there is
a set of common ideas that provides unity to the
perspective and allows us to draw some borders
around the concept. First of all, Buen Vivir can be
considered as a platform where critical views of
development are shared. All positions consider
alternatives not as an instrumental fixing of
current strategies, but as a replacement of the
very idea of development. Therefore, this is a
platform also in a literal sense, because it pro-
vides the ground to move towards alternatives to
development.
All positions promote ethical perspectives that
are grounded in values. They are a reaction
against t he conventional domination of utilitarian
values, particularly expressed in the reduc tionism
of life to economic values and the subsequent
commoditization of almost everything. Buen Vivir
acknowledges that there are several ways to give
value, such as esthetic, cultural, historical, envir-
onmental, spiritual and so on. The omnipresence
of capital categories (such as human capital or
natural capital) are resized to be just one way to
give value and included within broader frame-
works (usually based on the idea of patrimony).
Last, but not least, intrisinc values are recognized,
and Nature becomes a subject; human beings as
the only source of values are therefore displaced.
The vision promoted by Buen Vivir strongly
supports the need to explore alternatives to devel-
opment beyond conventional Eurocentric knowl-
edge. Thus, decolonization is a component within
Buen Vivir proposals (including the work by
indigenous intellectuals, but also incorporating
ideas promote d a mong other s by Walter Mignolo).
This decolonization opens the doors to different
sets of understandings, rationalities and feelings
of the world.
But on the other hand, the Buen Vivir also
respe cts its internal plu rality o f concept ions, w ith-
out hierarchies. The classical liberal approach of
multiculturality is insufficient to this purpose, so
an intercultural position is followed. Buen Vivir is
more than a simple coexistence or juxtaposition
of different cultures, because they interact in dia-
logue and praxis focused on promoting alterna-
tives to development.
Buen Vivir promotes the dissolution of the
Society ^ Nature dualism. Nature becomes part of
the social world, and political communities could
extend in some cases to the non-human. These
include, as examples, the proposals of the bio-
centric environmental perspective, but also indi-
genous positions that recognize that the non-
human (either animals, plants, ecosystems or
spirits) have will and feelings. Thus, the polis is
expanded, and the concept of citizenship is
widened to include these other actors within
environmental settings.
Buen Vivir moves away from the prevalence of
instrumental and manipulative rationality. It
rejects the modern stance that almost everything
should be dominated and controlled, either per-
sons or Nature, so as to become a means to our
ends. Furthermore, the Buen Vivir does not
endorse the classical understanding of a unidirec-
tional linear progression of history, following a
precise path, as several directions are possible.
Lastly, the Buen Vivir as a platform is not
restricted to a material dimension, as it is also a
common dimension of BuenVivir to share feelings
Gudynas: Buen Vivir
445
and affections. Buen Vivir is expressed in the
experiences of happiness and sadness, in rebellion
and compassion, as illustrated in the experiences
of many social movements.
Controversies and overlaps
The Buen Vivir has been the target of heated criti-
cism. Critics see Buen Vivir as a mystical return to
an indigenous past, lacking any practical strategy.
This is not the case, in some contexts, Buen Vivir
presents precise proposals and strategies. These
include reforms in legal forms, introduction of
environmental accounting, tax reforms, demater-
ialization of economies and alternative regional
integration within South America. These propo-
sals show that many different and even complex
instruments can be handled under the Buen Vivir
framework. In a very simple example, the Buen
Vivir will not stop building bridges, and will not
reject the use of Western physics and engineering
to build them, but the ones that it will propose
may well have different sizes and materials, will
be placed in other locations, and certainly will
serve local and regional needs and not the needs
of global markets.
As Buen Vivir rejects growth as the mean of
development, it could be assumed that are wide
overlaps with the ideas of the ‘degrowth’ move-
ment. To deal with this, it is important to recogniz e
that there are at least to main perspectives of
degrowth: one follows Latouche (2009), present-
ing degrowth as a political slogan; the other is
more restricted, and propose a ‘sustainable
degrowth’strategy (Mart|¤nez-Alier et al., 2010).
In the first case, there are several coincidences
with Buen Vivir, as both reject growth as the
main objective of development, and there is a shift
to an austere life style, oriented to the quality of
life. Nevertheless, other differences remains in
place, particularly because Buen Vivir gives a
strong attention to different ethical settings,
incorporates spiritual positions, and is strongly
intercultural.
The second approach, although more detailed,
still moves around the ‘growth’criteria. So some
Buen Vivir compone nts li ke the di ssolution of the
duality with Nature or the recognition of intrinsic
values, are not incorporated.Words are not inno-
cent, and the insistence to use degrowth is proble-
matic in the Global South. A first reaction is to
interpret degrowth as a call to reduce the con-
sumption and means of life of the poor. Buen Vivir
is broader category, where degrowth is not an
objective, but a consequence.
Other related overlaps are found between Buen
Vivir and some ideas of the socialist tradition. As
the BuenVivir moves in a post-capitalist direction,
it is common for many people to assume that it is
a new type of socialism or that there is a socialist
trend towards the Buen Vivir. Nevertheless, pre-
sent day formulations of the ‘XXI century social-
ism’are still within the modern tradition, and do
not incorporate a strong environmental compo-
nent, and are not intercultural.
A‘socialist sumak kawsay’ has been proposed by
Rene
ŁRam|¤rez, planning secretary of Ecuador,
desc ribed as bio -social, republic an and egalitar ian
(Ram|¤rez, 2010). His approach is to present a
series of conditions and reformulations of the
socialist tradition, such as the ‘bio’ component
(referring to the rights of Nature) or ‘republican’
one (addressing the need for an institutional state
framework). On the one hand, the number of
modifications leads to the question of whether his
proposal should still be considered socialism. On
the other hand, some of his conditions are compa-
tible with the BuenVivir perspective, as the rights
of Nature, still other tensions remains. This is
because Buen Vivir also departs from other key
postitions present in the socialist tradition, which
is part of the modern rationality, such as, for
example, its faith in progress and its materialist
perspective.
The Buen Vivir per spective is, in this se nse, not
only post-capitalist, but also post-socialist. As a
platform to explore and build alternatives beyond
Europea n modernit y, it is moving away from Euro-
centric political thought. But, Buen Vivir did not
imply a complete rupture with those traditions,
but a selective adoption of some critical positions
rather than others. Thus, there is a bridge to the
Buen Vivir expressed social justice positions,
which is not possible with the conservative or
neoliberal postitions. To put it simply, we will not
be able to move beyond modern thought from the
Development 54(4): Thematic Section
446
right, because the exit towards alternatives to
development is on the left.
Beyond modernity
Following this trait, when Buen Vivir criticizes
development, it also questions the very founda-
tions of modernity, causing tensions at a deeper
level: the world views or ontologies. Following
Blaser (2010), ontologies are world representations
(both discursive and non-discursive), which deter-
mine what is inside or outside those worlds, what
is true or not, and how we interact with this
world. Modernity is a particular ontology that
in the last centuries determined the division
between nature and society, a colonial distinction
between modern and non-modern indigenous
peoples, the myth of progress as a unidirectional
linear path, and a strong confidence on Cartesian
science.
All these assumptions are under critical review
by the Buen Vivir platform. Buen Vivir offers a
common ground where critical perspectives on
development, originated from different ontologies,
meet and interact, is a new space for dealing with
other alternate ontologies. But is also a politically
oriented platform, as its actors pushes for alterna-
tives to development, such as being relational
(recovering a strong interlinkage between nature
and society) or the expanded interpretation of
political communities.
In recognizing that development is a zombie
category, the increasing understanding (and feel-
ing) in South America is that the modernity
project is exhausted, and this is an opportunity
to make visible, understand and promote alterna-
tive worldviews to move away from what we
yesterday called development, and tomorrow will
be replaced by BuenVivir.
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