The influence of the nation of Islam on African American singers

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This article explores the responses of African American musicians to the strictures placed on the production and circulation of information following the war on terror post 9/11. This date marks the intensification of the challenging of ‘war on terror’ ideology by black artists. 9/11 also ushered in a new morality in terms of which artists and democratic voices are subjected to extreme control by the government. Most black popular musicians, though American by citizenship, do not feel included in the American nation. There are noticeable and differentiable tendencies among musicians who adopt strategies of resistance to the American state, which the artists view as practising terrorism on its own people. The lyrics of Public Enemy and Talib Kweli are most trenchant in their critiques of American domestic and foreign policy in the period both before and after 9/11. A textual analysis of the music can help uncover the extent of social ideology in the music, which not only proclaims itself a crusade against American ‘war on terror’ ideology, but sometimes openly identifies its inspiration as deriving from Islam. While selected lyrics demonstrate a quest for the liberation of black Americans from the perceived injustices perpetrated by America on its black people and the Arabs in general, the singers articulate their visions from the contradictory ideological ground of being American, victim, and visionary artist for a better society.

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In responding to the events of 11 September 2001—the terrorist attacks on New York and Washington—George W. Bush announced to the world that democracy itself was under attack, and that such an attack1 represented a threat to democracy. Such an interpretation of these events, along with portraying Western democracy as a victim in need of protection and as ‘good’—and establishing thereby the moral high ground—also represented one of the main discourses in which the Tampa refugees were discussed in Australia, and has continued to be a prominent discourse in public discussion within Australia about the War on Terror, the Bali Bombings and both refugees and detention centres. Drawing on a detailed analysis of letters to the editor published in The Australian in the aftermath of 9/11, this paper seeks to show not only that discussion of the events of 2001 and 2002 has tended to coalesce around two apparently irreconcilable discourses—that of the aforementioned desire to protect democracy or ‘our way of life’ versus that expressive of a kind of ‘globalized humanitarianism’—but that these discourses are indeed not so much irreconcilable but share a common ground along with common stakes and ends.
We apply extreme value analysis to US sectoral stock indices in order to assess whether tail risk measures like value-at-risk and extremal linkages were significantly altered by 9/11. We test whether semi-parametric quantile estimates of 'downside risk' and 'upward potential' have increased after 9/11. The same methodology allows one to estimate probabilities of joint booms and busts for pairs of sectoral indices or for a sectoral index and a market portfolio. The latter probabilities measure the sectoral response to macro shocks during periods of financial stress (so-called 'tail-βs'). Taking 9/11 as the sample midpoint we find that tail-βs often increase in a statistically and economically significant way. This might be due to perceived risk of new terrorist attacks.
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The right to an individual's privacy and the right of a nation to protect itself hang in the balance.
This article examines the impact of the 9/11 attacks on railroad security. Railroad security has been traditionally defined as a problem of trespass and liability for deaths, injuries, and property damage sustained or caused by trespassers. It argues that the private freight railroad industry, not government, has largely directed the efforts to prevent terrorism and share information on suspected terrorist threats, through the prompt formation of a loosely coupled network of organizations coordinated by the industry trade association, the American Association of Railroads. The freight railroad network approach is contrasted with the efforts of Amtrak to gain public funds for its security efforts by connecting its survival with homeland security. Kingdon's model of the policy process is used to explain how 9/11 has presented an opportunity for railroads to use policy windows to gain benefits for the industry while at the same time resisting possible reregulation. It contrasts the network approach with the traditional hierarchical-bureaucratic form of organization used in the design of the Department of Homeland Security, and suggests it poses a valuable case study to see how information can be shared between widely divergent types of organizations, and test how best to prevent future terrorist events. Copyright 2004 by The Policy Studies Association..
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