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Demographic Colonialism: EU–African Migration Management and the Legacy of Eurafrica

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Abstract

This article analyses current EU–African migration policy, but argues that it must be understood in its historical context. Whereas migration today is to be managed in the framework of an EU-African partnership model built on equality and mutual ‘win–win’ dynamics, a closer look at the history of EU-African migration reveals striking parallels between past and present. Throughout the period from the 1920s and onward, the migration policies devised within various frameworks of European integration have been shaped by demographic projections. Each time demography has governed European migration policy vis-à-vis Africa, what has first been introduced as a mutual interest has quickly been transformed into a geopolitical relationship, where one partner has channelled migration to its own benefit. It is thus argued that unless scholars start to attend to European integration's crucial colonial history, current power asymmetries between the ‘partners’ will not only remain obscure; we will also fail to recognize the continued, even increasing, currency of colonial ideology in the EU's African relations. Este artículo analiza la política de la migración entre la Unión Europea y África, pero sostiene que debe entenderse dentro del contexto histórico. Considerando que la migración hoy en día debe conducirse en el marco de un modelo de asociación entre la Unión Europea y África, con fundamento en la igualdad y las dinámicas “mutuamente beneficiosas”, un análisis más detenido de la historia de la migración entre la Unión Europea y África, revela paralelos sorprendentes entre el pasado y el presente. A través del periodo que va de 1920 en adelante, las políticas de migración concebidas dentro de varios marcos de la integración europea, se han moldeado por proyecciones demográficas. Cada vez que la demografía ha regido la política de la migración europea con respecto al África, lo que se ha introducido como un interés mutuo, se ha transformado rápidamente en una relación geopolítica, en la que uno de los socios ha canalizado la migración para su propio beneficio. Por lo tanto, se plantea que a menos que los académicos comiencen a prestar atención a la historia crucial de la colonia, las asimetrías de poder entre los “socios” quedarán poco claras. También fallaremos en reconocer la vigencia continua e inclusive en aumento de la ideología colonial, en las relaciones entre la Unión Europea y África. 本文分析了当前欧盟对非洲的移民政策,认为必须在历史背景下理解这一政策。尽管当前欧盟对非洲移民问题的政策框架以平等和双赢为基础,但进一步考察移民史可发现,历史与现状有着很多相似之处。从20世纪20年代至今,每次欧洲一体化进程中的移民政策都是由人口统计学推动塑造的。人口统计学每一次都主导了欧洲的对非移民政策,因此起初以互利引入的移民政策最终都转变为地缘政治关系,其中一方依据自身利益来引导移民。因此,本文认为,除非学者关注欧洲一体化的殖民史,否则就无法认清当前“伙伴”关系间的权力不对称,也就认识不到欧盟对非关系中持续的甚至不断强化的殖民主义意识形态。

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... Initially, the emphasis of several EU-Africa declarations and partnerships were strongly marked by the fight against irregular migration. However, since 2005 EU institutions have said that securitisation alone cannot achieve this, hence the dimensions of cooperation, partnership and development have been promoted (Hansen & Jonsson, 2011). An example of this is the Rabat Declaration, which was created during the first Euro-African Ministerial Conference on Migration and Development held in 2006 by the initiation of Spanish political action together with France and Morocco. ...
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This paper questions the existence of a European externalisation front as a coherent and unified process. Instead, it advances a complex understanding of the political dynamics surrounding the externalisation of European borders as embedded in development cooperation and aid policies. Drawing on the concepts of transnational social field and transnational governmentality, we examine the case of the EU Trust Fund for Africa and development projects funded in Morocco in the field of migration. The implementation of development cooperation funds in Morocco stands as a case in point for understanding what externalisation means on the ground, as it shows the performance of heterogeneous cooperation strategies that resemanticise the North-South divide in the role played by European countries. Our analysis attempts to illustrate these changes by first examining Morocco’s reconfiguration in the EU’s funding allocation strategy –shifting to more or less central positions depending on punctual “migration crises”. Second, discussing the process of EU delegated cooperation and the NGO-isation of EU Member States. Thirdly, by considering the agency countries from the Global South can deploy through the migration diplomacy, shaping even the implementation of migration containment projects funded by the EU or its Member States.
... Laboratoire transnational d'interventions sécuritaires et anti-terroristes, le Mali a également été un terrain majeur pour l'externalisation européenne de la gestion de la migration et des frontières. Ici et ailleurs, la tentative de l'Europe de contrôler la migration en provenance d'Afrique, ne fait pas que résonance avec l'histoire coloniale, mais la reproduit de manière concrète (Hansen et Jonsson 2011;Gaibazzi, Bellagamba et Dünnwald 2016;Lemberg-Pedersen 2019). La production de connaissances sur les migrations en Afrique joue un rôle crucial à cet égard. ...
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Les auteurs ont établi le texte ci-présent à partir des idées énoncées et des discussions menées lors de la rencontre « Récits et débats locaux sur la migration. Dits et non-dits de l'expérience du départ et du retour » à Bamako du 2 au 6 octobre 2019. Tous les participants de l'atelier ont eu leur part active dans la conception des approches avancées par la suite. Résumé Sortant d'un atelier interdisciplinaire sur la migration africaine, les auteurs proposent quelques pistes pratiques afin de commencer à décoloniser la recherche sur la migration. Ces pistes se résument en un réajustement de nos méthodes de travail par rapport à la relation que nous tenons avec nos sujets de recherche humains. Il s'agit justement de faire ressortir plus clairement l'agentivité de nos interlocuteurs tout en réduisant notre propre présence, qui peut parfois peser lourd sur la recherche. Dans ce but, nous proposons que le chercheur laisse plus de place à son interlocuteur de s'exprimer librement et qu'il écoute les théorisations proposées par les acteurs eux-mêmes. Au lieu de forcer nos analyses spécialisées sur le sujet, notre tâche consistera plutôt en une contextualisation pour faciliter la lecture à des personnes tierces. Nous nous devons donc de diffuser les résultats de nos recherches aussi en dehors de nos disciplines respectives afin de susciter l'intérêt pour notre travail et nos efforts. Abstract After having participated in an interdisciplinary workshop on African migration, the authors suggest some practical ways to start decolonizing migration research. These avenues can be summarized as follows: readjusting our analytical methods to speak with rather than for our human research subjects. We seek to accentuate the agency of our interlocutors by reducing our own presence, which can sometimes weigh heavily on the research. To this end, we propose that researchers leave more space to their interlocutors to express themselves freely and listen to the theorizing actors themselves propose. Instead of forcing our specialized analyses on the subject, our task is rather to contextualize the research in order to make it easier for third parties to read. We must therefore also disseminate the results of our research outside our respective disciplines in order to generate interest in our work and efforts.
... Overall, there appears to be a scholarly consensus to reexamine Africa's historical past in order to understand its root causes of the current fragility, conflict, and violence. Despite diverse timelines in investigating the historical past, most scholars on the European Union (EU)-Africa partnership on migration control appear to start their analysis from the engagement in the twentieth century through colonialism [16][17][18][19][20][21][22][23][24]. We, therefore, define the root causes as the long-standing socioeconomic and political conditions that generate fragility within institutions, vulnerability among people, and violent conflict. ...
Chapter
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Land-related issues are directly and indirectly the main cause of instability, conflict, and violence in Africa. When we think of addressing the root cause of human displacement and irregular migration in Africa, resolving historical land injustice, mitigating marginalization, and implementation of sustainable land reform ought to be central. Yet, land reform is inadequately considered from the international community toward finding solutions for instability and irregular migration. Land reform legislation hardly shows up in the European Union (EU)-Africa partnership on migration management major policy documents. This research asserts that stability and sustainable migration management in Africa are grounded on enhanced social inclusion established through sustainable land reforms. It also brings to the limelight the disconnection between international relations with Africa in addressing irregular migration and the real threat facing some African communities and households. The linked concept of human security to land security and relational ties to socio-ecological vulnerability and resilience is examined. An exploratory sustainable land reform option is considered as a comprehensive perspective of irregular migration management within the EU-Africa mobility framework.
... Each year thousands of migrants from Africa enter Europe after braving the perils of crossing the Mediterranean Sea using inadequate transport conditions. Although several factors could be listed as reasons, the EU's tightened entry policies for African migrants, on the one hand, and lack of financial means and appropriate travel documents by the migrants, on the other hand, are thought to have forced African immigrants to choose the irregular pathways (Hansen and Jonsson, 2011;Flahaux and De Haas, 2016). To examine the extent to which human security factors determine the flow of African asylum seekers to Europe, we re-estimate (3) using data on the flow of asylum seekers. ...
Article
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The current migration and refugee crisis in Europe requires an understanding of the different migration drivers beyond the well-known economic determinants. In this article, we view migration from a broader human security perspective and analyze the determinants of regular and asylum seeker migration flows from Africa to Europe for the period 1990 to 2014. Our results show that, in addition to economic determinants, a combination of push and pull factors influences migration decisions of individuals. In particular, rising political persecution, human rights violations, ethnic tensions, political instability, and civil conflicts in African source countries are all significantly associated with increased migration flows into European destination countries. Therefore, our results underscore the need for the European Union and European countries to collaborate with the source countries, not only in terms of supporting economic development in the source countries but also in promoting human security: human rights, democracy, peace, and social stability.
... Африканцы представлены крупными диаспорами из ЮАР, Нигерии, Сомали, Зимбабве, Ганы, Кении и Уганды 13 . Переписи населения, проходящие в Великобритании с 1801 г., фиксируют тенденцию (как минимум) удвоения африканского населения каждые 10 лет с 1951 г. ...
... Африканцы представлены крупными диаспорами из ЮАР, Нигерии, Сомали, Зимбабве, Ганы, Кении и Уганды 13 . Переписи населения, проходящие в Великобритании с 1801 г., фиксируют тенденцию (как минимум) удвоения африканского населения каждые 10 лет с 1951 г. ...
Chapter
The monograph is devoted to the study of the four largest Afrikan diasporas of modern Britain (Somali, Zimbabwean, Nigerian and South African). The history of the formation and the dynamics of the growth of the number of each of the diasporas, as well as the main channels of migration from Africa, were subjected to a detailed analysis. The paper received coverage of a wide range of issues concerning the Africans of modern Britain: the internal and external background of African migration, the specifics of the African diasporas, their successes and problems towards integration into British society. The book will be interesting to historians, ethnologists, culturologists and all who are interested in the modern history of Western Europe and Africa
... The costs of maintaining this labour are shouldered by origin communities in Africa, allowing for a further wage reduction. Similar to de Haas (2008), Cross (2013) emphasizes that destination countries such as Spain follow hidden agendas officially combating "illegal migration", while actually encouraging it (also see Hansen and Jonsson 2011). ...
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This working paper gives an overview over literature on emigration from the West Sahel, with a selective focus on resource-dependent livelihoods and how they are connected to outmigration from the Sahel, especially regarding Senegal and Niger. To complete the picture, we also cover some studies on urban population groups and regions beyond the Sahel, although mostly restricted to Africa.
... While racialization is sometimes invoked by recent scholarship on the governmentality of migration in rather generic ways, we can identify a third perspective where race is more fully historicized. We call this framing transformationalist (e.g., Balibar, 1991;De Genova, 2016;Duffield, 2006;Hansen & Jonsson, 2011;Hindess, 2002;Korvensyrjä, 2017;Turner, 2015). The second approach discussed above is largely oriented towards the vital endeavour of exposing and criticizing racial hierarchies, inclusive exclusions, and power relations in conjunction with migration policies, politics, and security apparatuses. ...
Article
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Analytics of biopolitics and government have proven to be powerful tools in a growing scholarship examining the bordering, surveillance, securitization and contestation of migratory processes. Yet the critical potential of such research is hampered by the rather limited ways it has managed to make sense of race and racism. While Foucault was insistent that governmentality should orient itself to the understanding of singularities, too often race appears, when treated at all, as a general phenomenon. This article makes two contributions aimed at addressing these shortcomings. First, we survey studies in the governmentality of migration and develop a typology of what we call framings of race – the ways that race appears, is mobilized, or haunts this scholarship. Second, we look to recent debates about race and racism in Science & Technology Studies for useful theoretical innovations that might help us study border- and race-making as mutually constitutive processes.
... And to what extent their situation before migration has long-lasting effects on their labor market trajectories as migrants in Europe? While engaging mostly with the literature on multisited (Wimmer andSchiller, 2002) andlongitudinal (Black et al., 2003;Piracha, Tani, and Vadean, 2012) research, we also try to take account of issues on African migration to Europe, testing hypotheses on the role of gender and of colonialist legacies in shaping individuals' labor market trajectories throughout the migration experience (Kohnert, 2007;Hansen and Jonsson, 2011;Kraler, 2011). A longer duration in the destination country may favor a better knowledge of the local language and culture, the building of stronger and more diversified social networks and may go along with the progression of the regularization process (when it applies), resulting in improved migrants' employment perspective. ...
Chapter
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Migrants’ labour market trajectories are seldom explored from a longitudinal, comparative perspective. However, a longitudinal approach is crucial for a better understanding of migrants’ long-term occupational attainments, while comparative research is useful for disentangling specific features and general processes across national groups and destination and origin countries.
... Each year thousands of migrants from Africa enter Europe after braving the perils of crossing the Mediterranean Sea using inadequate transport conditions. Although several factors could be listed as reasons, the EU's tightened entry policies for African migrants, on the one hand, and lack of financial means and appropriate travel documents by the migrants, on the other hand, are thought to have forced African immigrants to choose the irregular pathways (Hansen and Jonsson, 2011;Flahaux and De Haas, 2016). To examine the extent to which human security factors determine the flow of African asylum seekers to Europe, we re-estimate (3) using data on the flow of asylum seekers. ...
... Thus, it risks reproducing an essentialising and exclusionary understanding of ›flight‹ for the purpose of an analytical perspective, which can also be instrumentalised to legitimise a politics of exclusion and control. By fostering the differentiation between allegedly legitimate -forced -mobility on the one, and illegitimate mobility that is not forced -but chosen -on the other side, it is deeply ingrained in the contemporary asylum regime (see ILO 2001;UNHCR/IOM 2001;Feller 2005; for critical perspectives on the relation between knowledge production and migration control see Hatton 2011;Chimni 1998Chimni , 2008Hansen/Jonsson 2011;Scalettaris 2007;Scheel/Ratfisch 2014). ...
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Contrary to public discourses and large parts of migration studies, which predominantly treated these phenomena as separate topics, our call for papers suggested to bring them together analytically. The will to entangle the different tendencies of crisis was based on the assumption that the »complex, heterogeneous and powerful realities of migration« (Editorial Board of movements 2015) to and through EUrope cannot be grasped adequately, if the various facets of the EUropean migration and border regime are neither related to each other, nor analysed as part of overarching social transformations. The distinctions made by these regimes – e.g. between refugees in need of protection and illegalised immigrants, between legitimate asylum grounds and ›asylum abuse‹, as well as between the desired mobility of workers and so-called ›poverty migration‹ or ›benefits tourism‹ – are all effects of contested policies and knowledge in the field of migration, and therefore only comprehensible in relation to each other. Against this background, several questions are raised in the present issue: How can the cross-border movements to EUrope be linked to the highly contested regulation of migratory movements within the EU? Which modes of governing are used in reaction to the turbulent movements to and through EUrope, and how do they articulate themselves in concrete practices, conflicts, and struggles? How do economic, racist, and humanitarian logics interlace here, and how do they change the EUropean migration and border regime?
... ILO 2001;UNHCR/IOM 2001;Feller 2005; kritisch zum Verhältnis von Wissensproduktion und Migrationskontrolle vgl. Hatton 2011;Chimni 1998Chimni , 2008Hansen/Jonsson 2011;Scalettaris 2007;Scheel/Ratfisch 2014). ...
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While drafting the call for papers for this issue of movements. Journal for Critical Migration and Border Regime Studies, the EUropean migration politics were facing an exceptional crisis. During summer and autumn of 2015, which came to be known as »the long summer of migration« (Kasparek/Speer 2015), more than one million refugees crossed EUrope’s external borders and moved further north along the newly established ›humanitarian corridor‹. In response, various EU Member States re-established systematic controls at their borders and closed several border crossing points in winter 2015/2016. At the same time, the Dublin system, which holds the southern and eastern Member States particularly responsible for processing asylum applications, was de facto suspended. In view of these dynamics, both the continuity of the EU’s external borders, whose partial permeability had finally become apparent, and the Schengen area in general were at stake. With this, the smooth circulation of persons and goods in the internal market – one of the neoliberal foundations of the European Union – was also at risk. In addition, the Brexit referendum posed an existential threat to the European project. David Cameron, then British Prime Minister, called to restrict the free movement of persons within the EU, and to further limit access to benefits for EU nationals who had settled in the UK. The discursive figures of ›poverty migration‹ and ›benefit tourism‹ shaped a debate about the future of EUrope, which was led in increasingly nationalistic terms.
... 8. These asymmetric relations have also been found in overall migration policies (Hansen & Jonsson 2011). ...
Book
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Resettlement constitutes a durable solution to international refugee protection. However, for it to be sustainable, the integration process of the post-resettlement phase is crucial. This volume, which is the outcome of the project “Before and After – New Perspectives on Resettled Refugees’ Integration Process”, sheds light on the integration process from a broader perspective. After briefly addressing the labour-market integration of resettled refugee groups in Sweden, the volume’s main and longest chapter addresses the role of social networks in the integration process of resettled refugees. Social networks are analysed in relation to time and space, and hence attention is paid both to the time before – spent in refugee camps – and to the patterns of mobility pre- and post-resettlement. The following two chapters move away from Sweden and focus on the situation in Australia – with an investigation into the role of ethnic social networks – and Japan, with a focus on the recent development of the country’s resettlement programme. The final chapter brings the focus back to Sweden and enriches the volume by looking at one particular aspect of the resettlement process – the Cultural Orientation Programme – from a postcolonial perspective.
... In other words, the institutionalization of Europe and its integration over the past six decades cannot be understood without understanding the 'forgotten outposts of "EUrope"' (Hansen, 2004, p. 60), because the legacies of colonialism and decolonization shaped a geography of Europe that extends beyond the physical confines of insular and peninsular mainland European space while the withdrawal from empires abroad provided incentives and justification for European integration during crucial moments of the last century (Bhambra, 2009;Hansen & Jonsson, 2011). ...
Article
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The biopolitics and geopolitics of border enforcement in Melilla. Territory, Politics, Governance. This article uses the multiple and contradictory realities of Melilla, a pene-enclave and -exclave of Spain in North Africa, to draw out the contemporary practice of Spanish, European Union, and Moroccan immigration enforcement policies. The city is many things at once: a piece of Europe in North Africa and a symbol of Spain’s colonial history; an example of the contemporary narrative of a cosmopolitan and multicultural Europe; a place where extraterritorial and intraterritorial dynamics demonstrate territory’s continuing allure despite the security challenges and the lack of economic or strategic value; a metaphorical island of contrasting geopolitical and biopolitical practices; and a place of regional flows and cross-border cooperation between Spain, the EU, and Morocco. It is a border where the immunitary logic of sovereign territorial spaces is exposed through the biopolitical practices of the state to ‘protect’ the community from outsiders. In light of the hardening of borders throughout European and North African space in recent years, this article offers a rich case study of our persistently territorial world.
... Nor is it simply in relation to 'free movement' that we can identify these political and economic hierarchies. For third-country nationals, policies of 'circular migration' are increasingly proposed as the key solution to managing the tensions between security and utility, between market openness and state closure, especially in relation to the European South and its neighbours (Hansen and Jonsson, 2011). These nascent policies of circularity and mobility still leave unacknowledged the role of the informal economy in shaping individual migrants' existing de facto strategies of circulation. ...
Article
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The analysis of EU migration policy has been focused primarily on evaluating its relationship to EU law, or its application to individual member states. This article argues that neither focus can address the full implications and effects of EU migration governance. The Unions migration and free movement policies set out to organise populations both within and beyond its formal borders. They are part of the broader governance of the European Union as an integrated market, and as an international policymaker. As such, the characteristics and effects of migration governance across the EU as a whole need to be assessed. At the EU level, EU policy and law on migration creates the illusion of policy coherence, applied to all member states, incomers and residents. Yet these apparently coherent EU policies always coexist with three confounding factors: 1) national and local variation in migration policies; 2) national and local labour market variation, particularly in the role of informal economy, and 3) profound member state hierarchies in the EUs political economy, reinforced by the ongoing crisis. However, this does not mean that the EUs migration policymaking is irrelevant to member states. Rather, migration governance in the EU is co-produced by the cross-cutting and sometimes contradictory policies of other actors. With its illusion of policy coherence, this coproduced governance both disguises and entrenches significant hierarchy among member states. It contributes to an EU polity which manages diversity through inequalities.
... The bundling in of colonial legacies through the backdoor has meant that the gap between EU policies' stated intention and the worldview of others is both impressive and largely invisible, except for regular and vague accusations of 'neo-imperialism'. In particular, most of the traditional political economy of EU-Africa relations and trade or migration agreements fail to recognize the continued, even increasing, currency of colonial ideology in the EU's relations with Africa (Collier and Nicolaïdis, 2008;Jones and Weinhardt, in press;Hansen and Jonsson, 2011). Reconstruction, therefore, is about acknowledging and internalizing such legacies in the on-going relationship (Hansen, 2002;Merry, 1991;Wolfe and Pace, 2007). ...
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The aim in this contribution is to amplify the call, articulated across a range of disciplines relevant to international politics, for a paradigm shift that decentres the study and practice of Europe’s international relations. Such a perspective is necessary both to make sense of our multipolar order and to reconstitute European agency in a non-European world. The analytical categories proposed in this article for a decentring agenda – provincialization, engagement and reconstruction(s) – can help to navigate the nexus of the empirical and the normative in such a decentring process. Applying the decentring logic to the EU’s own foundational narrative, the authors suggest that, only by acknowledging the inflections of colonialism in the EU project itself, can the Union reinvent its normative power in the 21st century.
... And to what extent their situation before migration has long-lasting effects on their labor market trajectories as migrants in Europe? While engaging mostly with the literature on multisited (Wimmer andSchiller, 2002) andlongitudinal (Black et al., 2003;Piracha, Tani, and Vadean, 2012) research, we also try to take account of issues on African migration to Europe, testing hypotheses on the role of gender and of colonialist legacies in shaping individuals' labor market trajectories throughout the migration experience (Kohnert, 2007;Hansen and Jonsson, 2011;Kraler, 2011). A longer duration in the destination country may favor a better knowledge of the local language and culture, the building of stronger and more diversified social networks and may go along with the progression of the regularization process (when it applies), resulting in improved migrants' employment perspective. ...
Article
Full-text available
Labor market trajectories of migrants are seldom explored in a longitudinal and comparative perspective. However, a longitudinal approach is crucial for a better understanding of migrants’ long-term occupational attainments, while comparative research is useful to disentangle specificities and general processes across destination and origin countries. This article explores the labor market outcomes of migrants from Senegal, Democratic Republic of Congo, and Ghana in different European countries, using the MAFE data to compare their occupational attainments before migration, upon arrival and during the first 10 years of stay in Europe in a longitudinal perspective. Results highlight different pattern of migrants’ selection across destinations, influenced by prior employment status and education, gender and colonial legacies, and which impact subsequent trajectories into the European labor markets. Our analyses also show a severe worsening of migrants’ occupational status in Europe compared to their situation prior to migration, which is the resultant of a dramatic downgrading upon entry and of a slow occupational recovering during the first 10 years of stay in Europe. Results suggest that the educational–occupational mismatch of skilled workers might represent a long-lasting “price” for migrants, unless (further) educational credentials are achieved in destination countries.
... As well as putting forward a cogent critique of this scholarship, they present an alternative, more adequate, narrative of these events through a serious engagement with the history of interconnections between Europe and Africa, or Eurafrica. Hansen and Jonsson (2011), building also on their earlier research, argue that the interconnections signified through Eurafrica were constitutive of the very possibilities of European integration and that the failure to acknowledge this history is primarily a consequence of the inherited epistemological preconceptions under critique in this collection of articles. ...
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This special issue addresses the Eurocentred nature of knowledge production by examining alternative loci of knowledge production and the consequences of subverting standard narratives of particular events and conceptual paradigms through a focus on “other” places and traditions of thought, especially those formed in colonial encounters. In contesting imperial epistemologies, this special issue draws together contributors working on a variety of globally located phenomena and also seeks to re-examine how “foundational” concepts and events within social theory and historical sociology are understood differently once we start from locations and traditions other than the typically hegemonic West.
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The article problematizes the EU’s approach to trade, development and migration (TD&M) in the context of Africa–EU relations and the push for free trade deals under Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). According to EU policymakers there is harmony between trade policies, development goals and migration objectives. EU officials state that EPAs are a development friendly tool for job creation in Africa, and this in turn will address the “root causes of irregular migration” between the continents. There is a significant cause for concern, however, relating to the negative consequences of EPAs for jobs in the continent, particularly in labour intensive import-competing agricultural sectors. Free trade deals may therefore stimulate migration from Africa to Europe. This apparent paradox is underscored by recent fieldwork conducted in Ghana’s poultry sector which highlights business stakeholders’ deep concerns about EPAs stoking unemployment and migration.
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This article takes a site-specific, interactive sound installation called Pleasure Garden as a space for thinking about contemporary forms of musical experience. I develop a relational account of the ‘co-reception’ of Pleasure Garden , not centred on listening subjects, but distributed across audience members, artists, researchers and the more-than-human assemblage of the installation itself. I also discuss the effects of several overlapping cultures of ‘audiencing’ associated with Western art music, sound art and other forms of cultural experience – variously individualistic, distracted and participatory – characteristic of late capitalism. Tracing how Pleasure Garden both responded to and was interrupted by these wider forces, I take this case as suggestive of a deep ambivalence: that musical experience is at once powerfully conditioned and generatively uncertain. Throughout the article, problems of method, interpretation and representation intertwine, raising questions about how to study forms of musical experience that evade conventional ethnographic enquiry.
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This book showcases new research by emerging and established scholars on white workers and the white poor in Southern Africa. Rethinking White Societies in Southern Africa challenges the geographical and chronological limitations of existing scholarship by presenting case studies from Angola, Mozambique, South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe that track the fortunes of nonhegemonic whites during the era of white minority rule. Arguing against prevalent understandings of white society as uniformly wealthy or culturally homogeneous during this period, it demonstrates that social class remained a salient element throughout the twentieth century, how Southern Africa’s white societies were often divided and riven with tension and how the resulting social, political and economic complexities animated white minority regimes in the region. Addressing themes such as the class-based disruption of racial norms and practices, state surveillance and interventions – and their failures – towards nonhegemonic whites, and the opportunities and limitations of physical and social mobility, the book mounts a forceful argument for the regional consideration of white societies in this historical context. Centrally, it extends the path-breaking insights emanating from scholarship on racialized class identities from North America to the African context to argue that race and class cannot be considered independently in Southern Africa. This book will be of interest to scholars and students of southern African studies, African history, and the history of race.
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In diesem Beitrag wird gezeigt, dass die Zunahme staatlicher und privater Anwerbung von Pflegefachkräften nach Deutschland als Versuch einer räumlichen „Lösung“ der Krise sozialer Reproduktion in ihrer Manifestation eines eklatanten Arbeitskraftmangels im institutionellen Gesundheits- und Pflegesektor verstanden werden kann. Der Beitrag diskutiert empirisch die Positionen von Arbeitgeberverbänden, Gewerkschaften und Berufsverbänden zur Anwerbung. Anwerbung wird seit einiger Zeit von Arbeitgeberseite gefordert und auch seitens der Politik unterstützt. Die strukturellen Ursachen des Aufkommens dieser Strategie werden theoretisch reflektiert durch Bezüge zur feministischen Forschung zur Globalisierung der Reproduktionsarbeit, zu materialistischen Perspektiven auf Migrationspolitik sowie einer fruchtbaren Auseinandersetzung mit Harveys Konzept des spatial fixaus der Sicht kritischer Migrationsforschung. Durch diese raumtheoretische Perspektivierung wird aufgrund der spezifischen Verfassung des Pflegesektors deutlich, weshalb Anwerbung als struktureller Lösungsversuch an Bedeutung gewinnt. Das empirische Material zeigt, dass diese Strategie seitens der Gewerkschaften nicht unwidersprochen bleibt; dabei muss die Politisierung dieses Prozesses jedoch verstärkt im Hinblick auf eine gemeinsame Positionierung mit migrantischen Pflegefachkräften erfolgen.
Chapter
This chapter shows that the European Community, as other international organizations did in the 1950s and 1960s as well, resorted to the use of film and documentary to publicly communicate the civil side of European integration to a wide European general public. More specifically and based on an analysis of thirty-seven documentaries produced by the European Community, this chapter examines how Civil Europe was represented audio-visually.
Article
This article explores the narrative construction of online news about the migrant crossings of the Morocco–Spain border. In particular, it analyses 54 news items that were published in two Spanish news media, elpais.com and eldiario.es, from September 2013 to May 2015. A semiotic-informed approach is proposed here to discuss how the two news media narrated the migrant border crossings and to outline how they communicated migration-related meanings and cultural values through news texts, images, videos and hyperlink contents. The results emphasise how readers can engage with online news content in different ways and through distinct although intertwined levels of reading.
Chapter
The volume analyzes the formation of the Europe’s externalized border management of African migrations, as well as its socio-cultural, political, economic and existential underpinnings and implications. The introduction lays the analytical foundations of this collective endeavor. As it is a process emanating from Europe, scholars have primarily studied the externalization of Europe’s borders from ‘inside out’, that is, as seen in the migrant-receiving context and the external dimensions of the Union’s policy. By contrast, the introduction makes a case for studying the African ramifications of Europe’s southern border, arguing that Europe’s external borders have also become African borders. It uses the term ‘EurAfrican’ to tease out the relational nature of border-making, and the legacy of asymmetric exchanges, encounters and (imperial) imaginations informing in complex ways the current border and migration management strategies in the Euro-African space. In order to analyze EurAfrican borders and migration management, the introduction further argues, an Afro-Europeanist perspective is needed that destabilizes centric epistemologies and strives to reinforce the dialogue between Africanist and Europeanist scholarships on borders.
Article
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At the beginning of November 1938 the Reale Accademia d'Italia, the official cultural institution of the Italian Fascist regime, organized a conference on Africa. Mussolini himself had chosen the theme for the conference and major Italian political figures, such as De Vecchi and Balbo, delivered papers, together with French, English and German politicians and scholars. The conference, organized in the same year of Hitler's visit to Italy and of the introduction of the new racial laws, could have offered the cultural justification for a foreign policy alternative to the German turn taken by the regime. Only Mussolini's last minute decision not to attend transformed the Convegno Volta on Africa from a potential alternative foreign policy into a forum where the dissenting voices within the regime voiced their opposition to German style racism.
Article
Der Beitrag untersucht die Europäisierung der Migrationspolitik vor dem Hintergrund einer materialistischen Staatstheorie, die um einen intersektionalen Zugang erweitert wurde. Dabei stehen vier Dimensionen der internationalen Arbeitsteilung (Klasse, Geschlecht, Nord-Süd-Verhältnis, Ethnizität) im Zentrum der Analyse. Diese bilden den Kontext für die hegemonietheoretisch inspirierte Akteursanalyse sowie die Darstellung des hegemonialen Projekts des „Migrationsmanagements“ am Beispiel der europäischen Anwerbung Hochqualifizierter einerseits und den nationalen Spezialregimen für Haushaltsarbeiter und -arbeiterinnen andererseits. Dadurch soll gezeigt werden, dass eine solche intersektionale Kapitalismusanalyse sich nicht auf die Untersuchung der jeweiligen Politiken beschränken darf, sondern die miteinander verwobenen gesellschaftlichen Herrschaftsverhältnisse als Ausgangspunkt wählen muss.
Article
Les événements ont évolué de telle façon depuis vingt ans que la question d'une Europe unie a pris une forme toute nouvelle. Il s'agit moins d'une alliance entre puissances ennemies, comme le rêvaient les vieux projets de "paix perpétuelle", que d'une défense contre des dangers communs. Ce sont seulement les risques économiques et sociaux qui sont étudiés dans cet article, lequel pose les données des problèmes essentiels de population. /// During the past 20 years the trend of events has been such as to put the question of a United Europe in an altogether different light: more than the reconciliation of hostile powers evoked by the old projects of "perpetual peace", it has become a reflex of defence against a common danger. The present article covers only the possible economic and social repercussions of European integration.
Article
What would have happened during the financial crisis if the euro had not existed? The short answer is that there would have been currency crises among its members. The currencies of Greece, Ireland, Italy, Portugal and Spain would surely have fallen sharply against the old D-Mark. That is the outcome the creators of the eurozone wished to avoid. They have been successful. But, if the exchange rate cannot adjust, something else must instead. That "something else" is the economies of peripheral eurozone member countries. They are locked into competitive disinflation against Germany, the world's foremost exporter of very high-quality manufactures. I wish them luck. The eurozone matters. Its economy is almost as big as that of the US. It is three times bigger than those of Japan or China. So far, it has passed its initial test. Nevertheless, the peak to trough decline of the US economy was only 3.8 per cent (second quarter 2008 to second quarter 2009), while the eurozone's was 5.1 per cent (first quarter 2008 to second quarter 2009). More important than the eurozone's overall performance is what is going on inside the zone. The starting point must be with the pattern of current account deficits and surpluses. In 2006, the zone was in rough balance. Inside it, however, were Germany, with a huge surplus of $190bn (6.5 per cent of gross domestic product) and the Netherlands, with a surplus of $64bn (9.4 per cent of GDP). At the opposite end of the spectrum were the capital importers, of which Spain was the most important, with a huge deficit of $111bn (9 per cent of GDP).
Article
Twenty-first-century international security will be affected by four major demographic trends: the relative demographic weight of the world's developed countries is dropping; those countries' labor forces are aging and declining; the populations of the poorest, youngest, and most heavily Muslim countries are growing the most; and for the first time in history, the world is becoming more urban than rural. Policymakers will have to adapt current global institutions to these new realities.
Article
Face à la construction européenne, les parlementaires africains et malgaches firent d’abord preuve, à l’époque de la CED (1953-1954) d’un souverainisme français et républicain surprenant. Dans un second temps, la perte de confiance dans la métropole aidant, l’Eurafrique apparut comme la voie de l’avenir. Mais le traité de Rome devait sonner le glas des espérances eurafricaines. Entre l’Afrique sous-développée marchant vers son indépendance et l’Europe industrielle, le
Article
Unlike many other trans-boundary policy areas, international migration lacks coherent global governance. There is no UN migration organization and states have signed relatively few multilateral treaties on migration. Instead, sovereign states generally decide their own immigration policies. However, given the growing politicization of migration and the recognition that states cannot always address migration in isolation from one another, a debate has emerged about what type of international institutions and cooperation are required to meet the challenges of international migration. Until now, though, that emerging debate on global migration governance has lacked a clear analytical understanding of what global migration governance actually is, the politics underlying it, and the basis on which we can make claims about what 'better' migration governance might look like. In order to address this gap, the book brings together a group of the world's leading experts on migration to consider the global governance of different aspects of migration. The chapters offer an accessible introduction to the global governance of low-skilled labour migration, high-skilled labour migration, irregular migration, lifestyle migration, international travel, refugees, internally displaced persons, human trafficking and smuggling, diaspora, remittances, and root causes. Each of the chapters explores the three same broad questions: What, institutionally, is the global governance of migration in that area? Why, politically, does that type of governance exist? How, normatively, can we ground claims about the type of global governance that should exist in that area? Collectively, the chapters enhance our understanding of the international politics of migration and set out a vision for international cooperation on migration.
Article
This essay examines the history of the ‘Eurafrican project’ as it evolved from the Pan-European movement in the 1920s to its institutionalization in the European Economic Community (EEC) (i.e. today's EU) in the late 1950s. As shown in the essay, practically all of the visions, movements and concrete institutional arrangements working towards European integration during this period placed Africa's incorporation into the European enterprise as a central objective. As so much of the scholarly, political and journalistic accounts at the time testify, European integration was inextricably bound up with a Eurafrican project. According to the intellectual, political and institutional discourse on Eurafrica – or the fate of Europe's colonial enterprise – a future European community presupposed the transformation of the strictly national colonial projects into a joint European colonization of Africa. Indeed, there is strong evidence to suggest that these ideas were instrumental in the actual diplomatic and political constitution of the EEC, or of Europe as a political subject. The essay discusses the conspicuous absence of these matters from scholarship on European integration and its historical origins and trajectory. It also notes that it is equally neglected in postcolonial studies, which should be able to provide the theoretical and historical tools to engage with the complex and instructive issues with which the Eurafrican project and its intimate links to the history of European integration confront today's scholars.
Article
The current international framework for protecting migrants and refugees is often criticised as being fragmentary, with a multiplicity of categories of persons, and of organizations for addressing their problems. Many scholars have called for a new international regime and a more unified institutional arrangement, which would provide for the orderly movement of people. The basic weakness of the current regimes derives from the artificial distinction between ‘refugees’ and ‘migrants’ created after the Second World War. The article explores the institutional origins of the system and determines the major causes of the different treatment of refugees and migrants. The paper argues the following: First, the system, which might be in need of reconstruction in order to suit today's world of high mobility and diversified patterns of international movement, resulted from the battle between the United States and the international institutions (the ILO and UN). The conflict was over how to deal with the surplus populations in Europe. The US favoured an institution with specifically designed functions based on inter-governmental negotiations. The ILO-UN plan recommended international co-operation under the leadership of a single international organization. After the conferences in Naples and Brussels in 1951, the US plan was accepted and the Provisional Intergovernmental Committee for the Movement of Migrants from Europe (now renamed the International Organization for Migration) was created. Second, the distinction between migrants and refugees also emerged as a way of helping the restructuring and dissolution of the pre-war refugee protection organisations. Two parameters for the division — forced movement and violation of civil and political rights — appeared inadvertently rather than deliberately. From the perspective of the US government, the main goal was to limit international influence over national migration and refugee policies as much as possible.
Article
Positive consent was solicited from parents of 604 seventh grade students in four middle schools. Three hundred and fifty eight (59%) returned consents and completed a questionnaire under " bogus pipeline" conditions with saliva and air samples. Two weeks later both students with consent and those without were administered a second questionnaire without physiological measures. Comparison between consent and nonconsent students show significant differences in the smoking of cigarettes and marijuana, but no difference in the use of alcohol. Additional significant differences were found in exposure to smoking models, and level of education of both parents. The bias shown on significant dependent variables may adversely effect the generalizability of results of studies of adolescent drug use that depend upon positive parental consent.
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His most recent book is A Brief History of the Masses His Crowds and Democracy: The Idea and Image of the Masses in Germany and Austria Between the Wars is forthcoming, and together with Peo Hansen he is completing a book on Eurafrica and the colonial legacy of the European Union
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