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Many Rhodes: travelling scholarships and imperial citizenship in the British academic world, 1880–1940
Abstract
Since its Foundation in 1901, the Rhodes Scholarships scheme has been held up as the archetype of a programme designed to foster imperial citizens. However, though impressive in scale, Cecil Rhodes’s foundation was not the first to bring colonial students to Britain. Over the course of the previous half-century, governments, universities and individuals in the settler colonies had been establishing travelling scholarships for this purpose. In fact by the end of the nineteenth century the travelling scholarship had become an important part of settler universities’ educational visions. It served as a crucial mechanism by which they sought to claim their citizenship of what they saw as the expansive British academic world.
... It is also important to note that institutions may have their own scholarship programs that are funded by private trusts, alumni, or other partnerships. The Rhodes Scholarship at Oxford University is perhaps the world's best-known scholarship, which is funded primarily through the Rhodes Trust (Pietsch, 2011 In terms of scholarship administration, some NSAs provide a portion of the overall costs (e.g., 50% of the total budget needed), while others give a lump sum (e.g., 5000 USD) that is meant to defray costs. The administration of scholarships also seems to vary; some NSAs fund the full degree at the beginning of studies, and some ask students to reapply each year for continual funding. ...
... NSAs have had a longstanding role in the financing of higher education and scholarships, with some the best-known scholarships in the world, such as the Rhodes Scholarship, having set examples and influenced many government programs (Pietsch, 2011). Given the decentralized world of private funders and the lack of unified, transparent information about NSA scholarship programs, it is difficult to pinpoint their exact contributions to student mobility worldwide. ...
Target 4.b called to "substantially expand" the number of international scholarships for students from the Global South to pursue higher and technical education abroad by 2020. However, in monitoring this Target, only government funding designated as overseas development assistance (ODA) is counted (Bhandari & Mirza, 2016). Notably, this calculation misses a significant part of the story. Non-state actors (NSAs) have long been active in funding scholarships, influencing international higher education, and supporting alumni to work towards priorities similar to those included in the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). In this paper, 23 NSAs-including private and corporate foundations, consortia of donors, and private universities-who fund international scholarships are reviewed. The paper begins with an overview of NSAs funders, trends in funding strategies and program models, and an analysis of major types of NSAs by region and program type. The paper then highlights five NSAs by providing short case studies of their scholarship programs to provide insight into the motivations, programming, and challenges of these initiatives. The paper closes with a review of how NSA-funded international scholarships contribute to the SDGs by funding education, in building skills and technical capacity in students, and through graduates' contributions to innovation, policymaking, and social change in their employment and alumni activities.
... white, middle-class men' from the settler colonies (Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and Canada) who came to study in England's universities before, in many cases, returning to their countries to take up university appointments (Pietsch, 2013, p. ix). Pietsch (2011Pietsch ( , 2013 interrogates and exposes the scholarship schemes, networks of influence and other mechanisms that underlay and made possible the 'British academic world' of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Other work focuses instead on the students who came to study in the UK through both imperial and latterly Commonwealth networks, from developing countries such as India, Pakistan, Kenya, Nigeria and Botswana (Braithwaite, 2001;Lee, 2006;Perraton, 2014). ...
When the United Kingdom has figured in the modern history of study abroad, it has featured almost exclusively in the role of host country with little attention paid to the study abroad patterns of UK students. In order to gain a rounded picture of the UK’s role in post-war study abroad, this article explores the position of the UK within the context of the rich data gathered by UNESCO. It argues that there is strong evidence that the UK was actually one of the most active countries in sending its students overseas and that this activity increased (both in absolute terms and relative to other countries) significantly in the 1960s and 70s. Following a brief analysis of the UK’s role as both a host and exporter of study abroad students on a global scale, its relationship as a sender country with two particular geographical areas is considered: firstly, the Commonwealth which has been the focus of much of the existing secondary literature, and secondly, continental Europe, which has featured much less frequently in the work of historians. Various reasons for the significant rise in the number of UK students studying abroad are explored - in particular, the role of government attitudes towards overseas study including the possibility of developing student exchange as an instrument of cultural diplomacy. The article pays particular attention to the period between the publication of the Robbins Report in 1963 and the beginnings of the institutionalisation of study abroad (in Europe) in the late 1970s.
... This dynamic has not only impacted the growth of Geography as a discipline throughout much of the world but also impacted higher education systems more generally with many institutions, particularly in former European colonies in Africa, having administrative and organisational structures as well as disciplines of study and curricula based on a European model (Knight, 2018). Teaching in Geography has not been immune to this scourge, with curricula in higher education systems in Africa in particular largely following a "colonised" template and, at times, employing imported European staff (Wesso & Parnell, 1992;Pietsch, 2011;Frankema, 2012;Visser et al., 2016). Thus, the discipline of Geography and geographical knowledge production has a geography (Jazeel, 2016), and post-modern studies (in Geography) should view knowledge and its production as situated (Garcia-Ramon, 2003). ...
One manifestation of the glaring lack of equality, diversity and inclusion in higher education relates to the underrepresentation of certain individuals and/or regions in the scholarly publication process. Here, we analyse the affiliations of editorial board members in 126 Geography journals. Specifically, we examine editorial board membership by region and determine the extent to which the regional representation of editorial board members is associated with journal impact factor as a measure of journal reach and quality. Of the 5202 editorial board members examined, almost 80% are located in Mainland Europe, North America and the British Isles while roughly five percent are located in Central America, South America, the Middle East and Africa combined. Moreover, editorial board members located in these four regions from the Global South are most often editorial board members of journals in the lowest quartile (by impact factor). These findings highlight the outdated and exclusionary practices that pervade the scholarly publication process in science in general, and Geography specifically.
... Whereas imperial scholarships sought to build industrial, technical and administrative capacity within the empire and foster imperial citizenship, the British Council scholarships posited students as agents of international relations. 93 The mid-to late 1930s witnessed a new focus on cultural and educational ties with Europe and the Middle East which were developed in parallel to long-standing imperial networks. But the priority given to foreign students also reflected the fact that the British Council was founded and, primarily, funded by the Foreign Office. ...
This article explores the UK government's first foray into cultural diplomacy by focusing on the activities of the British Council's Students Committee in the run-up to the Second World War. Students were placed at the heart of British cultural diplomacy, which drew on foreign models as well as the experience of intra-empire exchanges. While employing cultural internationalist discourse, the drive to attract more overseas students to the United Kingdom was intended to bring economic and political advantages to the host country. The British Council pursued its policy in cooperation with non-state actors but ultimately was guided by the Foreign Office, which led it to target key strategic regions, principally in Europe and the Mediterranean Basin.
... Although international scholarship programmes have a long history (Pietsch, 2011), the effects and externalities of this tool are often under-researched and only in the last decade the research on this topic has gained attention (Mawer, 2018). Nevertheless, the extension of international student mobility and of international scholarships are well documented. ...
This thesis focuses on the assessment on a long-term perspective of the impacts of the professionals awarded with a MENA scholarship programme, majorly focusing on the social networks in which the student will reintegrate after the moment of the return to the home country. I challenge the comprehension of social change, of whom I scrutinise the minimum elements: the social networks, which I study by applying the Social network Approach. The social change is not only studied under the perspective of personal and professional development but expanded into a broader net of social connections that students may have created with other actors or institutions. Concentrating on the social networks enables an expansion of research from the simple academic training and linkages to the agency of national institution -both of the country of origin of the student and the Dutch public representatives-, local institutions, and, in greater detail, in the personal ties such as friendship and family. These elements will not be static and separated but explained and analysed in their social relationship and interplay, which can then create further links with new actors, solidify existing relationships or undo some ties in favour of fruitful ones
... Much historical research on scholarship programs focuses on how government-sponsored scholarships reflected a specific foreign diplomacy at the time. Examples include programs to reinforce colonial powers (Pietsch, 2011), those that reflected the prominence of the Soviet Union (Hessler, 2018), and initiatives to continue to provide support for the Commonwealth (Byrne, 2018;Kirkland, 2018). ...
This systematic literature review maps an emerging subfield in educational research : international scholarships for students from the Global South. To untangle the multiple and sometimes competing rationales for scholarship programs, this study identified and reviewed 105 peer-reviewed articles and book chapters published from years 2010 to 2019. From the findings, six primary and distinguishable program rationales emerge: scholarships to develop skills development and human capital, to enhance diplomatic relations, to promote social change, to spur sustainable development, to internationalize universities, and to increase students’ access to higher education. In the analysis, complements and contradictions among the rationales are explored, thereby emphasizing the importance of clarifying programs’ goals and designs. The goal of this review is to highlight variances, opportunities, and omissions within the literature to inform scholars, administrators, and policymakers in the field of international higher education.
... Initiatives such as the Rhodes scholarship (Pietsch 2011), the Fulbright programme (Glade 2009: 246) and the Marshall scholarship (Mukharji 2016) have been the most widely studied example of this early British and American form of public diplomacy that utilised the intimate relationship between educational exchanges and culture for strengthening both countries' influence abroad. There is indeed a close relationship and interlinkages between cultural, education and public diplomacy. ...
The 2016 Global Strategy acknowledges the role of education both in the near-abroad and beyond in building societal resilience. The Eastern Partnership (EaP) has been at the forefront of such attempts and provided a framework for supporting reform and modernisation of higher education through EU-EaP institutional cooperation. In this context, education and exchange programmes constitute an integral and often neglected component of cultural diplomacy and, most notably, of education diplomacy. Their mission is to promote a greater understanding of the EU through educational and curricular activities, mobility and outreach activities. Their focus on enhancing exchange partnerships for students and academic staff, and strengthening strategic cooperation and capacity-building helps to analyse a crucial component of the EU’s cultural strategy, namely its ability to reach out and cultivate its ties with societal networks. This chapter draws on a case study based on the TEMPUS programme in the Eastern Partnership countries of Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia.
This article traces the challenges and problems academic assistance organizations faced when attempting to place persecuted scholars from Germany at universities abroad in the 1930s and 1940s. Taking republican Turkey, the settler universities, and Latin America as case studies and putting a strong emphasis on the role of professionalism, scientific eligibility, and academic labor relations, the article explores the procedures, struggles, and failures encountered by placement efforts beyond European or North American university networks. The chapter argues that the history of German-speaking scholars forced to leave their academic environment operates with notions of risk or forced migration that overaccentuate the politics of protection and refuge while underexposing many factors that have shaped academic work relations since the middle of the nineteenth century. Elaborating on how the history of persecuted scholars feeds into one analytical framework with the history of academic mobility, educational internationalism, and academic labor relations, the chapter connects the attribution of being at risk with a number of global phenomena and develops a complex understanding of the historical situatedness of forced migration in academia.
S'inscrivant dans la lignée des travaux portant sur les réseaux transnationaux de femmes, cette thèse interroge la manière dont la question de l'éducation supérieure des filles s'est faite une place sur la scène internationale, au travers des débats portés par les associations internationales féminines. Adoptant une perspective transnationale et croisant diverses échelles, cette étude archivistique se centre sur l'engagement d'une association en faveur de cette cause, celui de la Fédération internationale des femmes diplômées des Universités (FIFDU), de sa création en 1919 jusqu'à 1970. La première partie de la thèse décrit la position singulière de la FIFDU dans la constellation des associations internationales féminines. Elle questionne les fondements de l'organisation, qui oscillent entre pacifisme, féminisme, et internationalisme. À partir de l'étude des trajectoires des fondatrices et dirigeantes, ainsi que des discours de ces dernières, elle analyse les besoins d'une nouvelle génération de femmes diplômées. La seconde partie étudie les actions mises en place dans le cadre de la FIFDU pour atteindre les buts de promotion de l'internationalisation, des études et des carrières féminines, en particulier le programme de bourses internationales destiné à permettre à des chercheuses prometteuses de mener des recherches ou des études avancées durant plusieurs mois à l'étranger, ainsi que les modalités de l'accueil et de l'hébergement réservés aux boursières et aux diplômées en voyage. Elle interroge également l'utilisation faite par les associations nationales de l'orientation professionnelle, qu'elles perçoivent comme un levier de promotion des études universitaires féminines, et sur laquelle elles prennent appui particulièrement pour encourager la présence des femmes dans les carrières scientifiques. La troisième et dernière partie explore les ressorts de la collaboration entre la FIFDU et les grandes organisations internationales, qui permet une diffusion à double sens des idéaux et des actions des deux types d'organisation.
Historians of Britain and Ireland have long been interested in universities and students. They have acknowledged the importance of these institutions and individuals within the history of elites, the history of the state, intellectual history, the history of science, of social movements and of politics and political thought. Yet, for many years much of this research has centred around higher education institutions themselves rather than the student body that they cater for. Following the expansion of the higher education sector and the growth of the student movement in the 1960s the quantity and quality of literature on British and Irish students, rather than the institutions that they studied at, has grown substantially and has become a burgeoning historical field. This article surveys the development of this historiography and the key research perspectives on students in Britain and Ireland from 1800-1945, focusing on five thematic areas: student culture, student representation and politics, student life during war, students race and empire, and student women - to track the progress, development and connections between the different strands of this historiography over the past fifty years and to offer insights into potential avenues for further research.
RMF) protest spiralled at one University of South Africa in Cape Town. Still, this protest has been considered as the reason for the subsequent call of decolonisation. It is presumed that the key motivation of decolonisation at the Universities are the issue of whiteness, inequality, and public culture which is presently at some universities. Therefore, the purpose of the study is to critique literature and contrast how students, personnel, and academics figure out and understand decolonisation, in addition to how they predict the future at one of the decolonised universities. However, a qualitative methodology is then applied in execution of the study. Thus, an in-depth interview is conducted in relation to research questions as identified. Nonetheless, the study obtained that amongst the groups participated, student and support stuff attain a minimal knowledge, faculty administrators attain at least moderate knowledge, and student representatives and academics attain the highest level of knowledge concerning decolonisation. These show that, the intellectual capacity amongst candidates participated in the study depends on the level of education they have attained. The limitation to this study is due to the way data is collected and analysed irrelative to its broader scope.
The films Citizen Kane and Forrest Gump are employed to show the impact of framing a story on knowledge formation. It advances from Saussure to argue the intervention of the political in explaining the varying of meanings. The chapter presents a genealogy of Critical Muslim studies. It outlines how Critical Muslim Studies diverges from Islamic Critical Theory, Critical Muslim Theory and Critical Muslim of Ziauddin Sardar. The benefits outlined of applying Critical Muslim Studies. A new term, scotoma, is introduced to account for the lack of the colonised narrative in Eurocentrism. The employment of ‘problematisation’ is promoted as applied by Foucault.
With the persistence of Islamophobia, it considers counter-Islamophobia strategies adopt anti-racist approaches but to go beyond calling for tolerance, respect and equality. It asses the value of education, legal definition, apology, civil rights movement, multiculturalism and other approaches in countering discrimination. It calls upon anti-Islamophobia activists to counter Britishness that resists Muslimness being part of its symbol. A decolonial counter-Islamophobia approach challenging the postcolonial symbolic representation of racist Britishness is outlined. This demands the deflection of differences between cultures to unculture, the national symbolic myth. The counter-Islamophobia strategy advances a project for liberating the reformulation of imperial Britishness that promotes a post-racist rather than a post-race society.
Islamophobia has gained common currency but raises intense debate about its relevance in describing discrimination against Muslims. The chapter interrogates the discussion around the term Islamophobia. The need for a definition of Islamophobia and how to formulate a definition. Three other themes common in the study of the Islamophobia paradigm are also discussed: Has the Muslim-British always been antagonistic? Is Islamophobia a reserve of the far-right? How to account for the global nature of Islamophobia.
Is one’s identity projected by oneself or imposed by others? How to understand identity? This chapter outlines the debate and considers identity fixes meaning in relation to other. It advances Britishness from being constructed in relation to the Catholics, French and common interests to the colonised. The chapter elaborates on how the colonised (periphery) deflected internal differences between England, Scotland, Ireland and Wales. It traces the role of the colonised in the cultural hegemony of Briton. A senso comune of Britishness that provided racist cultural weltanschauung—world view. The influence of the colonised is shown through the advocates of minimal and significant impact of the periphery on Britishness.
International scholarships are an established mode of aid distribution for many donor countries and a life-changing educational opportunity for recipients from the global South. This article draws upon ethnographic field research centred on Dili, Timor-Leste, focussing on case studies of a scholarship applicant, a scholar, and an alumnus. It employs the concept of Southern agency, investigating individual practices shaped by influences that both constrain and enable action, namely local infrastructure, family and kinship groups, literacies, and the colonial legacy. Scholarship places are limited and extremely competitive, while assigning a moral imperative for alumni to learn and return to contribute to local development, often resulting in the re-production of socially normed roles echoing the colonial era. The global upheaval in higher education resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic emphasises the need for alternative interventions in the global South, including greater investment in local higher education institutions, and online learning.
The transient nature of educational migration locates Indian student migrants ambivalently in the United States, rendering them illegible as diasporic subjects. However, by historically situating the movements of these students across borders, this essay illuminates how the liminality of student migrants’ positioning made their presence formative to Indian diasporic life. Offering a postcolonial American studies perspective, this essay examines educational migration in two key moments of US immigration history: the exclusionary era of the early twentieth century and the period following the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act. Attention to these moments reveals how the circulation of student migrants between India and the United States is part of a longer history of colonial, postcolonial, and imperialist investments in education. Indian student migrants were embedded in struggles for global power, with contentions over nationhood and modernity serving as a crucial feature of their entanglements in these struggles. Embodying the possibilities for a future India, these youth carried a particular responsibility to the pursuit of Indian modernity and, as such, shaped the diasporic gaze back to an Indian homeland. Yet, forged through the confluence of race, class, surveillance, and nationalism, Indian student migrants’ negotiations of this sense of responsibility informed their political alignments in unexpected ways at key moments. Centring student migrants as important agents of diaspora-making, this essay examines these negotiations and their place in the production of Indian diasporic imaginaries in the United States.
The aftermath of the First World War saw manifold efforts to (re-)construct an international community. One striking feature of this development was the foundation of a number of international student organisations. This article analyses the largest of these organisations—the International Confederation of Students (Confédération internationale des Étudiants, CIE), using it as a prism through which to examine four major aspects of inter-war student internationalism: nationalism, intellectual co-operation, mobility and radicalism. The CIE brought together the representatives of different national unions of students and thus involved activists who could cast themselves as future leaders. It portrayed its activities as ‘apolitical’, embracing an internationalism that sought to consolidate, rather than overthrow, the international order. To this end, the organisation co-operated with the League of Nations, particularly in the realm of student travel. Yet, despite its discourse of peace and non-partisanship, the CIE suffered from manifold national divisions and maintained an uneasy relationship with the political developments of the period. In this context, the article shows how, rather than being the domain of impractical idealists, internationalism provided an arena for the pursuit of competing national and political agendas.
Decolonization and transformation of the academy are important topics under debate at South African universities, but they also speak to wider issues on education access and funding, employment equity, diversity, and language policy, which are of relevance to national political debates. This paper discusses issues of decolonization and transformation of Geography curricula at different universities in South Africa, and whether issues such as decolonization and transformation are being addressed in these curricula. The University of the Witwatersrand is used as a case study, (1) discussing strategies and progress with respect to decolonization and transformation at the university as a whole; and then (2) presenting evidence for strategies and progress in decolonization and transformation of the Geography curriculum, based on semi-structured interviews with four key stakeholders from the Geography department. These results show the contested meanings, scope and goals of decolonization and transformation at all levels, and that these issues are commonly linked to or conflated with a range of other factors including access to bursaries, employability and institutional culture. In Geography, parallel processes of decolonization and transformation may pose both challenges and opportunities, including highlighting how Geography research, curricula and skills are relevant to the twenty-first century local-to-global worlds.
Research on international scholarship program outcomes has proliferated during the last decade. This chapter reviews the literature to establish ‘what we know’ from these analyses. Focusing the critique at three levels—individual, institutional, and societal—the chapter draws out themes from government reports, consultant-led evaluation, academic papers, and other ‘grey’ literature. At the individual level, career outcomes, attitudinal change, and intercultural gains are explored. At the institutional level, the usefulness of international study to organizational development, and the impacts of individual mobility and critical mass are examined. At the societal level, evidence for socio-political, civic, economic, and diplomatic impacts is discussed. The chapter concludes by arguing that comparative research and greater focus on ‘complex’ questions about outcomes are necessary to advance understanding.
International scholarships for higher education can open multiple pathways for social change by empowering individuals, promoting social mobility and academic diversity, building technical capacity and contributing to global understanding. In this chapter, the editors consider the evolving role of international scholarships in meeting varied diplomatic, foreign policy and development goals, and situate international scholarships in the context of wider international education trends. The book’s structure—a collection of crosscutting thematic chapters and illustrative case studies—is outlined and key editorial decisions explained. The chapter concludes with a call for increasing dialogue among diverse researchers and practitioners and for building a global field of research, policy and practice dedicated to international scholarships and social change.
In recent years there has been a growing interest among historians in the British Empire as a space of knowledge production and circulation. Much of this work assumes that scholarly cooperation and collaboration between individuals and institutions within the Empire had the effect (and often also the aim) of strengthening both imperial ties and the idea of empire. This chapter argues, however, that many examples of scholarly travel, exchange, and collaboration were undertaken with very different goals in mind. In particular, it highlights the continuing importance of an ideal of scientific internationalism, which stressed the benefits of scholarship for the whole of humanity and prioritized the needs and goals of individual academic and scientific disciplines. As the chapter shows, some scholars even went on to develop nuanced critiques of the imperial project while using the very structures of empire to further their own individual, disciplinary and institutional goals.
International scholarship programs for higher education attract a substantial body of funding each year from national governments, supranational bodies, large charitable foundations, higher education institutions, and many smaller organizations. With aims variously shaped by international development and public diplomacy considerations, international scholarships fund students at higher education institutions worldwide. As the investment in, and scope of, scholarship programs has expanded, concurrent commitment to analysis and evaluation of their outcomes—both to improve policy making and justify further funding—has increased. This article explores several of the key methodological and conceptual challenges in the evaluation of international scholarship outcomes, focusing on the relationship between aims and outcomes, difficulties with “attribution” and “contribution,” and scholarship programs in comparison with their alternatives. The relationship between evidence gathering and policy making is considered in context of international scholarship programs, and several potentially useful future developments in evaluation approaches are suggested.
This article analyses international scholarship of the early twentieth century by focusing on scholarly networks and the uncomfortable interplay between their claims to universalism and the realities of an international war with global dimensions. Academics, books, and ideas had traversed the world with relative ease and regularity from the mid nineteenth century. The consequences were the creation of a hierarchical and Euro-American dominated ‘academic world’ where mobility and the transnational transmission of knowledge were key features. The rupture of the First World War tested the durability of these connections but the Paris Peace Conference showed that scholarly connections – through shared disciplinary interests, alumni groupings, or mutual acquaintance – were not only durable but sometimes crucial to the recasting of the world envisaged by the peacemakers. While the scholars present at the Paris Peace Conference were there as representatives of their respective nations, they also demonstrated strong allegiance to disciplines and institutions.
There they go, our brothers who have been educated at public schools and universities, mounting those steps, passing in and out of those doors, ascending those pulpits, preaching, teaching, administering justice, practising medicine, transacting business, making money. It is a solemn sight always — a procession […] For we have to ask ourselves here and now, do we wish to join the procession, or don’t we? On what terms shall we join that procession? Above all, where is it leading us, the procession of educated men?1
The English universities entered the nineteenth century in a state of torpor. While student numbers rose in the first two decades they then remained stagnant from the 1830s to the 1850s with annual admissions to Oxford and Cambridge at between 800 and 870. In the country as a whole the proportion of young men going to university fell from 732 per million in 1821 to 541 in 1861.1 Universities had little to do with England’s burgeoning industry.2 Oxford, for example,
seemed to many to be tied to an earlier age, affluent, idle, Anglican, aristocratic, having, in the minds of its radical critics … all the defects of moribund privilege. Fellows were still elected because of their regional qualifications and family connections and with too little regard to scholarship. Once elected the majority had no obligation to pursue either a course of study or research, retaining their positions until a college living offered an opening for preferment and the opportunity for marriage. At most colleges many fellows were non-resident and one or two sufficed for the instruction of undergraduates.3
Stephen Duggan, the educator and director of the Institute of International Education (IIE) between 1919 and 1946, has been described as an ‘apostle of internationalism’. Duggan's work as the director of a new international agency in the co-ordination of educational exchange sought to position the United States of America as the centre of international education. Duggan's writings during this period reflect the articulation of a geographical vocabulary which positioned the United States as a steward of an ‘international’ space of education despite Duggan's continual disparagement of cultural imperialism. This paper explores the geographies of Duggan's discursive rendering of American responsibilities for the security of ‘the international’, the potential for America to act as a beacon of educational exchanges, and as the ‘rational’ space to counteract threats to an imagined American educational hegemony. This outline was shot through with the anxiety of alternative internationalisms and the possibility for education to be used in opposition to the ‘virtuous’ international education proposed by Duggan and his contemporaries. An exploration of Duggan's writing provides a backdrop to the development of international educational agencies in the interwar period as critical technologies of an American geopolitical power.
Solidarity and the Academic Community: Refugee Scholars and their Support Networks in the 1930s
Recent scholarship on humanitarianism has drawn attention to the intertwined nature of humanitarianism and politics and questioned narratives that present charity and humanitarianism as purportedly universal values. Additionally, research on refugees has pointed to the role of refugee issues in disputes over the meaning of citizenship, national belonging and exclusion. Yet these discussions have not been applied to the history of the scholars who were forced into exile by the National Socialists from 1933 onwards. The article focuses on two organisations for academic refugees, the British Academic Assistance Council and the Notgemeinschaft deutscher Wissenschaftler im Ausland, which facilitated emigration and placed scientists at host institutions abroad. It argues that the aid efforts of these organisations were to a considerable extent shaped by professional considerations and remained dependent on well-established national infrastructures and concerns.
The Committee of Vice-chancellors and Principals (CVCP) was a leading collective body for British universities for most of the twentieth century, yet there has been very little historical study of its organisation and work. Brief references tend to be dismissive of its effectiveness, although some authors have been more favourable. This article considers a formative phase in the history of the CVCP and progenitor organisations, examining its foundations at the end of the First World War, although with roots in the late nineteenth century; its complex constitutional status that led to considerable debate concerning the role and nature of the committee; and some of its main activities and priorities during the inter-war period. It assesses the extent to which we should regard the CVCP as merely passive, or as a quietly effective body.
This paper first draws attention to the scant literature in population geography on international student migration, or ISM. Yet students comprise an important element in global and European population mobility, especially of highly skilled movements. This study is set within the context of intra-European ISM and looks specifically at the ‘Year Abroad experience’ which has been subsidised over the past 15 years by the Erasmus and Socrates programmes. Empirical data come from questionnaire surveys to three groups of University of Sussex students, surveyed during 2000–01. The main survey was a large postal survey to graduates who had spent a year abroad (YA) in another European country as part of their Sussex degree. This questionnaire was designed to test two sets of hypotheses: firstly that the YA had given students/graduates a more ‘European’ identity or consciousness, and a greater insight into European issues; and secondly that YA graduates would be more likely to pursue their subsequent career/migration paths in continental Europe. These hypotheses were tested against a control sample of Sussex graduates who had not been on a YA, matched by degree type and time of graduation. A third sample was undertaken with second-year undergraduate students about to embark on their YA, in order to test pre- and post-YA perspectives. The results broadly confirm the research hypotheses, although with a variety of nuances and outcomes. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
In 1889, George Paxton Young, the University of Toronto's philosophy professor, passed away suddenly while in the midst of a public debate over the merits of hiring Canadians in preference to American and British applicants for faculty positions. As a result, the process of replacing Young turned into a continuation of that argument, becoming quite vociferous and involving the popular press and the Ontario government This article examines the intellectual, political, and personal dynamics at work in the battle over Young's replacement and its eventual resolution. The outcome would have an impact on both the Canadian intellectual scene and the development of experimental psychology in North America.
Bell?s book comes with an intriguing picture on its front cover: Gustave Doré?s famous 1860 depiction of a New Zealander perched on a broken arch of London Bridge sketching the ruins of St Paul?s and its environs. The image, derived from an essay by Thomas Babington Macaulay, captures much of the Victorian premonition and anxiety about empire. Schooled on the classics and hardened in the tropics, successive generations of colonial statesmen and commentators in the 19th century learned to hope for little and fear much worse from the possession of far-flung dominion and settlement. Their ultimate nightmare was that the fate of Rome would catch up with Britain, that is, unbridled expansion overseas would precipitate the collapse of civilisation at the metropole. So fashionable had this Gibbonseque trope of ?Macaulay?s New Zealander? become by the 1860s that, according to David Skilton, the satirical magazine Punch called for a proclamation banning its use, along with other proverbial phrases such as ?the Thin End of the Wedge? and ?the British Lion?. As arresting as Doré?s lithograph is, it does seem a slightly odd choice for Duncan Bell?s study, which is devoted to a series of Victorian writers and thinkers who developed a wholly positive vision of empire, looking forward to global peace and order, rather than back to the gloomy lessons of the past. No such problems are presented by the back cover. Gathered there are a series of top scholarly names from both sides of the Atlantic endorsing the book, which has been eagerly anticipated. Derived from his Cambridge PhD thesis of 2004, and trailed in a series of articles and edited collections, The Idea of Greater Britain is one the first major studies of Victorian intellectual life with the subject of the British empire left in, rather than out. Joint winner of the coveted Royal Historical Society?s Whitfield Prize, singled out for praise by Stephen Howe in the Independent, and already frequently cited in new work in the field, it is not just the cover, but the contents of this book, which demand to be noticed. The book is both monograph and manifesto. Bell?s main research task is to resuscitate the somewhat neglected arguments of those Victorians who idealised and proselytised a ?Greater Britain?, that is a closer union of Britain and the settlement colonies. But there is a larger purpose too. Bell calls for historians of political thought in the 19th century to follow their fellow scholars in earlier periods and take empire seriously. He contends that the Victorian canon of thinkers ? so skilfully analysed by, among others, John Burrow, Stefan Collini and Peter Clarke ? has escaped the sort of closer scrutiny which the imperial turn has inspired in intellectual history especially of the 17th and 18th centuries (for example, in the work of Anthony Pagden and David Armitage). By themselves, these two stated purposes are reasonable enough. Although the ?Greater Britain? tendency in the 19th century has not been entirely obscured ? as Bell generously notes, Ged Martin, Michael Burgess and John Kendle have all written about it extensively ? it has tended to be treated as an annex of imperial and commonwealth history rather than part of the main body of the Victorian vision. Moreover, its proponents ? Thomas Carlyle, E. A. Freeman and J. A. Froude to name a few ? have been seen at best as armchair statesmen, and at worst, pedlars of Anglo-Saxon racism. There is also a case for seeing them as misguided romantics, about which Jonathan Mendilow, not cited by Bell, has written. It is good to have the revisionist case put so forcefully, as Bell does so well. And the grander project is welcome too. Whilst 19th-century intellectual historians have not shied away from looking at the connections between India and Victorian political thought (e.g. both James and John Stuart Mill, and Henry Maine), the conceptual place of empire has not been considered in the same way as other Victorian concerns and shibboleths such as liberty, democracy, poverty, the state, or the economy. It is as if, to paraphrase Sir John Seeley, one of the heroes of this study, the British empire was acquired in a fit of absence of thought. Both Bell?s case-study of the Greater Britain movement and his wider claims about the limited horizons of Victorian political thought as a discipline are thus worth considering seriously, separately and in more detail. There is much to commend with both, although there are legitimate concerns about how far the case-study of Greater Britain can really be used to open up new vistas in the intellectual history of the Victorian era.
Colonial education has been controversial and widely divergent interpretations have been offered from contrasting ideological perspectives. British imperial education policy was highly contended during the colonial era and remains a contentious issue amongst many contemporary historians and a critical review of the historiography of the subject is long overdue. British colonial education policy starts in India in 1813, the intention being to promote both Oriental culture and Western science. But a former Director of Public Instruction, writing in the 1920s, claimed that education had done far less for Indian culture than for the material and political progress of India. More recent academic writing about the history of education in British India has been both intermittent and of mixed quality. To date, much of the criticism of British policy appears to have been motivated more by emotion rather than by detailed scholarly analysis and this account argues that more ‘plodding’ in archives is urgently needed at the present time to substantiate, refine or refute the claims of India’s educational historians. This is the first part of a two‐part article, the second of which will deal with Africa and the rest of the colonial Empire.
This article explores an educational experiment mounted at a public school for girls in Bristol in the 1920s and 1930s. In examining the aims and methods of the Badminton School for girls in this period it aims to do two things. The first is to analyse the relationship between the gendered, class-based and nationalist values of the public school system and the aspirations of progressive internationalism that Badminton sought to introduce. The second is to assess how that relationship influenced the citizenship-building role that Badminton (as with all public schools) charged itself with in this period. In answering these questions it is useful to consider the work of Gary McCulloch and Colin McCaig who have reflected on the history of education in the light of Eric Hobsbawm's The Invention of Tradition.1 McCulloch and McCaig argued that the headmaster of Harrow and leading defender of the public schools, Cyril Norwood, summoned the public school tradition in this period 'as a direct response to threats, from rapid sociological and ideological change'.2 Did the progressive public schools also 'invent' tradition in this way? How did the gender of the students and the ideology of the staff influence this process? The interwar period saw the rise of a number of schools that positioned themselves in opposition to the structures and ethos of the public schools but retained their class exclusivity and their confidence in education for leadership. The term 'progressive' was applied to schools that opposed the structures and ethos of the public school tradition root and branch, decrying their repressive moral codes, autocratic value systems and veneration of classical and athletic prowess. 'Progressive' has also been used to refer to schools that accepted the role of elite schooling in shaping models of citizenship and national leadership but aimed to subvert the value-system of the public school tradition in order to mould new kinds of citizens and leaders.3 As we shall see, Badminton was progressive in the latter sense.
This is an analytical survey of the history of higher education – primarily but not exclusively in England – as written in the last quarter of the twentieth century. It examines the history of liberal education, of the rewriting of the history of Oxford and Cambridge, and of nineteenth- and twentieth-century institutions. It addresses new methodologies and data, and the search for more comprehensive and less parochial and antiquarian approaches to the history of institutions. It examines how accounts of new sectors of higher education and national agencies relate to social hierarchies and developments. It includes discussion of the contribution of non-historians to the history of higher education. It concludes that historical writing has firm roots in historians' contemporary environment. Bibliographical sources are suggested, and the references themselves constitute a bibliography of the historiography of the period.
With the objective of exploring New Zealand women's part in imperialism, this article focuses on the history of the Victoria League. Through its activities during war and peace, the League promoted New Zealand's place as a loyal part of the British Empire. The League in New Zealand was part of a ‘female imperialism’ whereby elite women in the ‘white’ settler societies performed gendered work to promote the strength and unity of the Empire. Women's work considered suitable for empire friendliness and unity ranged from hospitality and socialising in the ‘private’ female world, to the support of immigration and education. Wartime saw patriotic ‘mothers of empire’ in full force. The article covers the League's work into the second half of the twentieth century when, despite the ‘end of empire’, imperial loyalty endured, entwined with emerging national identities. Maternal imperial identity slowly waned, the legacy of Queen Victoria lasting until local challenges to the process of colonisation became vocal.
Part II of this historiographical study examines British education policy in Africa, and in the many crown colonies, protectorates, and mandated territories around the globe. Up until 1920, the British government took far less interest than in India, in the development of schooling in Africa and the rest of the colonial empire, and education was generally left to local initiative and voluntary effort. British interest in the control of education policy in Africa and elsewhere lasted only from the 1920s to the 1950s, as territories assumed responsibility for their own internal affairs as a prelude to independence. Nevertheless, critics were not slow to attack British direction of colonial education in the 1930s and thereafter.In retrospect it is clear that colonial education policy was fraught with much confusion of purpose and lack of resources, apathy and hostility. The literature has ranged from close scholarly studies of education policy in individual countries to passionate and more theoretically based critiques of colonial schooling. But as immediate passions surrounding demise of the Empire have receded, alternative analyses have begun to emerge.
Provides an introduction to the articles presented in this theme issue. Explains the focus surrounds the study of the relationship of educational issues from different geographical educational history. Compares similarities and contrasts differences. (KDR)
L'A. demontre que des etudiants coloniaux ont cree de nouveaux modeles de carriere de physiciens dans l'empire britannique et ont transforme la recherche dans leur laboratoire a l'universite de Cambridge
This article explores Thomas Popkewitz’s and Kwame Appiah’s discussion of cosmopolitanism by looking at practices, spaces and subjectivities in the work of three little‐known women, Amelie Arato, Amni Hallsten‐Kallia and Rachel Gampert. It examines cosmopolitanism through systems of knowledge, unpacks cosmopolitanism and gender at particular historical moments, and looks at national as well as international narratives. Arato provides a starting point to look at practices, at challenges and tensions of cosmopolitanism as modes of enquiry, at conversations across borders through the scientisation of knowledge, and at categories that locate women in in‐between spaces that both include and exclude. With Hallsten‐Kallia, the challenges and tensions of cosmopolitanism as movement through social space for women form the focus. Here, conversations across borders from her insider/outsider position illuminate gender, positionality and opportunities, and limitations on agency within the making of the woman cosmopolitan. Gampert’s concern with the married woman teacher becomes a springboard to think about subjectivities, challenges and tensions for cosmopolitanism in holding together divergent national narratives and a universal frame.
From the late eighteenth century onwards the majority of the inhabitants of the expanding British overseas empire were increasingly non-Europeans. Racial and ethnic discrimination was at the heart of British imperial governance, in the black Atlantic world shaped by a long history of slave-holding and then the growth of pseudo-scientific racial ideas in the nineteenth century. Whites rarely perceived the black and brown subjects they ruled as being British, although legally all, irrespective of race or ethnicity, were subjects of the Crown. The institutions of empire helped to foster among many black people in the Atlantic world the use of the English language and a strong sense that they too were British. An identity of ‘Britishness’ was encouraged by service in the naval and military forces of the Crown, by slave emancipation and by Christian missions, especially through education. Imperial ideologies focused on the monarch helped nurture imperial loyalties. In African colonies where local laws and white attitudes enforced racially discriminatory practise, black elites appealed to the law to demand recognition of their entitlement to ‘English liberties’ and for full British civil rights. Such appeals were invariably rebuffed. In the United Kingdom, where official and private racial discrimination was overt and covert but rarely endorsed by law, black Britons also failed to secure legislation to protect their civil rights.
This article contributes to the retrieval of the ‘lost history’ of interwar internationalism that is increasingly receiving attention from historians of education. 2 2 Lawn, M. “Reflecting the Passion: Mid‐century Projects for Education.” History of Education 33, no. 3 (2004): 512; Nóvoa, A., and M. Lawn. Fabricating Europe: The Making of an Educational Space. Dordrecht: Kluwer, 2002; Watkins, C. “Inventing International Citizenship: Badminton School and the Progressive Tradition between the Wars.” History of Education . Available from http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals/titles/0046760X.asp ; Lawn, M. “Circulations and Exchanges: Emergence of Scientific Cosmopolitanism in Educational Research.” Paper presented at the Congress of Historical Sciences (CISH), Sydney, 2005; Fuchs, E. “Towards Global Educational Politics: The role of Transnational Educational Organizations in the Twentieth Century.” Paper presented at the International Standing Conference for the History of Education (ISCHE), Sydney, 2005; Rogers, R. “Questioning National Models: The History of Women Teachers in a Comparative Perspective.” Paper presented at the International Federation for Research in Women’s History (IFRWH), Sydney, 2005. View all notes It traces the involvement of the English Association of Headmistresses (AHM) in a range of organizations that networked women educationists with women’s organizations, with educational organizations and with international organizations working towards international peace in the interwar period. The focus of the paper is the development of an international orientation in the AHM and in girls’ secondary schools through association with, and interest in, the League of Nations. Its subject matter is citizenship: the citizenship practised via the professional engagement of headmistresses through the AHM and as individuals with ideals of international understanding; and the development of an internationally oriented secondary school curriculum for girls and, in particular, the development of a history curriculum for ‘world citizenship’. Both are discussed in relation to the version of the ‘international’ that arose in the League of Nations in the aftermath of the First World War to adjudicate and resolve conflicts between nations. This was linked to a view of discrete nation‐states in a period when the borders and boundaries between nation‐states in Europe were shifting. The article adopts a transnational methodology to investigate the ‘international’ and ways in which national and transnational flows were transversed by longer‐standing colonial relations. The article begins by discussing the increasing involvement of women educationists in transnational flows of teachers, promoted initially by the AHM’s engagement with aspects of British imperial mission. It traces ways in which the Association’s increasingly internationalist orientation ran alongside and was linked to older concerns about empire but also fostered much interest in League of Nations activities and curriculum development around citizenship education for girls. This section of the article looks ‘outward’ from the AHM towards the League of Nations and the women’s organizations associated with the League. It analyses three issues that weave through the AHM’s dealings with the League of Nations: representation; disarmament and world peace; and citizenship. It moves to look ‘inward’ from the AHM to schools by examining these issues at the level of the local and the national, within the global development of international ideas and movements, through League of Nations activities at Manchester High School for Girls.