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Globalisation and student equity in higher education

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This special issue of the Cambridge Journal of Education is focused on student equity issues arising from the globalisation of higher education (HE). The papers collected here pursue a new imaginary of student equity in response to changed structures of HE produced by (a) the move toward its universal provision (Trow, 1974, 2006) and (b) the transnationalisation of HE policy and provision. These two processes have changed the conditions of access, the nature of participation and the advantages that flow from HE, with significant implications for marginalised groups. The move to near-universal provision in OECD member countries is being driven by policy agendas promulgated through intergovernmental bodies such as the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). The OECD has strongly grounded HE policy in a ‘neoliberal imaginary’ (Rizvi & Lingard, 2010), promoting its importance in the formation of human capital to support national competitiveness in global knowledge economies. Through enacting this agenda, national HE systems now increasingly operate as localisations of a global HE space (Sassen, 2000). Further, while institutions and systems remain grounded in nations, the creation of a European Higher Education Area through the Bologna Process provides an example of moves toward greater transnational integration of these systems (European Ministers of Education, 1999). Increasing rates of international student mobility (Varghese, 2008) and increased flows of knowledge mediated by new technologies (Appadurai, 1996) have also contributed to the growing redundancy of ‘national HE’ as a distinct object of analysis. A new imaginary is now required in order understand how these shifts have changed how student equity is taken up in policy, what kinds of equity programs are required, and where new injustices have emerged, or old ones persist, in what has become a global field of HE (Gale, 2011).
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Cambridge Journal of Education
ISSN: 0305-764X (Print) 1469-3577 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ccje20
Globalisation and student equity in higher
education
Sam Sellar & Trevor Gale
To cite this article: Sam Sellar & Trevor Gale (2011) Globalisation and student equity in higher
education, Cambridge Journal of Education, 41:1, 1-4, DOI: 10.1080/0305764X.2011.549652
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0305764X.2011.549652
Published online: 21 Mar 2011.
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Cambridge Journal of Education
Vol. 41, No. 1, March 2011, 1–4
ISSN 0305-764X print/ISSN 1469-3577 online
© 2011 University of Cambridge, Faculty of Education
DOI: 10.1080/0305764X.2011.549652
http://www.informaworld.com
EDITORIAL
Globalisation and student equity in higher education
Taylor and FrancisCCJE_A_549652.sgm10.1080/0305764X.2011.549652Cambridge Journal of Education0305-764X (print)/1469-3577 (online)Original Article2011Taylor & Francis4110000002011LizEadesliz.eades@tandf.co.uk
This special issue of the Cambridge Journal of Education is focused on student equity
issues arising from the globalisation of higher education (HE). The papers collected
here pursue a new imaginary of student equity in response to changed structures of HE
produced by (a) the move toward its universal provision (Trow, 1974, 2006) and (b)
the transnationalisation of HE policy and provision. These two processes have
changed the conditions of access, the nature of participation and the advantages that
flow from HE, with significant implications for marginalised groups. The move to
near-universal provision in OECD member countries is being driven by policy agendas
promulgated through intergovernmental bodies such as the Organisation for Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD). The OECD has strongly grounded HE policy
in a ‘neoliberal imaginary’ (Rizvi & Lingard, 2010), promoting its importance in the
formation of human capital to support national competitiveness in global knowledge
economies. Through enacting this agenda, national HE systems now increasingly oper-
ate as localisations of a global HE space (Sassen, 2000). Further, while institutions and
systems remain grounded in nations, the creation of a European Higher Education Area
through the Bologna Process provides an example of moves toward greater transna-
tional integration of these systems (European Ministers of Education, 1999). Increas-
ing rates of international student mobility (Varghese, 2008) and increased flows of
knowledge mediated by new technologies (Appadurai, 1996) have also contributed to
the growing redundancy of ‘national HE’ as a distinct object of analysis.
A new imaginary is now required in order understand how these shifts have
changed how student equity is taken up in policy, what kinds of equity programs are
required, and where new injustices have emerged, or old ones persist, in what has
become a global field of HE (Gale, 2011). Global policy agendas shape conceptions
of student equity embedded in national HE policies, which are constituted as assem-
blages of heterogeneous values and ideals that cut across local, national and global
scales (Rizvi & Lingard, this issue). In the current privileging of market efficiency,
academic excellence, and national investment in human capital, student equity tends
to be justified, even conceived, as an objective in their service. Paradoxically, the
global trend of policy development and governance conceived in purely numerical
terms (Lingard, 2010) also legitimises long-standing definitions of student equity in
HE as the pursuit of socially representative participation within nation states (involv-
ing comparisons between institutional enrolment data and national census data).
Measured in these terms, student equity has limited application beyond national
systems. Marginson (this issue) argues for also expanding the participation of under-
represented groups regardless of whether their expanded inclusion changes the social
composition of institutions. This approach would provide one way of globalising our
imagination of student equity.
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2 Editorial
Beyond refiguring conceptions of equity, conjunctions of transnational trends,
national policies and specific contexts have created new possibilities for equity work.
For example, the recent global financial crisis has had significant impact on national
HE funding, prompting increased stimulus spending in some instances (e.g., in
Australia, after a decade or more of underfunding) and drastic funding cuts in others
(e.g., in the UK, after an extended period of significant equity funding). In Australia,
recent funding increases serve the current government’s agenda to boost HE attain-
ment; an agenda couched in terms of the need to produce human capital at rates
comparable with OECD peers. This aim has led to government and institutional policy
to ‘raise’ aspiration for HE – also a key strategy in the UK widening participation
agenda over the past decade – ostensibly to increase social inclusion, but also to stim-
ulate increased demand for expanding places among groups who have not previously
accessed HE in large numbers. In the Australian context, the need to convince new
populations of the value of HE, at a time of increased stimulus spending, has created
new levels of political impetus and resourcing for institutions to engage with margin-
alised groups. This creates possibilities for more transformative community-focused
equity programs, which build capacities in disadvantaged areas rather than focusing
more narrowly on access to individual HE institutions (Sellar, Gale, & Parker, this
issue).
Current Australian HE reforms also aim to forge stronger connections between HE
and vocational education and training (VET), reminiscent of HE and further education
relations in the UK. This has created opportunities to revaluate the purposes of these
sectors, both individually and in tandem, and to challenge established hierarchies of
knowledge and prestige that accord greater status and advantage to HE graduates
(Pardy & Seddon, this issue). Attention to inequalities in capacities to produce knowl-
edge (Appadurai, 2000), and the status accorded to different kinds of knowledge and
knowing in HE (Gale, 2009), is important in the context of a changing geopolitics of
knowledge, which has been spurred by postcolonial critiques (e.g., Connell, 2007;
Said, 1978) and the rising influence of India and China. The proliferation of online
communication technologies has also facilitated a new era of user-created content that
is contributing to these shifts in global knowledge production, creating possibilities
for the democratic knowledge creation and dissemination with implications for HE
teaching and research (Shoemaker, this issue).
In other instances, the shift toward a global field of HE has created new difficulties
in identifying equity issues. Nation-centric ‘equity by numbers’ approaches (cf.
Lingard, 2010; Rizvi & Lingard, this issue) are blind to the advantages and disadvan-
tages produced through transnational student mobilities, at a time when mobility has
become a significant stratifying factor (Bauman, 1998). Global flows of students,
directed in their desires and decision-making by the Times Higher Education Supple-
ment and Jiao Tong world league tables, are now at unprecedented levels and compe-
tition (among OECD nations) is thriving for shares of the growing international student
market in Asia. A new global imaginary of student equity must account for the inequal-
ities experienced by these students as they pursue HE opportunities abroad. For exam-
ple, Indian student’s decision-making about and participation in Australian HE is
complicated by the market mechanisms through which they are connected to institu-
tions and the instrumental logics that often frame their engagement with them. This
can have significant implications for the advantages that these students are able to gain
from their education and can lead to feelings of anxiety and depression, with implica-
tions for social inclusion in their host country (Caluya, Probyn, & Vyas, this issue).
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Cambridge Journal of Education 3
It is also clear that students are increasingly aware that studying abroad can confer
greater distinction from the increasing numbers of graduates being produced through
moves toward universal provision (Findlay & King, 2010), changing the conditions of
social and cultural reproduction. Further, ‘equity by numbers’ approaches can also
hide less measurable injustices. For example, the increased participation of women in
the Ghanaian and Tanzanian HE systems appears to be a positive outcome in equity
terms, however gendered power relations and sexual harassment continue to place
women at a disadvantage (Morley, this issue).
In sum, a new global field of HE requires a new imaginary of equity issues across
this field. Where equity has previously involved measures of fair access to HE insti-
tutions within national systems, new conditions of knowledge production and dissem-
ination occasioned by the hyper-intensified flows that characterise globalisation
during late modernity demand more expansive and sophisticated analytical frame-
works. It is important to account for the ‘relations of disjuncture’ between these flows,
which are producing new kinds of inclusion and exclusion. As Appadurai (2000, p. 5)
argues, ‘it is the disjunctures between the various vectors characterizing this world-in-
motion that produce fundamental problems of livelihood, equity, suffering, justice,
and governance’ (Appadurai, 2000, p. 5). A new global imaginary of student equity in
HE that can help us to identify and work toward redressing these problems must be
multifaceted, incorporating (a) an expanded conception of equity; (b) resources for
interrogating the production of policy or knowledge across multiple scales; (c) atten-
tion to the lived experience of inequality in particular localisations of global HE; (d)
a re-conception of the relationships between tertiary sectors; (e) new designs and
rationales for equity programs; and (f) an understanding of the risks and possibilities
afforded by new communication technologies. The papers in this issue each contribute
different facets to such an imaginary.
Sam Sellar and Trevor Gale
Australian National Centre for Student Equity in Higher Education
University of South Australia
Acknowledgements
The editors would like to thank all those who refereed the articles published in this special
issue. Thanks especially to Stephen Parker who greatly assisted us in managing the process of
putting the issue together.
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Paris: UNESCO. Retrieved November 18, 2010, from http://www.unesco.org/iiep/PDF/
pubs/2008/Globalization_HE.pdf
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It is particularly significant that it is the academically most gifted pupils who are the most likely to apply to foreign universities. The international student survey identified a diverse range of motivations driving international student mobility. • The dominant influence was the desire to attend a world-class institution (55% said this was important and 89% said it was important or very important). The significance of this driver of UK student mobility may be interpreted in several different ways as discussed in the main report. For some, failure to gain a place at their desired UK university was a trigger to mobility. • Other motivations that were seen as very important included the opportunity for adventure (50%) and the desire to take the first step towards an international career (34%) The report provides an analysis of which students were most likely to be driven by the desire to attend what they perceived to be the best universities in the world. It also considers whether this group of students was significantly different from those going abroad in search of adventure, or as a first step towards permanent emigration, or because of a desire to gain a place to study a particular discipline (where the opportunity to do so did not exist in the UK Higher Education system). Amongst students in our survey, UK international diploma mobility is shown to be a selective process influenced by class and parental educational background. For example: • Students who had attended independent schools were much more likely than those from the state sector to claim that their mobility was triggered by the search for a world class university • Students from families where one or both parents had higher education were much more likely to go abroad in search of a world class university than those from other backgrounds. The student survey suggested that it was not only students from fee-paying schools that succeeded in gaining a place to study abroad. Almost 30 per cent of respondents had attended a UK state comprehensive and 54 per cent of respondents had received state schooling. Nevertheless, the independent sector was much more strongly represented in the sample of UK international students than one would expect relative to the size of this sector in the UK education system. Another key finding is that international diploma-mobility is highly differentiated by destination. • UK students enrolled at US universities are often from more privileged backgrounds. They often claimed that their move was in search of an elite university and many were seeking to enter an international career. • UK students in Australia were likely to be interested in permanent emigration. • UK students in Ireland were much more likely to report that they would consider returning to the UK after graduation. Another important issue addressed by the report is the relationship between international student mobility and intentions to return to the UK. Some 24 per cent of students in the survey claimed that they had no intention of ever returning to the UK once their studies were complete. The vast majority did, however, plan to return, although many wanted to work abroad before coming back to the UK. Significantly, the survey results point to the students with the strongest A level results being more likely to want to return to the UK at some point after their studies. International student mobility should not therefore be interpreted as a brain drain of the UK’s best and brightest young people. To the authors of this report, it seems likely that the emerging global hierarchy of universities will become even more important over the next two decades and therefore that the desire to attend a world class university will become even stronger in the future. The report concludes by briefly exploring the theoretical and policy implications of this trend. Those responsible for UK Higher Education need to take a clear position on the desirability or otherwise of the phenomenon of international diploma mobility of UK students and, in relation to this position, to implement appropriate policies to help maintain the UK’s pool of global talent.
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From Chapter 1: Empire and the creation of a social science Origin stories Open any introductory sociology textbook and you will probably find, in the first few pages, a discussion of founding fathers focused on Marx, Durkheim and Weber. The first chapter may also cite Comte, Spencer, Tönnies and Simmel, and perhaps a few others. In the view normally presented to students, these men created sociology in response to dramatic changes in European society: the Industrial Revolution, class conflict, secularisation, alienation and the modern state. This curriculum is backed by histories such as Alan Swingewood's (2000) Short History of Sociological Thought. This well-regarded British text presents a two-part narrative of 'Foundations: Classical Sociology' (centring on Durkheim, Weber and Marx), and 'Modern Sociology', tied together by the belief that 'Marx, Weber and Durkheim have remained at the core of modern sociology' (2000: x). Sociologists take this account of their origins seriously. Twenty years ago, a star-studded review of Social Theory Today began with a ringing declaration of 'the centrality of the classics' (Alexander 1987). In the new century, commentary on classical texts remains a significant genre of theoretical writing (Baehr 2002). The idea of classical theory embodies a canon, in the sense of literary theory: a privileged set of texts, whose interpretation and reinterpretation defines a field (Seidman 1994). This particular canon embeds an internalist doctrine of sociology's history as a social science. The story consists of a foundational moment arising from the internal transformation of European society; classic discipline-defining texts written by a small group of brilliant authors; and a direct line of descent from them to us. But sociologists in the classical period itself did not have this origin story. When Franklin Giddings (1896), the first professor of sociology at Columbia University, published The Principles of Sociology, he named as the founding father—Adam Smith. Victor Branford (1904), expounding 'the founders of sociology' to a meeting in London, named as the central figure—Condorcet.
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lobalization is certainly a source of anxiety in the U.S. academic world. And the sources of this anxiety are many: Social scientists (especially economists) worry about whether markets and deregulation produce greater wealth at the price of increased inequality. Political scientists worry that their field might vanish along with their favorite object, the nation-state, if globaliza- tion truly creates a "world without borders." Cultural theorists, especially cultural Marxists, worry that in spite of its conformity with everything they already knew about capital, there may be some embarrassing new possibilities for equity hid- den in its workings. Historians, ever worried about the problem of the new, real- ize that globalization may not be a member of the familiar archive of large-scale historical shifts. And everyone in the academy is anxious to avoid seeming to be a mere publicist of the gigantic corporate machineries that celebrate globaliza- tion. Product differentiation is as important for (and within) the academy as it is for the corporations academics love to hate. Outside the academy there are quite different worries about globalization that include such questions as: What does globalization mean for labor markets and
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This article addresses the relationship between globalization and current forms of critical knowledge, especially as these forms have come to be organized by the social sciences in the West. Globalization as an uneven economic process creates a fragmented and uneven distribution of those resources for learning, teaching and cultural criticism that are most vital for the formation of democratic research communities who could produce a global view of globalization. One task of a newly alert social science is to rethink the meaning of research styles and networks appropriate to this challenge. In this effort, it is important to recall that the academic imagination is part of a wider geography of knowledge created in the dialogue between social science and area studies, particularly as they developed in the United States after World War II. This geography of knowledge invites us to rethink our picture of what 'regions' are and to reflect on how research is a special practice of the academic imagination.
Chapter
This chapter seeks to reflect upon and update a set of concepts, first introduced over 30 years ago, regarding the transformation of higher education (Trow, 1973).1 The ideas of this original essay, as nicely summed up recently by British author Brennan (2004), illustrate three forms of higher education: (1) elite—shaping the mind and character of a ruling class, a preparation for elite roles; (2) mass—transmission of skills and preparation for a broader range of technical and economic elite roles; and (3) universal— adaptation of the “whole population” to rapid social and technological change. Table 1 provides a useful summary of these stages of higher education development.
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This paper provides an account and a critique of the rise of the contemporary policy as numbers phenomenon and considers its effects on policy and for educational research. Policy as numbers is located within the literatures on numbers in politics and the statistics/state relationship and, while recognising the longevity of the latter relationship, it is argued that the governance turn and neo-liberalism have strengthened the role of numbers in contemporary education policy. This phenomenon is situated in the contemporary ‘structure of feeling’, which sees politics reduced to managing the everyday and the evisceration of a progressive imaginary. The paper then documents the impact within education, focusing both on the emergent global education policy field and on the national agenda in Australian schooling and the related rise of ‘gap talk’, both globally and nationally. The paper concludes by drawing out some implications for educational research, suggesting that we as educational researchers are also being positioned by policy as numbers. KeywordsEducation policy–Statistics–Data–Governance–Globalisation–Research