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The Internet, democracy and democratization

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Abstract

The impact of the Internet upon business, upon government organization and efficiency, and then upon democracies and processes of democratization are investigated in a manner that sets the context for the contributions that come later. What is the nature of the challenge to individual political systems? Does it come from within individual states or from international pressures? For established democracies, the study looks at political campaigning, parliaments, minority activism and local democracy. For authoritarian regimes, it looks at the impact of the Internet upon recent developments in Mexico, Serbia and Malaysia. Lastly, it raises the question of the possible use of the Internet to strengthen international civil society.

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... Furthermore, since there is a constant increase of digital news articles, there could be a diversification of topics. This diversification could come down in favor of a regionalization of the information, which means that small-scale information would be more abundant, following democratic access to information and publishing (Ferdinand, 2000). ...
... Our results indicated that regional news articles accounted for about half of the total amount analyzed since 2013 (Fig. 2C). This might be due to the democratization of the internet (Ferdinand, 2000), where unlike the print media, local newspapers can publish and reach large amounts of readers without any difficulty. This phenomenon of democratization of the digital information is not only expressed by the strong volume of regional publications but also by the diversification of the topic categories (Table 1). ...
Article
During the last two decades, online media have played an increasing role in modeling modern societies. However, their role to shape public perception of biodiversity conservation and their alignment with conservation policies have received little attention so far. We conducted an extensive qualitative assessment of the interest in biodiversity in online media in the case-study of Chile in order to identify the main topics that are covered and how they vary across time and geographic scale. We also compared national trends of biodiversity interest in Chile and other countries as a first assessment of the international situation. Regarding Chilean digital media, our results highlight that there is a diversification of the biodiversity-related topics in news articles when reducing geographic scale. Overall, regardless of the considered scale, conservation policies, biodiversity loss, environmental education and citizen participation represented over 60% of the topics covered by digital news articles. Regarding the 8 selected countries, biodiversity interest in digital media followed two contrasting inter-annual trends equally: on the one side, a growing coverage of biodiversity topics (Brazil, Colombia, France and Spain), and on the other side, a constant or decreasing interest in the other countries (Australia, Chile, Costa Rica and South Africa). Our analysis also indicates that national media interest in biodiversity is multifactorial and may strongly depend on the link a country has between its economy and natural resources, its political influence on the media and the holding of major environmental summits coupled with concrete political actions. Apparent disconnection of media and public interest observed on a continuous scale may indicate that other factors are prone to shape the public interest in biodiversity. This first assessment calls for further research, especially about the underlying processes driving changes in biodiversity interest, in order to implement effective conservation actions. It also invites conservation managers to diversify their conservation targets, taking into consideration biodiversity interest transmitted by media to wide audiences.
... Widespread use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) was expected to increase the transparency of authoritarian regimes, which in turn would contribute to their democratization in the 1990s and the 2000s (Becker 1981;Barber 1998). The internet, like a Trojan horse, was expected to penetrate into authoritarian states and be used as a platform for the opposition to voice popular discontent, which, in turn, would facilitate the democratization process (Ferdinand 2000). However, 'democratizing effects' of information technologies did not weaken authoritarian regimes. ...
... According to such celebratory sources, power would be transferred to the people once they were armed with ICTs, which in turn, would result in the emergence of 'Digital Democracy' (Grossman 1995).This new type of democracy would be characterized by several democratic features, including interactivity, global network, freedom of speech and association, construction and dissemination of information, challenge to professional and official perspectives and a breakdown of the nation-state identity (Hague and Loader 1999, 6). After all, traditional political institutions, especially parliaments and political parties, and conventional political processes would change dramatically to the benefit of the masses (Ferdinand 2000). ...
Chapter
Developments in information and communication technologies were expected to facilitate the democratization process in authoritarian regimes. However, certain authoritarian regimes adapted to these developments in order to consolidate their rule. By reviewing the relevant literature and analyzing pro-government Twitter accounts, this work demonstrates the strategies of the Justice and Development Party in Turkey to legitimize its increasingly authoritarian rule via the internet. With this aim in mind, we focus on the social media team of the party called the AKTrolls and analyze their strategy of astroturfing.
... Digital politics is shorthand for how internet technologies have heightened the complex interactions between political actors and their constituencies (Vaccari, 2013;Miller, 2016). It describes how the digital revolution is disrupting politics and transforming political institutions and modes of political communication (Ferdinand, 2000;Vaccari, 2013;Miller, 2016). In Africa, the digital revolution has gathered momentum. ...
... As obtainable in established democracies such as the USA, the UK and Germany, the internet is becoming a force for increased democracy and for the spread of human rights in Africa (Ferdinand, 2000;Evans, 2018a). However, the internet as a platform for active participation in public discourse is challenged in the continent. ...
Article
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate the relationship between internet use and democracy in Africa. It examines the non-linearities and causality between the two variables in the short and long run for 38 countries in Africa. Design/methodology/approach The study is empirical. It uses pooled mean group and causality tests for the sample of 38 African countries. Findings The panel long-run and short-run estimates show evidence of significant non-linear relationship between internet usage and democracy. While internet usage is significantly and negatively related to democracy, squared internet usage is significantly but positively related. This suggests that internet usage increases with the decrease of democracy, but after a certain level of internet usage which is the turning point, democracy starts to increase. Additionally, there is uni-directional causality from internet usage to democracy. However, a bi-directional causality exists between squared internet usage and democracy. Research limitations/implications The empirical evidence from this study suggests that internet usage and democracy are highly interrelated to each other in Africa. The findings support that at the macro level, Africa is moving toward a new stage, where internet will lead to improved levels of democracy and digital politics. Practical implications Remarkably, the paper shows that democracy displays a quadratic relationship with internet usage. As a whole, the findings indicate a U-shaped pattern: democracy decreases with internet usage, stabilizes, and then increases. In other words, internet usage increases with the decrease of democracy, but after a certain level of internet usage which is the turning point, democracy starts to increase. Social implications Many African Governments that have frequently imposed restrictions on internet and social media need to stop. The decline in democracy as internet usage increases may be explained by more severity of these restrictions. However, the findings support that at the macro level, Africa is moving toward a new stage, where internet will lead to improved levels of democracy and digital politics. Originality/value Contrary to previous conceptual papers, the current study empirically investigates the causality between internet and democracy in 38 African countries. The findings indicate a U-shaped pattern: democracy decreases with internet usage, stabilizes, and then increases. In other words, internet usage increases with the decrease of democracy but after a certain level of internet usage which is the turning point, democracy starts to increase.
... It transcends national and cultural borders, facilitates the spreads of ideas around the globe and allows like-minded people to find one another in the realm of cyberspace." Perkembangan teknologi informasi seperti egovernance juga membuat administrasi lebih terbuka dan gampang diawasi daripada sebelumnya (Ferdinand, 2000). ...
Article
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Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengeksplorasi bagaimana video kamera dapat membantu focus pikiran peneliti, mempertajam naluri etnografi, memperbagus hubungan dengan masyarakat dan memperbagus laporan penelitian. Penelitian dilakukan di Sulawesi Selatan selama satu tahun dengan menggunakan handycam Sony DCR-TRV27, handycam Sony yang dilengkapi dengan fitur screen dan layar pengintip untuk siang hari. Kecanggihan teknologi kamera bertemu dengan kekayaan kehidupan social di Sulawesi Selatan, sebagaimana terefleksikan paling baik dalam upacara pernikahan. Video kamera secara sistematik mempunyai tempat yang penting dalam system knowledge/power local. Melakukan hal ini, artikel ini tidak hanya mendiskusikan tentang penggunaan kamera di praktek etnografis, tetapi juga mendiskusikan dunia sosial yang memungkinkan kamera mempunyai peran yang sangat penting didalamnya. In this article, the author explores how a video camera can refocus researcher’s mind, sharpens ethnographic senses, and improve relation with the community. This sophisticated feature of technology has met with the vibrancy of social life in South Sulawesi, best reflected in wedding ceremonies, placing camera nicely in the existing local system of knowledge/power. The research was done for one year using Sony handycam Sony DCR-TRV27. The study is drawn from a year fieldwork experience in South Sulawesi. This article does not only discuss the use of camera in an ethnographic practice, but also discusses the social world that has enabled the camera to have a central place in it.
... Digital technologies provide new opportunities for scholars to learn about collective action and complement what we already know about collective action from traditional media reporting. The Internet, social media, and mobile platforms allow individuals to act as broadcasters and disseminate information on a much larger scale (Diamond 2010;Earl and Kimport 2011;Edmond 2013;Ferdinand 2000). Social media has become an important venue for protesters to speak out and mobilize, and it reflects participants' own accounts of collective action events, which allows us to capture how participants describe their motives for mobilization. ...
Article
Protest event analysis is an important method for the study of collective action and social movements and typically draws on traditional media reports as the data source. We introduce collective action from social media (CASM)—a system that uses convolutional neural networks on image data and recurrent neural networks with long short-term memory on text data in a two-stage classifier to identify social media posts about offline collective action. We implement CASM on Chinese social media data and identify more than 100,000 collective action events from 2010 to 2017 (CASM-China). We evaluate the performance of CASM through cross-validation, out-of-sample validation, and comparisons with other protest data sets. We assess the effect of online censorship and find it does not substantially limit our identification of events. Compared to other protest data sets, CASM-China identifies relatively more rural, land-related protests and relatively few collective action events related to ethnic and religious conflict.
... This is particularly the case when considering the potential effect of online and social media in the political realm (Bode et al., 2014;Zhuravskaya et al., 2020). Relevant debates exist on the extent to which information and communication technologies can be used to promote democratization, maintain dictatorships or hybrid regimes, or alter functioning traits in well-established liberal democracies (Ferdinand, 2000;Freyburg, 2018;Tucker et al., 2017). Far from getting univocal and comprehensive responses, advances in the field have evidenced that the impact of these new technologies is likely to vary across dimensions and be affected by different contextual and individual-level variables (Groshek, 2009;Valenzuela et al., 2019). ...
Article
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Prior research underscores the utility of political persuasion to sustain more engaged democracies and as a vital element in political campaigning processes. When citizens display increased openness to political attitude change, societies benefit as diverse viewpoints thrive, and less dissonant public spheres may be fostered. This contrasts with today’s contentious political and media environment. With political polarization on the rise, and new social media avenues enabling citizens to curate more diverse news consumption patterns, little is known about how this polarization influences the ability for citizens to be politically persuaded in social media environments. Relying on representative US panel survey data, this study seeks to shed light on this phenomenon by testing the effects of three distinct types of political polarization: Affective, ideological, and perceived societal. Panel autoregressive causal order regression and structural equation models clarify the direct and indirect negative role of polarization in predicting social media political persuasion. Theoretical implications of these findings, limitations of the study, and suggestions for future research are all discussed.
... China and India). The technical and elite commitment strands of analysis can combine when national elites take actions that raise state capacity to plan and implement public programmes (see Fukuyama (2014) on the crucial role of state capacity for development). While it is difficult to separate the impacts of global goals from the many other factors operating on state capacity, a study by Evans (2013) tracked the way in which the MDGs directly strengthened state capacity in Zambia. ...
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The number of countries with a national development plan has more than doubled, from about 62 in 2006 to 134 in 2018. More than 80 per cent of the global population now lives in a country with a national development plan of one form or another. This is a stunning recovery of a practice that had been discredited in the 1980s and 1990s as a relic of directed economies and state-led development. Several factors have fostered this re-emergence but from about 2015 the momentum for producing plans has accelerated, driven in part by a need to plan for the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Based on an analysis of 107 national development plans, and drawing insights from 10 case study countries, this paper analyses 'new' national development planning and identifies the types and content of the plans, and their implications for the sustainable development agenda. The paper generates a typology of the new national plans, analyses their characteristics and explores the ways in which the new national development planning and the SDGs may interact. The study finds greater ownership and political control of the processes leading to plan production. It also finds that the plans vary in terms of the evidence used, the degree of internal consistency between different parts of the same plan, the process of developing the plan (inclusive or elite-driven), and the extent to which they are clear on how they will be financed. In contrast to 20th-century national development plans the new-generation plans are often underpinned by theories of collaborative rationality rather than by linear rationality. This new generation of national plans has been neglected by academic researchers and merits much greater examination, especially to understand the ways in which their implementation can enhance the achievement of the SDGs.
... The rapid extension of ICT has brought the world into a new era unimaginable before (Ferdinand, 2000;Alkhajar, 2014). It is undeniable that the Internet age has provided "multiple opportunities for development" (Norris, 2001: 9). ...
... A number of scholars endorse the view that ICTs such as the Internet, can stimulate systematic improvement of democracy in young democracies and rapid democratization in regions of the world where democracy has not been adopted yet (Ferdinand, 2000, p. 3). What's more, in developed democracies, parliaments use information and communication technologies (ICTs) to modernize decision processes and to communicate with the electorate and the world. ...
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Technologie komunikacyjne i informacyjne w znacznym stopniu wpływają na instytucje i procedury demokratyczne. Jednym z przykładów takiego wpływu ICT jest cisza wyborcza, która ma na celu umożliwić wyborcom spokojne i wolne agitacji politycznej warunki do podjęcia ostatecznej decyzji co do sposobu głosowania. Pomimo zakazu agitowania w czasie ciszy wyborczej wielu użytkowników Internetu prowadzi kampanię na rzecz konkretnych polityków czy ugrupowań politycznych, naruszając obowiązujące prawo. Głównym celem niniejszego tekstu jest odpowiedź na pytanie o sposoby naruszania ciszy wyborczej w Internecie oraz o zasadność funkcjonowania tego mechanizmu w dobie Internetu. Motywacjądo skoncentrowania się na tym problemie było m.in. pojawienie się dużej liczby raportów na temat łamania ciszy wyborczej w Internecie, a w konsekwencji pojawienie się wielu wątpliwości co do utrzymania tego mechanizmu w demokracji.
... Studies have also found that ICT stimulates rapid democratization in certain regions of the world, including developing countries (Ferdinand, 2000;Meier, 2000) and developed countries (Grönlund, 2001). In addition, Falch (2006) argued that ICT had a positive impact on conditions for democratic governance. ...
Article
Information and communication technologies (ICT) have been central to economies seeking improvements in societal conditions. The impacts of ICT advancements manifest themselves in both socioeconomic and sociopolitical changes. While socioeconomic restructuring and, more recently, sociopolitical changes have often been attributed to ICT, research on its impacts and nuances in countries differentiated by economic levels remains sparse. The focus has been on the two ends of the strata for developing and developed economies and restricted to the impacts of ICT on economic metrics like GDP growth. In this study, we explore the pivotal role of ICT in societal transformations for countries categorized as developing, transition, and developed economies. Leveraging endogenous growth theory and social network theory, we hypothesize about the different impacts of ICT across the three economic classifications. Using panel data from 1995 to 2012 for 37 countries belonging to the three economic groups, we empirically investigate the associations between ICT investments and societal outcomes. Our results reveal that ICT has an impact on societal outcomes for transformations, but the nature of its contributions to social change varies with the stage of a country’s economic development. The analysis suggests that developing economies benefit the most from ICT investments with an overall improvement in socioeconomic and sociopolitical conditions, while the ICT effects are either insignificant or negatively inclined for developed economies. Transition economies show mixed ICT effects in stimulating socioeconomic and sociopolitical transformations. These results provide insights for actionable policies and suggest directions for building an ICT-enabled Bright Society. © 2018, Association for Information Systems. All rights reserved.
... This does not mean that every politician automatically acts in a corrupt or dishonest way . However, there are a lot of examples illustrating that incumbents used their privileged position to serve their self-interests (Fukuyama 2014) . The question remains why some of them still misuse their public positions for private gain and some do not . ...
Article
Democracy does not guarantee clean and transparent governance at all and data shows that democratic systems are still fighting corruption, even in the European Union that is often seen as free of corruption. Yet, frequent scandals illustrate that corruption is a serious problem in nearly all European Union states and that Europe’s citizens are very concerned about the situation. The majority is highly dissatisfied with the way governments are tackling the corruption risk. Thus, it appears that the disparity between the demands of the citizens and actions of their political leaders requires further research and raises the following question: What are the challenges for the political elite to fight corruption in Europe? Based on qualitative and quantitative secondary data on assessments of corruption, the paper demonstrates that a strong political leadership is essential in anti-corruption policy design and implementation of regulatory governance reforms. It highlights how important transparent, accountable and responsible actions of political leaders are for the reduction of corruption and the building of citizen’s trust in politics. The article shows that the application of better regulation principles in anti-corruption regulations depends greatly on the choices made by politicians and top managers of the ministries and regulatory agencies.
... In the early 2000s, the expansion of the online world was hailed as a catalyst for the development of democracy, equality (Ferdinand, 2000) and women's empowerment by enabling access to information and social support (Finn & Banach, 2000). Therefore, online interaction environments have been introduced as spaces in which stigmatized or socially rejected individuals and groups can freely participate and express their opinions (Bargh & McKenna, 2004). ...
Article
The internet has brought about a radical change in the way people communicate and relate to each other. Widespread use of this new system of communication has resulted in a shift in conventional attitudes in human relations. Some of its features are anonymity, virality or disinhibition, which in turn determine norms of interaction. This paper offers an analysis of gender-based harassment on the internet, using the case of Pikara Magazine (a Spanish feminist electronic magazine). The comments posted on this online magazine during 2015 have been analysed from a qualitative perspective (using grounded theory methodology), focusing on discovering the major discursive categories related to harassment behaviours, as well as the different strategies of response and resistance. The categories identified make up a system to be contrasted on future analysis. Finally, different ways of tackling this phenomenon through the social work discipline are also considered.
... This does not mean that every politician automatically acts in a corrupt or dishonest way . However, there are a lot of examples illustrating that incumbents used their privileged position to serve their self-interests (Fukuyama 2014) . The question remains why some of them still misuse their public positions for private gain and some do not . ...
Chapter
Full-text available
Democracy does not guarantee clean and transparent governance at all and data shows that democratic systems are still fighting corruption, even in the European Union that is often seen as free of corruption. Yet, frequent scandals illustrate that corruption is a serious problem in nearly all European Union states and that Europe’s citizens are very concerned about the situation. The majority is highly dissatisfied with the way governments are tackling the corruption risk. Thus, it appears that the disparity between the demands of the citizens and actions of their political leaders requires further research and raises the following question: What are the challenges for the political elite to fight corruption in Europe? Based on qualitative and quantitative secondary data on assessments of corruption, the paper demonstrates that a strong political leadership is essential in anti-corruption policy design and implementation of regulatory governance reforms. It highlights how important transparent, accountable and responsible actions of political leaders are for the reduction of corruption and the building of citizen’s trust in politics. The article shows that the application of better regulation principles in anti-corruption regulations depends greatly on the choices made by politicians and top managers of the ministries and regulatory agencies.
... This does not mean that every politician automatically acts in a corrupt or dishonest way . However, there are a lot of examples illustrating that incumbents used their privileged position to serve their self-interests (Fukuyama 2014) . The question remains why some of them still misuse their public positions for private gain and some do not . ...
Book
Parties, governments and elites are at the core of the study of democracy. The traditional view is that parties as collective actors play a paramount role in the democratic process. However, this classical perspective has been challenged by political actors, observers of modern democracy as well as political scientists. Modern political parties assume different roles, contemporary leaders can more heavily influence politics, governments face new constraints and new collective bodies continue to form, propose new ways of participation and policy making, and attract citizens and activists. In the light of these observations, the comparative study of democracy faces a number of important and still largely unsolved questions that the present volume will address. Contents Parties and Democracy in Comparative Perspective.- Governments and Democracy in Comparative Perspective.- Elites and Democracy in Comparative Perspective.- Looking Onward: Perspectives of Comparative Political Science Target Groups - Researchers and students of comparative political science - Practitioners of democracy promotion and stabilisation The Editors Dr. Philipp Harfst is Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Oldenburg, Germany. Dr. Ina Kubbe is Post-Doctoral Fellow at Tel Aviv University, Israel. Dr. Thomas Poguntke is Professor of Comparative Politics and Director of the Düsseldorf Party Research Institute (PRuF) at the University of Düsseldorf, Germany.
... At the dawn of digital news, media scholars and First Amendment advocates predicted the internet would be good for democracy by opening up new avenues and spaces for disparate and oft-ignored voices (Ferdinand, 2000;Shirky, 2011). However, some media scholars contend that incognizant racism, a theory suggesting journalists cover people of color differently than the dominant White community by ignoring, marginalizing, or stereotyping them (Heider, 2000), has thwarted those hopes in the mainstream media. ...
Article
Focusing on the hashtag #IfTheyGunnedMeDown, this study examined the framing of mainstream newspaper coverage of social media activism in the aftermath of the 2014 police shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri. People of color primarily used the hashtag to draw attention to what they perceived as negative stereotypes perpetuated by the news media. The study employed a textual analysis of news coverage combined with semistructured interviews with hashtag-protest participants. The analysis found that the mainstream media followed news production rituals by relying primarily on elite, established sources and generally ignoring the social media protestors’ voices. The social media protestors who used the hashtag said they used it to bypass the mainstream media, and this research indicates they may well have done so and possibly reached a younger generation that relies more on social media than legacy media.
... Indeed, to reinforce the sense of filial obligation among the youth, even legislation was passed to support traditional filial values (Ikels 2006). When Internet was first introduced to China in 1994 (Warschauer 2004), it was viewed by Chinese government as both a development opportunity and a challenge to the political order of socialist China (Ferdinand 2000; Longanecker 2009). The ambivalent attitude towards the Internet media in particular, and technology related products in general, has been reflected in the Chinese government's tremendous efforts in promoting the information and communication technology (ICT) development, while stringently controlling the Internet media. ...
Article
Rapidly expanding virtual goods markets and virtual economy are thriving worldwide in general, and in China in particular. This paper reviews the growth of virtual goods markets in China and builds a historical narrative of the rapidly changing (or dynamic) and persistently unchanged (or relatively static) aspects of reality in China that condition virtuality and virtual goods markets. The review and historical analysis provide a perspective of a larger place – a total reality – where the virtuality and virtual goods markets exist, along with the physical aspects, and suggest that virtual goods marketers need to pay more attention to China’s unique environmental context when designing marketing strategy.
... For movements to be successful they rely on the media to get their message out to the public (Gamson & Wolfsfeld, 1993). Increases in communication technology use, specifically mobile phones, social media, and the Internet, can further enhance information dissemination and coordination between individuals (Bimber, 1988;Coleman, 1999;Hague & Loader, 1999;Ferdinand, 2000;Simon, Corrales, & Wolfensberger, 2002;Earl & Rohlinger, 2012). Strategic use of traditional media is well-documented, with the role of alternative media (i.e. ...
Article
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Recent global events, exemplified by the Arab Spring uprisings, have popularized the assumption that social media use is intrinsically connected to contemporary protest behavior. Latin America is a region with a longstanding tradition of protest behavior. This research project seeks to elucidate the relationship between social media use and protest behavior in eight contiguous Latin American countries from Mexico to Colombia using the Latin American Public Opinion Project 2012 survey data. Resource mobilization theory anchors our understanding of how social media use informs protest participation. The results indicate a strong relationship between social media use and protest participation.
... For example, during the SARS (severe acute respiratory syndrome) pandemic in 2003-2004, emails, online bulletin board systems, and blogs were used to communicate SARS updates when the mainstream media's coverage of the pandemic was suppressed (Zheng and Wu 2005 ). This trend of the technological empowerment of democracy can help strengthen civil participation in policy and political discussions (Ferdinand 2000 ;Zheng and Wu 2005 ). Mobile social media in China has emerged as the most active online platform for strengthening civic engagement and online activism (Skuse 2014 ;The Economist 2014 ). ...
Chapter
Using a content-analytic approach, this chapter systematically examined over 2,000 mobile social media posts on two popular Chinese platforms – Weibo and WeChat – regarding genetically modified foods. While most posts indicated strong opposition to these foods, more than 40 % of the posts did not provide any reasons for their opposition or cite any specific risks. Most posts viewed the government, lawmakers, and scientists as those responsible for guaranteeing the safety of genetically modified foods. This cyberactivism in mobile social media goes beyond the scope of public health and extends to discussions about human rights, the government’s ability to supervise the market, and even national security. The results suggest that this anti-GM-foods activism may have contributed to the Chinese government’s decision to take a slow, cautious approach to approving the sale of GM crops and foods in the country.
... It also includes e-participation such as participation in online political discussions through forums, social media and blogs (new internet-based activism). Information and communication technology (ICT) has been considered as a new opportunity for political participation even if there are different views as to whether all social groups (natives, migrants, minorities) can equally benefit from the use of the Internet and ICT (Ferdinand 2000;Norris 2001; Table 1 Variables used to define political participation 1. Discussing politics more than once a week in the last 12 months 2. Seeking information on Italian politics at least once a week in the last 12 months 3. Listening to political debates in the last 12 months 4. Volunteering for a political party in the last 12 months 5. Volunteering for a trade union in the last 12 months 6. Taking part in political meetings in the last 12 months 7. Taking part in political demonstrations in the last 12 months 8. Giving money to a political party in the last 12 months Brundidge and Rice 2009;Mossberger 2009;Min 2010;Spaiser 2012;Alietti et al. 2015). ...
Article
Migrant political participation is a central challenge to our democracy, especially at a time when migration is so controversial. This study examines level, forms and predictors of migrant political engagement in Italy, a country where 10% of the total population is foreign-born. We measure migrant political participation on the basis of data provided by the Survey on Condition and Social Integration of Foreign Citizens carried out by the National Institute of Statistics (ISTAT) in 2011–12 (N = 16,056). In addition to individual characteristics, we analyse the role played by the family in influencing migrant political engagement using a multilevel logistic approach. Our analysis shows that migrants in Italy are largely inactive political subjects in comparison with Italian natives. Political disengagement is related to being a woman, low education and residence in South Italy and the islands. Moreover, we analyse the different factors that are driving soft and strong political participation. We also discuss the negligible impact of EU citizenship in enhancing political participation in Italy.
... In Ferdinand, 2000). 2 In this context, Palmstorfer (2015) consults Bertolt Brecht's (1979) idea of radio as a means of communication to il­ lustrate this technical dimension. ...
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Utilizing an empirical approach, this paper lays out how journalistic functions differ from the perception of jour nalists working for the free and paid press in Austria. Analyses indicate that free press journalists appear to be significantly more inclined to generate discourse with their audience, but are also more influenced by commercialization than their colleagues working for the paid press. Both the free and paid press seem to fulfill diverging democratic functions that can be valuable to the public. Finally, the normative notion of journalistic functions as legislated by the European Union (EU) seems only partially represented within the journalists' self-perception.
... [3][4][5][6][7] sphere, that performative "space" in which individuals have both the right and access to discuss societal problems freely and openly (Rheingold 1993;Grossman 1995). This link was assumed possible through a combination of technological determinism, which assumes that technologies shape sociopolitical environments and cultural values (Winner 1989), along with a strong emphasis on the capacity of individual agency to overcome economic and political challenges (Ferdinand 2000). ...
Article
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This article critically examines the role new media can play in the political engagement of young people in Australia. Moving away from “deficit” descriptions, which assert low levels of political engagement among young people, it argues two major points. First, that there is a well-established model of contemporary political mobilisation that employs both new media and large data analysis that can and have been effectively applied to young people in electoral and non-electoral contexts. Second, that new media, and particularly social media, are not democratic by nature. Their general use and adoption by young and older people do not necessarily cultivate democratic values. This is primarily due to the type of participation afforded in the emerging “surveillance economy”. The article argues that a focus on scale as drivers of influence, the underlying foundation of their affordances based on algorithms, and the centralised editorial control of these platforms make them highly participative, but unequal sites for political socialisation and practice. Thus, recent examples of youth mobilisation, such as seen in recent climate justice movements, should be seen through the lens of cycles of contestation, rather than as technologically determined.
... The introduction of the internet in the 1990s brought a new wave of high expectations in the late 1990s and early 2000s around the potential for technology to radically change the way governments operate through successive paradigms of e-government, government 2.0, open government and digital government (Meijer, Curtin, and Hillebrandt 2012). These visions range from purely technocratic perspectives of improved efficiency through the provision of 'joined-up' services as facilitated by online transactions (e.g., Layne and Lee 2001) through to broader notions of reform for open government and e-democracy (e.g., Alexander and Pal 1998;Ferdinand 2000). ...
Article
In an era of smart cities and digitalisation, there is a plethora of digital government and digital planning initiatives. Such rapid digitalisation is putting the planning profession under pressure to adapt to new digital technology. Our research investigates the use of data and technology, perceived and desired outcomes arising from digital disruption, and perceived barriers to the adoption of new technologies to in day to day planning work from the point of view of practicing planners across a wide range of professional roles. This paper reports the results of a mixed-methods study involving both a survey and workshop, with participants located primarily in the state of New South Wales, Australia. Our research finds that widespread digital disruption is anticipated by most participants and provides important evidence to assist planning organisations in preparing for this change.
... Relatedly, the impacts of the technological advancements, such as the Internet and social media platforms, have usually been understudied in this regard. The Arab Spring has, however, given rise to a host of scholarship attempting to reconsider the influences of digital media in political mobilization and organization (e.g., Beissinger, 2017;Evans, 2019;Ferdinand, 2000). ...
... Digital technologies provide new communicative affordances that turn technologically savvy individuals into "a publisher, an eyewitness reporter, an advocate, an organizer, a student or teacher, and potential participant in a worldwide citizen-to-citizen conversation" (Rheingold, 2000, p. 133). The horizontal structure of citizen networking online (Castells, 2002) and the autonomous role of users make digital media an ideal tool to challenge the status quo and can generate new sets of socially and politically relevant identifications (Bennett & Segerberg, 2012;Ems, 2014;Ferdinand, 2000;Gerbaudo, 2012;Kavada, 2015;Theocharis & Lowe, 2016;Van Laer & Van Aelst, 2010). ...
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El presente artículo describe el estado del arte en la comunicación de gobiernos. Tras identificar las singularidades que tiene el gobierno como institución que se comunica, las autoras realizan una profunda revisión de lo que al respecto ofrecen los campos de estudio de la comunicación política y de la comunicación de organizaciones (relaciones públicas, comunicación organizacional y comunicación corporativa). De la revisión se extraen las teorías, conceptos, planteamientos y enfoques que son de interés para el estudio de la comunicación gubernamental; y se ofrece un elenco y reflexión sobre las cuestiones que se considera que deberían formar parte de la agenda de investigación, tales como la búsqueda de un modelo, el “problema de la profesionalización”, la tensión entre la información y persuasión gubernamental, la evaluación y eficiencia de la comunicación de un gobierno, el análisis empírico de una oficina de comunicación gubernamental, el estudio comparado internacional y la fundamentación teórica de la comunicación de gobierno. ción, tales como la búsqueda de un modelo, el “problema de la profesionalización”, la tensión entre la información y persuasión gubernamental, la evaluación y eficiencia de la comunicación de un gobierno, el análisis empírico de una oficina de comunicación gubernamental, el estudio comparado internacional y la fundamentación teórica de la comunicación de gobierno.
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Die EU ist ein bemerkenswertes demokratisches Experiment Noch nie zuvor wurde ein ebenso ambitioniertes demokratisches Projekt über den Nationalstaat hinaus versucht. Dieser Beitrag argumentiert allerdings, dass die Versuche der EU, eine funktionierende Demokratie aufzubauen, gescheitert sind. Dies wiederum erschwert es der EU, schmerzliche Eingriffe in politisch sensible funktionelle Bereiche zu legitimieren. Dass das demokratische Experiment der EU gescheitert ist, bedeutet jedoch nicht, dass wir einfach zu den Nationalstaaten mit ihren parlamentarischen Systemen zurückkehren können. Europa ist ein hoch integriertes System, und wir werden unsere gemeinsamen Bemühungen immer regulieren und legitimieren müssen. Nationale Demokratien sind für den Umgang mit grenzüberschreitender Wirtschaft und Politik nicht gut geeignet. Da Europas erstes demokratisches Experiment gescheitert ist, müssen wir schnell ein anderes, hoffentlich besseres, konzipieren. Der Beitrag wird zwei mögliche Alternativen betrachten und prüfen.
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This chapter critically discusses how the democratic arena is changing and deteriorating due to the impact of the power of social media platforms. The focus is on the consequences that personalized forms of information and digital affordances can produce, leading to online information cocoons or filter bubbles that limit the range of political ideas that people can encounter. Then, the threats to democracy and liberty produced by closed online spaces in which people of similar opinions can congregate are discussed. Finally, the chapter analyses an approach to the regulation of social media based on assessing the nature of digital capitalism and how we pay for the digital services offered by social media platforms.KeywordsDemocracyDigital affordancesRegulationFilter bubblesFundamental rights
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The outbreak of the Arab Spring in the Middle East and North Africa reignited the debate over the possibilities of democratization, with much attention paid to the roles of the internet. This paper attempts to answer the questions of whether the expansion of the internet leads to democratization and how calls for democratization during the Arab Spring produced contrasting results in Tunisia and China. The time-series cross-sectional analysis based on data of 166 countries suggests that the annual change of internet penetration is positively associated with a country’s Polity score and that the existing level of the penetration has a slightly negative effect on democratization, though the inclusion of the internet does not visibly improve the explanatory power of the models. The case study comparing Tunisia and China closely examines the multifaceted relationship between the internet and democratization and shows that the internet alone cannot determine the direction of political change. Rather, it is spatially and temporally situated state and societal actors who collectively determine the process and outcome of politics.
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Das Konzept der Öffentlichkeit von Jürgen Habermas ist eng mit der aufklärerischen Moderne und ihren beiden Säulen, dem Individuum und dem Diskurs, verbunden. Mit der Postmoderne werden Beide in Frage gezogen und die aufklärerische Moderne letztendlich abgelehnt. Auch die soziale Wirklichkeit der Bürger entspricht nicht mehr jener, der aufklärerischen Moderne. Im Zuge eines gesellschaftlichen Wandels von der Moderne zur Postmoderne entstehen, so die Hauptthese der vorliegenden Dissertation, konnektive Öffentlichkeiten, die sich in vier Punkten von Habermas‘ Konzeption fundamental unterscheiden: Erstens, sind sie zwischen der privaten Sphäre der Bürger und der diskursiven Öffentlichkeit verortet; zweitens, sind sie Meinungs- und keine Themenöffentlichkeiten; drittens, stehen sie in einem agonistischen Verhältnis zueinander, und viertens, streben sie nach der Generierung von Aufmerksamkeit.
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This chapter will consider the workings of microcelebrity in the context of an evolving Indian cyber public. In the contemporary moment, large-scale battles for control over the world’s youngest and increasingly digitally active demographic are in full swing – both by corporations like Facebook through efforts like Free Basics, as well as by ideologues who wish to mold the “idea of India” in certain ways. While digital spaces are often framed as liberating, there are also extremely strong conservative forces that are well established. It is within this context that I would like to examine the recent growth of the Indian online comedic scene whose popularity has increased by leaps and bounds. My particular focus will be the comedy collective of AIB (All India Backchod), who are most prominent on Youtube. This collective has garnered significant popularity through their deployment of viral comedic videos riffing off on various aspects of Indian society and have also made socially aware videos around hot button issues like gay rights and women’s rights. I would like to examine their treatment of gender and sexuality particularly in the context of it being made up primarily of straight men and how that has affected their engagement both with the content of their videos, as well as their ability to leverage their online visibility. I will be using ideas of postcolonial cyberspace as theorized by Nishant Shah (2015) as well as theorists of microcelebrity and the use of humor such as Theresa Senft (2013).
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In 2018, Saudi Arabia and Netflix were forced to confront the limits of freedom of speech online. The kingdom requested that the streaming giant remove a critical episode of the satirical show Patriot Act with Hassan Minhaj from its local service, and the latter complied at the risk of reputational damage. Focusing on the controversy surrounding this case, this article explores how both state and business adopt and adapt to changes in technology and how each reasserts its sphere of influence in the digital era. We argue that state and business are developing a symbiotic relationship in the context of de-territorialized digital capitalism. Such a relationship allows both entities to engage in mutual interdependence that accommodates the interests of the other while avoiding harmful consequences and deleterious effects. In practice, the state exercises targeted censorship while businesses abide by controlled compliance. The account and analysis presented regarding the logic of symbiotic relationship draws attention to the various ways in which global media players in the digital era have navigated territoriality and the extent of state–business mutual accommodation.
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In this chapter, by reviewing the major scholarship focusing on the cultural politics of rural migrant labour, I will tackle the following questions: how has the Party-state altered its ideological system and its own identity to the conditions of the political economy of global capitalism to reconcile exploitative forms of labour with its own founding narratives?1 How does the cultural politics of labour inform the issue of the changing relationship built between the Party-state and rural migrant workers, as well as with other subject categories? Moreover, the following complex question will be dealt with: how can the analysis of the cultural politics of rural workers’ labour inform the processes through which a “new field of articulation” is shaped where various forces such as the Party-state, contemporary capitalism, as well as the agency of rural migrant workers meet and are constituting the identity of the subject worker ( Pun 2005 : 7, 26).
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This chapter examines how the Internet and visual art may co-produce particular liberating spaces. Both arenas are attributed great political hopes in their capacities to bring unjust hegemonies to the fore, and to mobilize critical reflexivity and dialogue. However, sociological observations of the deep entanglement of art with hegemonies of convention raise the question of how free the freeing forces of the synergy between visual art and the Internet are. Interviews with visual artists from the Danish net art group Artnode explore their resilient hopefulness for the synergy between visual art and the Internet, and how realities have consolidated in both disappointments and accomplishments over three decades of artistic experimentation. From these experiences, the art-Internet synergy is exemplified in terms of its transformative and antagonist liberating capacities. As a transformative space, the Internet potentially offers an innovative space for experimentation, but because it is mobilized as an oppositional space parallel to the established art world, it becomes insulated and the price is lack of recognition. Antagonist capacities of the art-Internet synergy refer to socially engaging criticism. The Internet may enable reflexivity, but given challenges, but this must be specifically designed for and cultivated.
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Digital innovations have led to an explosion of data in healthcare, driving processes of democratization and foreshadowing the end of the paternalistic era of medicine and the inception of a new epoch characterized by patient-centered care. We illustrate that the “do it yourself” (DIY) automated insulin delivery (AID) innovation of diabetes is a leading example of democratization of medicine as evidenced by its application to the three pillars of democratization in healthcare (intelligent computing; sharing of information; and privacy, security, and safety) outlined by Stanford but also within a broader context of democratization. The heuristic algorithms integral to DIY AID have been developed and refined by human intelligence and demonstrate intelligent computing. We deliver examples of research in artificial pancreas technology which actively pursues the use of machine learning representative of artificial intelligence (AI) and also explore alternate approaches to AI within the DIY AID example. Sharing of information symbolizes the core philosophy behind the success of the DIY AID evolution. We examine data sharing for algorithm development and refinement, for sharing of the open-source algorithm codes online, for peer to peer support, and sharing with medical and scientific communities. Do it yourself AID systems have no regulatory approval raising safety concerns as well as medico-legal and ethical implications for healthcare professionals. Other privacy and security factors are also discussed. Democratization of healthcare promises better health access for all and we recognize the limitations of DIY AID as it exists presently, however, we believe it has great potential.
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Freedom of expression (FOE) is a universally recognized tenet of human rights grounded in history and contemporary experiences around the world. Barriers to attaining FOE in media in the context of a developing country and rising democracy like Bangladesh suggests further research. This paper explores how Bangladesh’s Digital Security Act is constraining FOE in the Bangladeshi media (DSA) 2018. This study analyses the current situation of FOE in Bangladesh using data gained from interviews with those affected by the DSA 2018 as well as other civil society members. Other data sources for analysis include constitutional provisions; the Bangladesh Penal Code and five other national and international standards; 15 interviews with journalists, bloggers, human rights defenders, and teachers, as the key informants; and a survey of randomly selected members of the general public. The research reveals that the DSA 2018 has created a culture of fear among journalists and activists, which has caused these actors to self-censor their writing and other forms of expression. Moreover, the research suggests that gaps in existing laws related to human rights and FOE are helping to cause democratic regression in contemporary Bangladesh. Finally, the research concludes that Bangladesh’s governing regime is consolidating its power to rule through the arbitrary use of restrictive law. KEY WORDS: CIVIL SOCIETY / DEMOCRACY / DIGITAL SECURITY ACT / HUMAN RIGHTS/RULE OF LAW
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From the Publisher:Can our system adapt to the new form of democracy forming via the electronic age? Will the new communication age usher in a nation governed not by professional politicians but by citizens themselves? Grossman answers these questions and many others clearly and provocatively as he brings the features of our rapidly changing political environment into focus.
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Move over "soccer moms" and "angry white males," the Wired/Merrill Lynch Forum survey reveals that the new bellwether is ...The Digital Citizen Since 1992, as a writer for both Wired and its online cousin HotWired, I have been tracking the emergence of a new political ethos that I have seen developing in cyberspace. Over the years, as I explored the Web and exchanged email with countless people all over the world, I felt I was witnessing the birth of a new political sensibility that lies beyond the tired rhetorical combat of Democrats and Republicans. In April of this year, I sketched the outlines of this sensibility in an essay called "Birth of a Digital Nation" (see Wired 5.04, page 49). In that article, I described the primordial stirrings of a new "postpolitical" community that blends the humanism of liberalism with the economic vitality of conservatism. I wrote that members of this group consistently reject both the interventionist dogma of the left and the intolerant ideology of the right. Instead, I argued, Digital Citizens embrace rationalism, revere civil liberties and free-market economics, and gravitate toward a moderated form of libertarianism. But without real leaders or a clearly defined agenda, I remarked, they seemed unable to channel their abundant energy and knowledge in meaningful directions. "Can we build a new kind of kind of politics?" I asked. "Can we construct a more civil society with our powerful technologies? Are we extending the evolution of freedom among human beings? Or are we nothing more than a great, wired babble pissing into the digital wind?" These ideas triggered an electronic outpouring, as thousands of Internet users responded to the article by emailing me. Representatives of both major political parties, media organizations, and corporate and educational groups offered me piles of money to speak to them about this emerging consciousness. Yet I declined all these offers because I saw the "Birth of a Digital Nation" piece as merely a signpost pointing toward the early stirrings of a nascent political community. The article reflected my own observations, but I couldn't really confirm that those observations were true.
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California's Centre for Governmental Studies developed the Democracy Network (DNet), one of the most innovative electronic voter guides on the Internet. This article looks at the motivations behind their key technical choices in DNet's design, and how users of the Internet responded to them. The design was influenced by conceptions of the citizen on-line, or the 'netizen', and also how the developers believed existing law and policy would apply to this new medium of communication.
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Offering a response to the crisis of political communication, this text examines the potential applications of new information and communication technologies to the political process. Its contributors explore the question of whether the immense developments in the means of communicating information (based upon digital technologies, the convergence of computers and telecommunications, and the extraordinary development of internet technology) profoundly affect the way that parliamentary democracy operates.
Turbulencia politico: causas y razones del 94 (Mexico City: Moreno, 1996), p.82, cited in Manuel Castells, The Power of Identity
  • Alejandra Moreno
Alejandra Moreno Toscano, Turbulencia politico: causas y razones del 94 (Mexico City: Moreno, 1996), p.82, cited in Manuel Castells, The Power of Identity, p.73.
Participatory Politics for a New Age); an update can be found in Benjamin BarberThree Scenarios for the Future of Technology and Strong Democracy
  • Benjamin Barber
  • Strong
Benjamin Barber, Strong Democracy: Participatory Politics for a New Age (San Francisco, CA: California University Press, 1984); an update can be found in Benjamin Barber, 'Three Scenarios for the Future of Technology and Strong Democracy', Political Science Quarterly, Vol.113, No.4 (1998-9), pp.573-89.
See www.bundestag.de especially tlie 'Diskussionsforum
  • Ibid
Ibid.,p.560. 20. See www.bundestag.de especially tlie 'Diskussionsforum'.
The Emerging Global Knowledge Economy', in The Future of the Global Economy: Towards a Long Boom?
  • Peter Schwartz
  • Eamonn Kelly
  • Nicole Boyer
Peter Schwartz, Eamonn Kelly and Nicole Boyer, 'The Emerging Global Knowledge Economy', in The Future of the Global Economy: Towards a Long Boom? (Paris: Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 1999), p.91.
Scottish-parliament.com/ opinion/index.shtml For a discussicn of the existing use of the Internet at Westminster, see Downloaded by
  • Scottish
Scottish-parliament.com/thinlctank/index.shtml and www.Scottish-parliament.com/ opinion/index.shtml For a discussicn of the existing use of the Internet at Westminster, see Downloaded by [Chinese University of Hong Kong] at 16:02 21 December 2014 THE INTERNET, DEMOCRACY AND DEMOCRATIZATION 17 Stephen Coleman, 'Westminster in the Information Age', Parliamentary Affairs, Vol.52, No.3 (1999), pp.371-87.
Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense for Special Operations and Low-Intensity Conflict (Policy Planning), the Pentagon
  • Charles Swett
  • Strategic
  • Assessment
Charles Swett, Strategic Assessment:The Internet (Washington, DC: Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense for Special Operations and Low-Intensity Conflict (Policy Planning), the Pentagon, 17 July 1995, as posted on the Internet by the Project on Government Secrecy of the Federation of American Scientists, at www.fas.org/cp/swett.html 31. Ibid.
The Zapatista 'Social Netwar' in Mexico
  • David Ronfeldt
  • John Arquilla
  • Graham Fuller
  • Melissa Fuller
David Ronfeldt, John Arquilla, Graham Fuller and Melissa Fuller, The Zapatista 'Social Netwar' in Mexico (Santa Monica, CA: Rand, 1998), p.l.
Boyer make a related point, that the knowledge revolution will transform the basis of market economics and make market estimates of the 'real' value of ideas extremely problematic, in 'The Emerging Global Knowledge Economy
  • Schwartz
  • Kelly
Schwartz, Kelly and Boyer make a related point, that the knowledge revolution will transform the basis of market economics and make market estimates of the 'real' value of ideas extremely problematic, in 'The Emerging Global Knowledge Economy', pp.81-90.