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Introduction
Following a return to full-time education after
several years in scientific research, the author
recently completed a MSc in Information
Management. As student representative on
the teaching committee the author was able
to gain insights into some of the difficulties
experienced by the course organisers. A
disproportionate number of complaints were
received about one module in particular. The
module in question, though no more intel-
lectually demanding than any other, was
technically more demanding. It was a core
module, so students had to take it, and many
resented the fact. One common criticism was
that the relationship of the module to the
course as a whole was unclear. It became
apparent that the issue of whether or not the
module was appropriate was dependent on
a student’s concept of information. It was also
clear that concepts of information were not
being taught on the course. Discussion with
students on courses elsewhere in the UK sug-
gested that this is not unusual.
The paucity of theory in information
science has often been commented on [1, 2],
and has led to a pragmatic approach to both
the teaching and practice of information
science. The resulting piecemeal view of the
subject has, not surprisingly, led to problems
of the kind described above. The purpose
of this short paper is to explore concepts of
information that have been suggested, and to
propose a definition that encapsulates them.
It is not intended to present new ideas, but
rather to consolidate existing ideas in a way
that makes them easy to put across to stu-
dents. The complexity of ideas concerning
information is such that a paper this length
can scarcely do them justice, but it is intend-
ed that this paper should provide a starting
point to which students can relate modules
as diverse as document retrieval and systems
modelling.
What is information?
Attempts to answer the question ‘What is
information?’ have, not surprisingly, occupied
the thoughts of information scientists for a
long time: almost certainly since before the
term ‘information science’ was coined in 1955
[3]. The lay person, asked to define informa-
tion, is most likely to regard it as:
An item of information or intelligence;
a fact or circumstance of which one is
told. (OED)
This is just one of the many dictionary
definitions of the word. Indeed, information
scientists appear to have been reluctant to
propose definitions of information, preferring
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A definition of information
A.D. Madden
JFS, Learning Resources Centre, 175 Camden Road, London NW1 9HD
admadden@hotmail.com
One difficulty faced by students on many information management courses is the lack
of any attempt to teach concepts of information. Therefore, if a core module does not
fit in with a student’s existing concept of information, it can make it hard for the stu-
dent to recognise the relevance of that module. This paper addresses that problem by
summarising concepts of information, and by presenting a simple model that attempts
to unite the various concepts listed. The model is based on the idea that the meaning
in a message depends on the context in which the message originated (the authorial
context), and the context in which it is interpreted (the readership context).
Characteristics of authors, readers and messages are discussed. The impact of the
‘knowledge’ of ‘information’ users, and of their community, is considered. Implications
of the model are discussed. A definition of information is suggested, which attempts to
encapsulate the nature of information implied by the model.
rather to discuss concepts: the difference
being, according to Belkin [4, p. 58], a defi-
nition ‘says what the phenomenon defined is,
whereas a concept is a way of looking at or
interpreting the phenomenon’.
In their recent paper, McCreadie and
Rice [5] review concepts of information
proposed over the last fifty years. A sum-
mary of the concepts they consider is given
below.
●Information as a representation of
knowledge
Information is stored knowledge.
Traditionally the storage medium has been
books, but increasingly electronic media
are becoming important.
●lnformation as data in the environment
Information can be obtained from a range
of environmental stimuli and phenomena;
not all of which are intended to ‘convey’ a
message, but which can be informative
when appropriately interpreted.
●Information as part of the communica-
tion process
Meanings are in people rather than in
words or data. Timing and social factors
play a significant role in the processing and
interpretation of information.
●Information as a resource or commodity
Information is transmitted in a message
from sender to receiver. The receiver
interprets the message as intended by
the sender. There may be added value
as the information is disseminated or
exchanged.
Information in context
The model presented below rests on the
assumption that information cannot be
evaluated without an awareness of the con-
text in which it is being interpreted. This
assumption leads to a model comprising
three components.
1. Readership context
The context in which a message is received
and interpreted. The reader is any system
which derives (or attempts to derive) infor-
mation from a message. A system may be a
mechanism, an organism, a community, or
an organisation.
2. Authorial context
The context in which the message originates.
The author is any system that transmits (inten-
tionally or otherwise) a message from which
a reader can derive information.
3. Message
The means by which information is transmit-
ted. It may be written, spoken, facial expres-
sion, pheromonal, etc.
These components are described more
fully below.
Information as data in the environment:
reading the signs
Many information scientists accept that infor-
mation is a property of all living organisms
[6, 7]. It is not unreasonable, therefore, to
illustrate the prime importance of context
with an example from biology. It has long
been recognised by zoologists that there is an
association between brightly coloured mark-
ings on an animal and unpalatability or toxi-
city [8]. Predators learn to associate such
markings with unpleasant experiences and so
are less inclined to attack similarly marked
creatures in future. So a potential predator,
seeing the markings of a brightly coloured
male butterfly, will derive information about
the insect’s suitability as a food source. A
female butterfly of the same species will
derive no such information. She might, how-
ever, find the markings useful in assessing the
male’s quality as a mate. Clearly, therefore,
both the predator and the female butterfly
derive information from the markings, but the
message of the markings depends on the con-
text in which it is read.
The importance of context in the inter-
pretation of information has long been recog-
nised. The above example, however,
indicates that, unless it is assumed that but-
terflies and birds have knowledge, knowl-
edge is not necessary for a signal to be
informative.
Information as part of the
communication process: the authorial
and readership contexts
Messages exchanged between humans fre-
quently differ from those discussed in the
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two examples above because there is often
an intention that they should carry infor-
mation. There is no reason to assume that
a male butterfly means to inform either a
predator or a potential mate when he flaps
his wings. By contrast, a message de-
signed to communicate has two informing
contexts: that of the author and that of
the reader. These correspond to the two
points described by Shannon and Weaver
[9, p. 31] when they stated that ‘The fun-
damental problem of communication is
that of reproducing at one point either ex-
actly or approximately a message selected
at another point.’ However, Shannon and
Weaver were merely talking about the dif-
ficulties involved in transmitting a signal
from a sender to a receiver. If that signal is to
be a message, it is necessary for the sender
to be an author, or the recipient to be a read-
er, or both. Characteristics of these two con-
texts, and the message itself, are described
below.
The readership context
As Meadow and Yuan noted, ‘Most views of
the difference between data and information
… depend on the recipient.’ [10, p. 701] The
information derived from a message by a
reader depends on a wide range of factors,
all of which affect the reader’s understanding
of that message. Some of these are listed
below:
●Geographical – nation, culture, language,
physical community.
●Social – interests, pastimes.
●Educational – level of education, subjects
studied.
●Professional – area of professionalism,
career history.
The different contexts overlap. A mathe-
matical treatise will be understood in the
same way by both Russian and American
mathematicians. A Birmingham newspaper
will be more informative to Jamaican and
Punjabi immigrants living in Solihull than it
would to a tenth generation cockney in
Lambeth. To understand what makes sense
to a reader, therefore, it is necessary to under-
stand the structure of the society of which he
or she is a part [11].
The authorial context
As well as sharing the characteristics of the
readership context, the authorial context has
an additional property: that of intention. Two
possible states of intention are assumed:
Message intended to convey information
The author produces the text with the inten-
tion of informing the reader. This is the usual
authorial context, in which a text ‘is a collec-
tion of signs purposefully structured by a
sender with the intention of changing the
image-structure of a recipient’ [12, p. 20]. The
closer an author’s context is to that of a read-
er, the greater is the chance that the author’s
work will be informative. In exceptional cir-
cumstances, an author may choose to con-
vey more than one message in a given text
(see Appendix).
Message not intended to convey information
The author ascribes no meaning to the mes-
sage of the text: any meaning is derived with-
in the readership context. Examples include
the predictions of fortune-tellers and output
from artificial intelligence programs such as
Eliza [13].
Information as a resource or
commodity: getting the message
Messages are classified according to how
focused they are. Traditionally, information
scientists have dealt largely with focused
messages. Highly focused messages are ones
in which the context for interpretation is very
specific, making ambiguities difficult or
impossible. The most obvious example would
be a mathematical document, but other
examples include command line computer
interfaces and technical publications.
Looser (but still focused) messages
would include descriptive works and histo-
ries, which will be interpreted according to
the reader’s culture and experience. A less
positive example would be poorly written
documents [4], which may be confusing,
ambiguous, or misleading: a typical contem-
porary example of this is email. Totally loose
messages would have no obvious interpreta-
tion in any context. An example is surrealist
literature. In many ways this model is similar
Aslib Proceedings Vol 52, No.9, October 2000 – 345
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to the communication model proposed by
Jakobson [14]. This too comprises three com-
ponents (addresser, addressee, and mes-
sage). Because it deals with the intentional
transfer of information, however, it places
greater emphasis on the means by which
messages are transmitted, and excludes a
great deal of information sources.
The importance of recognising
context
Wilson [3] stresses the importance of context
in dictating information needs, but makes no
mention of the impact of context on the inter-
pretation and effectiveness of information
materials. Hjørland considers ‘subject analy-
sis of documents as one of the most funda-
mental activities of library and information
professionals’ [2, p. 610].
One implication of the model presented
here is that such an analysis requires an
appreciation of the context. As Hjørland
notes:
The subject of a book (or any other
document, or message) is closely
related to what kind of answers peo-
ple can find from reading the book...
Any document thus has an infinite
number of subjects [2, p. 610].
So to predict the effect of information on
a particular user, it is necessary first to envis-
age the potential user. In classifying informa-
tion, therefore, the information scientist is
implicitly classifying the user.
Information and knowledge
Earlier, the importance of context in causing
a stimulus to become informative was dis-
cussed, but arguably the most fundamental
context was omitted: that of the knowledge
of the recipient of the information. The exam-
ples of contexts listed above will all shape that
knowledge, hence their significance, but in
addition the knowledge will be affected by
an incalculable array of experiences and
aptitudes.
The association between knowledge and
information seeking is well established: ‘...the
idea of using cognitive models as the basis for
information retrieval system design has
aroused considerable interest...’ [15, p. 63].
It has been argued that what motivates
someone to seek information is a recognition
by the seeker of ‘an anomaly in his/her state
of knowledge’ [4, p. 81]. Moser [16, p. 350],
questions how ‘normal’ and ‘anomalous’
states of knowledge are to be identified or
measured, and makes the point that ‘infor-
mation, to be generated, need not actively be
instigated on the ‘recipient’s’ side’.
This observation is highly relevant to the
context-reliant model of information recep-
tion described in this paper. Checkland
argues that ‘consciousness makes man, via
his W(orld View)s, a meaning-endowing ani-
mal’ [17, p. 219]. If this is accepted, then it is
the meaning endowed within the World View
that will determine whether information is
sought, what information is sought, and
how it is interpreted. Anomalies may be a
motivating factor. People who, unlike Lewis
Carroll’s ‘Humpty Dumpty’, are not happy to
‘believe six impossible things before break-
fast’ may seek information in an effort to
resolve some of the discrepancies in their
World View.
Alternatively, however, the meaning con-
ferred by a World View may provide some-
one with a paradigm of ‘normality’, which can
be used in the generation of hypotheses.
Here, information may be sought to test the
hypotheses in order to establish or to extend
‘normality’.
Personal paradigms as context
The word ‘paradigm’ above is used in its dic-
tionary sense: ‘pattern, example, to exhibit
beside, show side by side’ (OED) rather than
in the ways in which Kuhn [18] used the term
in his philosophy of science. While Kuhn used
‘paradigm’ to describe systems by which
meaning could be shared in a research com-
munity, the word is used above to describe
the ways in which an individual organises
information within his or her World View.
The difference is significant when con-
sidering the evaluation of information.
Information scientists can only assess infor-
mation insofar as their World Views match
those of the people for whom they are eval-
uating it. It is because the match is inexact
that browsing and serendipity are important
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factors in information seeking. Data and texts
that appear irrelevant to an evaluator may
provide the missing piece of a puzzle to a
researcher; but the data and texts will only be
informative if the puzzle is known.
Probably the best known example in sci-
ence of a serendipitous discovery arose
because of the problem of King Hieron’s
crown. The king, wishing to know whether
the crown was pure gold as claimed by the
goldsmith, or whether a gold/silver alloy had
been used, asked Archimedes to investigate.
Archimedes is reputed to have arrived at the
solution when, as he climbed into his bath-
tub, he observed water overflowing from it.
Within the context of his knowledge, his
thoughts, and his ideas, the stimulus of over-
flowing water was informative. Archimedes
deduced that the quantity of water displaced
was equivalent to the volume of his body, and
so had a means of determining the density of
the crown [19].
The history of science is full of such tales:
from the apple that gave rise to Newton’s
thoughts on gravity, to the dream of snakes
from which Kekule derived the structure of
benzene. Such examples, however, are of lit-
tle practical relevance to the information sci-
entist, since information of this kind is
impossible to organise. A more constructive
and more recent example involves the work
of Heisenberg in quantum mechanics.
According to C.P. Snow, in the early 1920s,
Heisenberg was seeking to find mathematical
tools which would enable him to relate the
set of rules associated with any given atom to
that atom’s set of properties.
The trouble was, he didn’t know
enough of the curiosities of nine-
teenth- century mathematics, when all
kinds of mathematical arts had been
developed. Not for use, but for the
sheer beauty of the game.
Fortunately... Max Born ... [knew of
the] old subject of matrix algebra, half
forgotten but completely available [20,
p. 67].
This half-forgotten branch of mathe-
matics proved to be ‘precisely what they
needed’. If Snow’s analysis is correct, how-
ever, and matrix algebra had indeed been
developed for ‘the beauty of the game’ rather
than for use, it would presumably have been
held to have little informative value. Despite
this, the text was ‘completely available’ and
clearly retrievable; and within the context of
Heisenberg’s research it became invaluable
information.
Information in the community
Although the knowledge of the information
user may be the ultimate informing context,
from the point of view of an information man-
ager wishing to provide relevant information
it is probably an impractical starting point. It
is for this reason that information specialists
tend to deal with information as a represen-
tation of knowledge, or ‘information-as-thing’
[21].
As was stated above, however, commu-
nity is also an important context. For the pur-
poses of the information manager, this is
usually the context by which information is
defined. What is stored in collections of
informative things, whether those collections
be archives, libraries, or digitised records, is
stored with a view to the needs of the target
community.
The idea that information is embedded
in socio-cultural contexts is not new of course
[22]. What has changed for the information
professional, however, is the extent to which
the nature of the community being served
must be considered. The traditional librarian
was usually a professional, catering for other
professionals educated to a similar level, and
therefore well able to anticipate their require-
ments. In the case of public libraries, the user
community defined itself by its desire to use
the library. This is still true, but given the ever-
expanding range of alternative sources of
information and entertainment, this commu-
nity is declining.
Memes and the transfer of
information
As was stated at the start of this paper, infor-
mation is widely regarded as being a property
of living organisms. Dennett in particular,
stresses the connection between information
and awareness in many forms of life [23],
and discusses the impact of information on
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consciousness. In so doing, he draws heavily
on some of the ideas proposed by Dawkins
[24] in The Selfish Gene. Here, Dawkins
argues that a lot of ideas are reproduced in
human society in a manner analogous to
genetic replication. He refers to such ideas as
memes, and the resulting study (mimetics)
has begun to gain acceptability. Mimetics
draws heavily on comparisons with biological
evolution, and the succession of overlapping
contexts described above bears a similarity to
Hutchinson’s classic definition of an ecologi-
cal niche [25] as an n-dimensional hypervol-
ume: a mathematically defined space in
which each of the factors affecting the viabil-
ity of an organism occupying that niche is
seen as a separate dimension.
It has been commonly observed that
‘Almost always the men who achieve... fun-
damental inventions of a new paradigm are
either very young or very new to the field
whose paradigm they change.’ [18, p. 90]
If the ideas presented above on commu-
nity as a informing context are ‘linked’ to
those on World View, the possibility is raised
that what is learned in one community will,
in the context of a different community, be
informative in ways that were not previously
recognised. To extend the evolutionary anal-
ogy use in mimetics, this perhaps represents
a cross-fertilisation of ideas.
Conclusion
As has been argued, the materials with which
the information scientist routinely works rep-
resent just a small proportion of potential
information. This paper therefore proposes
that, to capture the ‘breadth’ of possible infor-
mation sources, information should be
defined as:
a stimulus originating in one system
that affects the interpretation by anoth-
er system of either the second sys-
tem’s relationship to the first or of the
relationship the two systems share
with a given environment
(where a system is as defined above,
in Readership Context).
Brown [1, p. 185] suggests that, in
attempting to define information, information
scientists have tended to restrict the term to
only a part of the whole and that ‘no satis-
factory concept of information for information
science will ever be formulated in the sense
of supplanting all others’.
The model described above represents
an attempt, not to supplant concepts of infor-
mation, but to unite them. The idea that infor-
mation is only information in certain
‘informing contexts’ incorporates nearly all
widely held concepts of information, and
would provide a useful point at which to intro-
duce students to the range of directions in
which information science could take them.
Appendix
Deliberate ambiguities are common in puz-
zles, codes, and as literary devices. Simple
codes may carry both overt and cryptic mes-
sages. For example, the message:
Coming in tomorrow evening. Meet at
Dinnington depot, eleven nineteen.
would convey to most readers the informa-
tion that a liaison is being requested. Those
able to apply an appropriate geographical
context will derive additional information
concerning the location. This instruction may
be relevant to the intended recipients of the
message, but they would also receive further
information by being aware that they should
read the initial letters of the words. Punning
headlines are commonly used to summarise
two aspects of a newspaper story. A fictional
example would be that of John Smith, an
aspiring rock star arrested for assault. A report
on his chart success and his appearance in a
police identity parade may be headlined:
‘SMITH IN HIT PARADE’. Such exercises need
not be limited to one language. A French-
speaking reader of the book Mots d’Heures:
Gousses, Rames (Verse 11) [26] will struggle
to understand esoteric and surreal verse such
as:
Chacun Gille
Houer ne taupe de hile
Tôt-fait, j’appelle au boiteur
Chaque fêle dans un broc, est-ce
crosne?
Un Gille qu’aime tant berline à fêtard.
(Verse 11)
(Every bumpkin
While hoeing uncovers a mole and
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part of a seed.
Quickly finished, I call to the limping
man that
Every pitcher has a crack in. It is it a
Chinese cabbage?
A bumpkin loves a life of pleasure and
a carriage.)
An English listener, however, hearing the
verse read aloud in French, will find it ‘haunt-
ingly familiar’.
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