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Sindicalismo y transición política en España
... After the Spanish Civil War (1936)(1937)(1938)(1939), all unions, but the fascist one, were banned. However, over the years, the union movement infiltrated the fascist union and fought Franco's dictatorship , emerging as a central building block for the transition in the seventies to a democratic system and the harmonization of Spain with other European countries (Redero San Román & Pérez Delgado, 1994). ...
... Employment and industrial relations are valued in Spain as an ingredient of a welfare state and a stable and advanced democracy, giving consideration to the employee-as-citizen as much as to the employee-as-producer. Industrial relations became a central matter in the configuration of citizenship in the 1978 Spanish Constitution, which mandated Parliament to legislate on the matter in the Estatuto de los Trabajadores (Workers' Statute). Ever since the 1970s, social dialogue and consensus between government, employers and unions have carried strong legitimacy not only in industrial relations but in matters of general economic policy (Archel et al., 2011;Redero San Román & Pérez Delgado, 1994). In this regard, the government often calls most representative unions to negotiate (and confer with legitimacy) various industrial or economic policies. ...
This paper explores the social and political potential of accounting scholarship, presenting and discussing an intellectual intervention challenging a legislative reform that significantly affected Spanish industrial relations. In this reform, an accounting artifact (forecasted losses) played an unexpected role and was misrepresented, prompting a sizeable number of scholars to sign two manifestos in 2010 and 2012 against the use of forecasted losses made by the new legislation. As promoters of this manifesto, we perform in this paper a collaborative autoethnography to reflect on the context, events, reactions, and significance of this intervention for both the academic and the industrial relations fields. We mobilize Pierre Bourdieu’s ideas on the public intellectual to think more generally about academic engagements in the interplay between accounting, policymaking, and social issues. This intervention illustrates the different manners in which administrative and economic powers interfered in the Spanish accounting academic field, limiting the disposition of Spanish scholars to engage in public debates. We also interpret our engagement as mobilizing intellectual capital to expose how the notion of forecasted losses was used to produce a form of symbolic violence and how this capital is more effective as it produces messages addressed to the producers, i.e., policymakers and the judicature in this specific case.
... Sobre a conflitualidade laborai em Portugal, pode consultar--se, mesmo assim, uma grande quantidade de excelentes artigos publicados na revista Análise Social, do Instituto de Ciências Sociais da Universidade de Lisboa. Entre as análises efectuadas sobre o movimento operário espanhol destacam-se pela sua qualidade e contribuição académica: Almendros Morcillo et al. (1978), Ibarra Güell (1987) Forewaker (1987e 1989,Balfour (1989), Fishman (1990a,Maravall (1978Maravall ( e 1985,Redero San Román (1992),Ruiz (1993), Redero San Román e PérezDelgado (1994).42 Sur, Málaga, 11 de Janeiro de 1976, p. 35. ...
... Historia de Andalucía, IX: Andalucía Siglo XX . Barcelona, 2006Barcelona, , pp.156-187. 352 1991Barcelona, -2005 Actas del VIII Congreso de la Asociación de Demografía Histórica, Maò (Menorca), 2007, inédito. ...
Este artículo pretende examinar la actitud de la confederación sindical estadounidense, AFL-CIO, y las Trade Union británicas hacia sus homólogos españoles, tanto el “Vertical” como los antifranquistas. El marco cronológico elegido va desde las postrimerías del franquismo a la legalización de los sindicatos en 1977. El texto pretende examinar en qué medida la parte española recibió formación, influencias o estímulos que favorecieron la posterior transición de un modelo sindical dictatorial a uno homologable al nuevo contexto democrático. Atención especial recibirá la UGT. Organización cuyo paso de la clandestinidad y la debilidad en el interior frente a CC.OO., al liderazgo posterior estuvo estrechamente relacionado con factores externos. Intentaremos explicar los entresijos de tales relaciones, contrastando documentos inéditos de archivos estadounidenses y británicos con fuentes españolas.
RESUMEN El presente artículo pretende contribuir al debate sobre el rol que jugaron los sindicatos como canalizadores de la conflictividad social en las provincias subdesarrolladas durante la Transición. De esa forma, se parte de que las regiones rurales, aun carentes de un movimiento sindical potente, se convirtieron en importantes espacios de confrontación política en los primeros gobiernos de la monarquía. Cuenca se erige como arquetipo de región con escasos recursos de movilización que debió esperar hasta un momento avanzado de la Transición para poner en marcha la maquinaria de protesta. Así, a través de un análisis pormenorizado se estudia la importancia de los sindicatos como canalizadores de la conflictividad social y sus aportaciones a la democratización de España. Además, se examina la organización y evolución de la protesta en un contexto de coacción gubernamental.
ABSTRACT This article aims to contribute to the debate on the role played by trade unions as conduits of social conflict in underdeveloped provinces during the Spanish Transition. It is based on the principle that rural regions, albeit in the absence of a powerful trade union movement, became important spaces for political confrontation in the first governments of the monarchy. Cuenca stands out as the epitome of a region with limited mobilization resources that had to wait until an advanced stage of the Transition to set in motion its machinery of protest. Thus, through a detailed analysis, the importance of trade unions as conduits of social conflicts and their contributions to the democratization of Spain is studied. Furthermore, the organization and evolution of protest are examined in a context of government coercion.
This paper examines the origins and development of trade unions in Spanish football. The origin of the Spanish Football Players’ Union (Asociación de Futbolistas Españoles, AFE) and the process that led to the first footballers’ strike held in March 1979 are specifically studied. Particular emphasis is placed upon the specific industrial and organizational contexts in which the AFE emerged, as well as on the structure, membership and leadership of this trade union. The paper argues that the AFE managed to wield considerable influence by directly challenging the authority of the controlling bodies represented by the Royal Spanish Football Federation (Real Federación Española de Fútbol, RFEF). The findings of this study shed light on the behaviour shown by RFEF, the media and football fans themselves in the face of the emergence of the football union.
RESUMEN:
Este trabajo pretende ofrecer una visión alternativa a la historiografía tradicional centrada en el estudio de aquellas regiones más industrializadas, identificándose a los protagonistas de aquellas protestas laborales con el grueso de trabajadores cualificados situados en esas zonas. Sin embargo, en la provincia de Jaén a pesar de sus limitaciones estructurales como el débil tejido industrial fruto de los efectos negativos de la política industrial franquista, también tuvo lugar una serie de circunstancias que propiciaron el desarrollo de una tardía protesta laboral en los últimos años del franquismo.
ABSTRACT:
This work endeavours to portray an alternative scope to the traditional historiographic one, which has normally focused on the analysis of the most industrialized regions, by which the protagonists of labour protests were linked to the majority of qualified workers of those areas. However, despite the province of Jaén’s structural limitations such as its weak industrial network resulting from the negative effects of Francoist industrial policy, a series of specific circumstances also prompted the development of belated labour protests in the later years of Franco’s regime.
This Spain’s transition from dictatorship to democracy after the death of General Francisco Franco in 1975 has been viewed in many ways. Political historians and political scientists generally deem it an outstanding success. Yet many economists and economic historians have been remarkably critical of the process. This article analyses how the long-drawn-out process of democratic consolidation caused policy-makers to neglect other unresolved issues, not least the country’s enduring economic crisis which dragged on from the mid 1970s to the mid 1980s. Lack of political legitimacy, weak governments and, to a certain extent, the perceived requirement for consensus held back the Madrid authorities from tackling head on many of Spain’s fundamental problems, especially in the field of economic policy. From the beginnings of the crisis in 1973 until the summer of 1977, when voters went to the polls for the first time in more than four decades, Spain was governed by a series of weak and unstable administrations. In addition, the political authorities were seriously challenged by a resurgent opposition. After June 1977, against a disturbing background of low growth, rising inflation and incipient inflation, the minority centrist government of Adolfo Suárez finally resolved to take firm action.
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