Article

Networks, Race, And Hiring

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Abstract

It is common for scholars interested in race and poverty to invoke a lack of access to job networks as one of the reasons that African Americans and Hispanics face difficulties in the labor market. Much research has found, however, that minorities do worse when they use personal networks in job finding. Research in this area has been hampered by the complicated and multi-step nature of the job-finding process and by the lack of appropriate comparison data for demonstrating the various ways in which minorities can be isolated from good job opportunities. We seek to specify what it means to say that minorities are cut off from job networks. Building on the literature on social networks in the labor market, we delineate the various mechanisms by which minorities can be isolated from good job opportunities. We examine how these mechanisms operate, using unique data on the chain of network contacts that funnel to an employer offering desirable jobs. We find that network factors operate at several stages of the recruitment process. We find scant evidence, however, that these network factors serve to cut off minorities from employment in this setting. We conclude with a discussion of the theoretical and methodological implications of the case for the study of networks, race, and hiring.

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... One of the biggest is the exclusivity of social networks within the profession (Headworth et al. 2016;Fernandez and Fernandez-Mateo 2006;Rider et al. 2016). Success in law careers requires knowing the trade but also knowing some key actors with connections to lucrative jobs. ...
... Success in law careers requires knowing the trade but also knowing some key actors with connections to lucrative jobs. The legal profession's origins as an exclusive White and male industry in the United States created a homogenous network that has helped maintain the status quo through informal connections and implicit biases (Fernandez and Fernandez-Mateo 2006;Rider et al. 2016). Students at top law schools often benefit equally from the high-quality teaching at these institutions and the social networks created within the law school. ...
... The legal profession requires both hard skills-knowledge of the law-and soft skills, such as socializing and developing a clientele. Social networks are one way for employers to vet prospective employees for the necessary soft skills (Fernandez and Fernandez-Mateo 2006). Existing disparities mean those with the most power to hire or fire are predominately White and male. ...
Chapter
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In this chapter, we compare the gender and racial gaps in representation for private-practice careers versus careers in the federal courts. We advance the literature by examining these trends together rather than separately, which allows us to assess differences in career tracks. The diversity, inclusion, and equity framework helps us further explore diversification efforts, uncovering generalizable trends for women and POC. In particular, we highlight how this framework allows us to identify key obstacles to an equitable justice system. We compare the differences in representation of women and racial minorities in private practice and on the federal bench. We determine that diversifying the bench has proven more challenging. Overall, we point to the intervention of political actors in the nomination process and the effect of partisanship and ideological preference toward diversification might cause prolonged disparities in the court system.
... Much of the social capital literature argues that additional pathways to social networks increase the odds of obtaining good jobs (Fernandez and Fernandez-Mateo 2006;Granovetter 1974;McDonald et al. 2009). For example, weak ties theory contends that socioeconomic opportunity is more closely linked to the quantity rather than the quality of ties (Granovetter 1973). ...
... In addition, workplace research has found that job seekers who were connected to large, diverse (non-redundant) networks have more control over employment outcomes (Burt 1992(Burt , 2005). An empirical test of social capital mobilization theory found that African Americans and Latinos were connected to a diverse network of weak ties within their job searches, but had fewer job referrals than whites seeking similar positions (Fernandez and Fernandez-Mateo 2006). In other words, people of color had access to the "right" networks but were rarely able to mobilize them to secure their desired jobs. ...
... Scholars argue that people of color often have sufficient access to networks but lack the ability to mobilize them to get job referrals, recommendations, or other social resources (Fernandez and Fernandez-Mateo 2006;Smith 2005). Returns from social capital are constrained, in part, by time necessary to develop ties that can be mobilized. ...
Article
Scholars have argued convincingly that race influences an individual’s ability to access and mobilize social capital. Since social capital is embedded in social relationships and not individuals, understanding the context of relationships is imperative for understanding how race may create barriers to socioeconomic equality. Using data from in-depth interviews with members of an intentionally interracial organization in a large Midwestern city, I investigate the influence of race on social capital. One major theme emerged: highly involved white members described their close friends of color in utilitarian terms and not integrated into daily activities outside of the interracial organization. This theme, named the “one friend rule,” is a micro-level mechanism where whites mobilize a “close” interracial tie to project a generalized value for diversity while simultaneously limiting access to personal resources. I conclude that the one friend rule is a major barrier to social capital mobilization for people of color involved in a racially diverse organization. © The Author 2017. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the Society for the Study of Social Problems. All rights reserved.
... Conversely in the vulnerable group, workers do not possess information on more favorable employment quality opportunities (Bentolila et al. 2010), but still use their links to obtain a job despite the weakness of the proffered positions. Compared to formal means, the use of SNW appears negatively correlated with the job quality, isolating individuals from the best opportunities and increasing their vulnerability (Fernandez andFernandez-Mateo 2006, Marques 2012). This hypothesis seems quite consistent with many studies that highlight this aggravating factor for unskilled or lowest income workers (Diaz 2012, Nicodemo andGarcía 2015). ...
... Third, we can reasonably assume that this inverse causality supports the effects observed in the FMRM estimations. Indeed, some studies show that vulnerable workers receive little information about the possible opportunities because of their contacts' shared characteristics, such as the residential neighborhood, ethnicity or conformism in individual practices through relationships (Fernandez and Fernandez-Mateo 2006, Smith 2016, Jackson et al. 2017, Parkinson et al. 2018. ...
Article
This article examines the effect of social networks (SNW) by investigating how mobilizing family, friendship or kindship ties in job searches affects the quality of employment (QoE) using quantitative and qualitative data. Drawing from socioeconomic literature on the segmented labor market, the authors propose an original and multidimensional measure of job quality and a fruitful estimation of the effect of SNW on QoE that allows for dealing with complex inter-groups heterogeneity. Using the Great Integrated Household Survey and a sample on Bogota’s workers in 2013, they provide empirical support that the use of ties is negatively correlated with the QoE for those who are vulnerable. Likewise, the use of social relations is not significant for protected workers. Complemented by focus groups interviews, these results raise questions about the difference prevailing in relational practices between necessity networks for precarious workers and opportunity networks for protected workers in the Colombian capital.
... Building on the important contributions of earlier work (Lin 2001;Royster 2003;Smith 2005), we bring together multiple strands of scholarship in this area to theoretically develop and empirically test a set of distinct pathways and mechanisms through which networks and race may intersect to produce labor market inequality. This type of theoretical integration has occurred from the perspective of the employer (Fernandez and Fernandez-Mateo 2006), but to our knowledge similar work has not taken place for understanding these processes from the perspective of the job seeker. ...
... Accordingly, we emphasize the issue of "access." 4. This line of thought is related to what some scholars call the "wrong networks" model (see Fernandez and Fernandez-Mateo 2006). 5. ...
Article
Racial disparities persist throughout the employment process, with African Americans experiencing significant barriers compared to whites. This article advances the understanding of racial labor market stratification by bringing new theoretical insights and original data to bear on the ways social networks shape racial disparities in employment opportunities. We develop and articulate two pathways through which networks may perpetuate racial inequality in the labor market: network access and network returns. In the first case, African American job seekers may receive fewer job leads through their social networks than white job seekers, limiting their access to employment opportunities. In the second case, black and white job seekers may utilize their social networks at similar rates, but their networks may differ in effectiveness. Our data, with detailed information about both job applications and job offers, provide the unique ability to adjudicate between these processes. We find evidence that black and white job seekers utilize their networks at similar rates, but network-based methods are less likely to lead to job offers for African Americans. We then theoretically develop and empirically test two mechanisms that may explain these differential returns: network placement and network mobilization. We conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for scholarship on racial stratification and social networks in the job search process.
... On the other hand, the resources provided by co-ethnic social networks may be restricted to support and information on job opportunities within the ethnic community (Portes and Sensebrenner 1993) that are often of lower quality, thus promoting low-quality job opportunities. Several studies find support for this (Drever and Hoffmeister 2008;Falcon 1995;Fernandez and Fernandez-Mateo 2006;Green et al. 1999;Kanas et al. 2012;Kalter and Kogan 2014;Kazemipur 2006;Korenman and Turner 1996;Lancee 2010Lancee , 2012aNee et al. 1994;Stainback 2008;Van Tubergen 2011). However, many studies focus on the labour market incorporation of one (sometimes more) immigrant group(s) in one specific destination country and it is likely that inconsistent findings across studies reflect the fact that the value of co-ethnic social capital varies between different destination countries. ...
... Kmec and Trimble (2009) find a positive effect for blacks in co-ethnic settings. Stainback (2008) shows that finding a job via referrals results in lower-quality jobs (for comparable studies in the US, see Falcon 1995;Fernandez and Fernandez-Mateo 2006;Green at al. 1999;Korenman and Turner 1996). Indeed, Petersen et al. (2000) even find that the extent to which ethnic minorities are disadvantaged in the hiring process is attributed to the referral method. ...
Thesis
Die Dissertation widmet sich den Entstehungsbedingungen und den Konsequenzen sozialer Netzwerke von Migranten und deren Nachkommen. In den ersten drei Beiträgen werden die Relevanz von Präferenzen, Opportunitäten und den Einfluss Dritter für die ethnische Komposition sozialer Netzwerke aufgezeigt und untersucht, inwiefern sich systematische Unterschiede zwischen verschiedenen Herkunftsgruppen, Generationen und Aufnahmeländern anhand dieser Mechanismen erklären lassen. Daraufhin wird die Rolle sozialer Netzwerke und im Speziellen deren ethnische Komposition für die Religiositat und den beruflichen Status von Migranten im Aufnahmeland untersucht. In der Arbeit werden die Daten des Sozio-oekonomischen Panels (SOEP) sowie des SCIP-Projekts verwendet um mithilfe von Längsschnittanalysen eher Aussagen über Kausalzusammenhänge machen zu können. Die Arbeit leistet einen wichtigen Beitrag, das komplexe Zusammenspiel von Determinanten und Konsequenzen der ethnischen Komposition sozialer Netzwerke von Migranten zu erforschen.
... Les travaux anglo-saxons ont d'abord insisté sur l'isolement des minorités par rapport aux réseaux nécessaires pour trouver un emploi. Toutefois, ils ont peu à peu, au contraire, mis en évidence leur propension à trouver davantage leur emploi que les autres grâce aux réseaux ethniques (Fernandez, Fernandez-Mateo, 2006). Les auteurs s'interrogent alors sur les efets de cette « homophilie 3 » dans la ségrégation ethnique des emplois (voir aussi Reingold, 1999). ...
... Ces jeunes se retrouvant en efet cantonnés dans certains secteurs et segments du marché du travail. Nous mettons à jour ces résultats à partir de données françaises qui conirment des études anglo-saxonnes (Reingold, 1999 ;Fernandez, Fernandez-Mateo, 2006). Un autre efet est que ces réseaux conduisent à une reproduction sociale et non à une mobilité sociale entre générations. ...
... However,Fernandez & Fernandez-Mateo (2006) find that when members of lower status groups refer ingroup members, this can actually contribute to the diversity of organizations. ...
Article
The decisions employers make are of critical importance to sociological understandings of labor market stratification. While contemporary research documents employment outcomes with ever-growing precision, far less work examines how employers actually make decisions. In this article, I review research on the process of employer decision making, focusing on how employers evaluate, compare, and select workers in personnel decisions. I begin by summarizing the most prevalent theories of employer decision making in sociology, grouping them into competency-based, status-based, and social closure–based approaches. A common thread underlying much of this work is the assumption that employers are utility maximizers who base decisions on systematic, even if flawed, cognitive calculations of worker skill and workforce productivity. I then turn to recent research from sociology and beyond that challenges this notion and highlights the importance of understanding how employers themselves—their emotions, identities, and environments—affect decisions. I conclude by suggesting directions for future research. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Sociology, Volume 46 is July 30, 2020. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.
... On the basis of mechanisms of race-based social exclusion (Althauser et al. 1975;Royster 2003), one can easily imagine that, for example, predominantly white male social networks marginalize blacks or treat East Asian women differently. At the same time, there may be incentives for 'tokenism' within corporate boards, other strategic considerations (Heemskerk and Fennema 2014), or changing norms within elite strata that countervail a white male incumbency advantage, and we acknowledge that the dynamics of race and employment are not straightforward (Fernandez and Fernandez-Mateo 2006). ...
Article
Research on elites often utilizes network analysis to describe and analyse the interrelationships among elites and how their prominence varies by demographic characteristics. We examine the diversity of global elites through an analysis of the board members of large corporations, think tanks, international organizations, and transnational policy planning groups. Using new data, we provide the first descriptive picture of global elite networks in terms of race and gender. We also test the ‘core–periphery’ hypothesis, which predicts that as non‐whites and women achieve elite positions they will be marginalized to the periphery of elite networks, while the core remains significantly more white and male. We find consistent evidence for the core–periphery hypothesis across a range of empirical tests, from simple k‐coring to various core–periphery models. Most groups decline in their representation in the core, and this includes white women. White men are the only group that increases in representation in the core compared to the periphery.
... Regarding job search success, how might networking backfire for job seekers and their employers if the use of social networks gave them an advantage over candidates with higher human capital (Forret 2018)? Finally, because of evidence of the benefits of social networks as upward spirals of privilege (Fernandez & Fernandez-Mateo 2006), we encourage future work on improving networking quality and helping to close the gap between those who can and those who cannot benefit from social network use. ...
Article
Full-text available
This review distills available empirical research about the process and experience of looking for a job. Job search varies according to several dimensions, including intensity, content, and temporality/persistence. Our review examines how these dimensions relate to job search success, which involves job finding as well as job quality. Because social networking and interviewing behavior have attracted significant research attention, we describe findings with respect to these two job search methods in greater detail. We provide examples of the relevance of context to job search (i.e., the job seeker's geographical region, country, and culture; the economy; the job seeker's current or past employment situation; and employer behaviors and preferences) and review research on bias in the job search. Finally, we survey work on job search interventions and conclude with an overview of pressing job search issues in need of future research. You can access this article via the following e-print URL: http://www.annualreviews.org/eprint/8ACN94HMMPYGCUTVHV5A/full/10.1146/annurev-orgpsych-012119-044939
... By drawing heavily on in-group ties and social closure practices, this efficient process can sustain or exacerbate inequalities entirely without overt hostility toward already disadvantaged groups. This is exemplified by Fernandez and Fernandez-Mateo's (2006) study of how race, networks, and hiring interact to reveal multiple points in the hiring process where network factors can exclude minority groups from access to desirable jobs (see also DiTomaso, 2015;Reskin, 1988;Rivera, 2012;Savage, 2015). This network effect also crosses national borders with students at globally leading business schools investing heavily to become part of alumni networks and the privileges they offer (Curl, Lareau, & Wu, 2018;Levy & Reiche, 2018). ...
... Network density, or how cohesive or closely knit a network is, could regulate the pressure to conform that individuals face in social networks (Bott 1955;Coleman 1988). Dense groups can deter individuals from changing identities because people develop reputations in close-knit networks (Coleman 1988), and reputational concerns in turn affect behaviors (Fernandez and Fernandez-Mateo 2006;Gould 1999). It is possible that once political identities are established in a cohesive network, it becomes harder for individuals to change, because their decisions are likely to be scrutinized by friends and entail the embarrassing admission that one was wrong or ignorant. ...
Article
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The author examines the role of affiliation networks in shaping the political identities of students in college, using panel survey data from a case study of a predominantly liberal institution, tracking students’ political identities and affiliation memberships throughout the course of college. Although there was some self-selection into politically homophilous student organizations and majors, the extent of political sorting was relatively low, which resulted in considerable political heterogeneity in the affiliation networks. During the course of college, students’ political identities shifted in both liberal and conservative directions. Results from hierarchical multinomial logistic regressions suggest that identity transitions were driven by both the political composition of peer networks and influences outside the educational institution, such as family and prior socialization. This research underscores the importance of considering network stratification and individual contexts for understanding heterogeneous influences of seemingly uniform institutional settings.
... Indeed, Musterd, Andersson, Galster, and Kauppinen's (2008) longitudinal analysis on the whole migrant population of the three larger metropolitan areas in Sweden found that concentration in ethnic enclaves had negative effects on migrants' income 3 years later. More generally, as pointed out by Fernandez and Fernandez-Mateo (2006), explanations in terms of "wrong networks" are consistent only if minorities are underrepresented in each step of the recruitment process. This is the case of Italy, where migrant employers are rare and migrants are mostly hired by local firms or households (Chiesi, De Luca, & Mutti, 2011). ...
Article
This paper looks at the causal impact of residential segregation on income among migrants in Brescia, a wealthy industrial city of about 200,000 inhabitants in North‐Eastern Italy, where almost one citizen out of five is born abroad. Using a new register‐like dataset including economic and demographic microdata from administrative sources, we geo‐localised each migrant household and created for each individual an “egohood” by imposing buffer circles with the same diameter (250 or 500 m) around his or her residential location. Within this spatial area of reference, we calculated indices of ethnic segregation and exposure to Italian natives, thus measuring the individual network of potential contacts with co‐ethnics and with Italians. Following social networks and social capital theories, we expected ethnic segregation to have a negative impact and exposure to natives to have a positive impact on income and tested our hypotheses with a set of ordinary least squares and two‐stage least squares with instrumental variables regression models. Results showed a robust and negative effect of ethnic segregation on income, whereas a small and positive effect of exposure to natives was not robust to endogeneity checks. We also found substantial heterogeneity among migrant groups defined by macroareas of origin: Exposure to Italians was found to have the expected impact only among migrants coming from Eastern Europe and from the Middle East and North Africa.
... 280). Women, and particularly women of color, may face resource constraints due to the intersectionality of gender and race [49,50]. In the U.S. context, researchers [51] have found that there is a disproportionate leaning towards female adjunct professors in American universities compared to males. ...
Article
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There are multiple factors that can potentially impact the career progression of academics to professoriate level (referred to as levels D and E in Australia). This research provides a detailed understanding of critical factors (by gender) that negatively influence career progressions. Perceptions of factors that influence career progressions have been found to be more pronounced amongst female academics in STEMM and business disciplines. The conventional view of family commitments as being a hindrance to career progression has not been supported in our data. On the contrary, it is the organizational factors that would appear to be prevalent at an institutional level that seems to be significant barriers to the career progression. Particularly for female academics’ progression to levels D and E. The most prominent factors identified through confirmatory factor analysis conducted in the study are workloads and a lack of resources to undertake research and to generate research performance, which is a critical impacting factor for career progression to professoriate levels. These factors have been exacerbated by COVID-19.
... How industries recruit new occupational members is partly a function of homophily among either managers or workers themselves. There is a vast literature in sociology and economics on homophily within referral relationships, but many of these studies are couched at the level of the firm or organization (e.g., Brown et al., 2016;Fernandez & Fernandez-Mateo, 2006;Kmec, 2007;Petersen et al., 2000). Our review of these studies is focused on findings specific to occupations. ...
Article
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Recent research on racial inequality at work offers fruitful insights on the organizational conditions that reproduce racial segregation, racial disparities in wages, and racial hierarchies in the labor market and the workplace. Much less is known, however, about the specifically occupational influences that impinge on equitable work outcomes by race. In this paper, we explore three processes at the occupational level that relate to racial segregation, racialized access to resources, and status in one's line of work. We review research on racial inequality at work over the last 20 years to elucidate what is known, and remains to be seen, about these occupational processes. First, we review how occupational members get selected, and attempt to self‐select, into occupations via recruitment, licensing, credentialing, or certifications. Second, we consider how occupational incumbents teach, govern and evaluate new entrants, and with what consequences for racial inclusion/exclusion and retention in careers. Third, we examine research on client‐ or service‐based work, and highlight how workers navigate not only their roles, but also racial dynamics, vis‐a‐vis clients. We conclude with suggestions for how future research can harness occupational analysis to advance understanding of racial inequality at work.
... There are long-standing debates over whether strong or weak social ties matter more; whether job-seekers prioritise professional or personal ties; and whether and how the presence, content and status of social connections matter (Granovetter, 1995). Immigrants' social networks have long been thought to play a vital role in assisting immigrants' settlement and integration, including landing a job in the receiving society (Fernandez and Fernandez-Mateo, 2006). Nevertheless, social network discussion amongst migration scholars is predominantly concentrated on limited types of networksthe kinship network, the familial network, and the immigrant community-based network. ...
Article
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This article examines Chinese immigrant engineers’ navigation in the highly flexible information technology (IT) industry in the United States and their strategies of utilizing the high-velocity labour market to their advantage. Flexible employment has grown both in prevalence and prominence in the study of the American IT industry. What flexibility theorists fail to attend to, however, is the ethnicised demission of the high-velocity labour market in the IT sector. To address this vacancy, the researcher conducted a 13-month ethnography at a leading internet-services firm in the United States and 66 additional interviews with engineers from eight leading tech companies. The ethnographic work showed that inequality that emerged within the tech firms (e.g. ‘bamboo ceilings’) disadvantaged Chinese engineers’ career development. The ‘bamboo ceiling’ stimulated Chinese immigrants to use the high-velocity labour market to normalize their job-hopping practices, in order to circumvent their career disadvantage. To facilitate their job-hopping, Chinese engineers developed university-based networks. This study concludes that, with help of their university network, Chinese immigrants became the most mobile group in the US tech industry, which further preserved the industry’s flexibility. JELcodes D23, L16
... In a labor market study such as this, the randomization of job applications to each job opening removes concerns over applicants' omitted variable biases, such as unobserved worker characteristics (e.g., human capital), and employers' omitted biases (e.g., employer preferences or organizational policies related to hiring). Randomization also removes concerns regarding differences in social network activation and mobilization (Fernandez & Fernandez-Mateo, 2006;Smith, 2005), both of which might be correlated with race and employment opportunities (that is, none of the job applicants relied on network ties to find jobs). For these reasons, field experimental methods allow us to draw unbiased causal estimates of the average treatment effects of skin color in employment and tease out how skin color interacts with class status. ...
Article
This article examines skin color discrimination in two Brazilian labor markets using a field experimental approach. Fictitious resumes including photographs of job candidates were randomly assigned one skin color category via photo manipulation and submitted to entry-level job openings. In addition to assessing the extent of skin color discrimination, this article adopts an intersectional framework to examine how the effect of skin color in employment is moderated by class status and varies by gender. I found mixed results about the role of skin color in predicting the employment outcomes at the initial stages of the hiring process. Results from logistic regression and Linear Probability Models show that skin color is a weak predictor of hiring outcomes (e.g. receiving a callback from employers) among male applicants and for female applicants with brown skin. However, I find strong evidence that having dark skin is causally associated with hiring outcomes among female applicants. I also found that having a higher-class status erases skin color differences, thus identifying a potential mechanism that mitigates the effects of skin color in hiring.
... Others have argued, in a largely analogous vein, that organizations are racialized (Byron and Roscigno 2019;Ray 2019;Wingfield and Alston 2014;Wooten and Couloute 2017) and that, correspondingly, a "minority vulnerability thesis" is warranted (Wilson and McBrier 2005). Empirical work in this regard points to structural aspects of employment, evaluation, and bias that expose racial/ethnic minorities to discretionary and unequal treatment on the job-unequal treatment reflected in persistent differentials in job positioning and mobility (e.g., McBrier and Wilson 2004;Wilson 1997), pay and rewards (e.g., Cancio, Evans, and Maume 1996;Grodsky and Pager 2001), networks (e.g., Fernandez and Fernandez-Mateo 2006;McDonald, Lin, and Ao 2009), and firing (Byron 2010;Zwerling and Silver 1992). Scholars of aging could certainly make a similar case given what we now know about the disadvantages aging workers face in promotions, job assignments and discriminatory layoffs (Berger 2009;Henry and Jennings 2004;Kelley et al. 2017;Lassus, Lopez, and Roscigno 2015;Rothenberg and Gardner 2011). ...
Article
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Research on workplace discrimination has tended to focus on a singular axis of inequality or a discrete type of closure, with much less attention to how positional and relational power within the employment context can bolster or mitigate vulnerability. In this article, the author draws on nearly 6,000 full-time workers from five waves of the General Social Survey (2002–2018) to analyze discrimination, sexual harassment, and the extent to which occupational status and vertical and horizontal workplace relations matter. Results demonstrate important and persistent race, gender, and age vulnerabilities, with positive vertical (i.e., supervisory) and horizontal (i.e., coworker) relations generally reducing the likelihood of discriminatory and sexually harassing encounters. Interaction modeling further reveals a heightened likelihood of both gender and age discrimination for those in higher status occupational positions but uniform vulnerabilities across the occupational hierarchy when it comes to women’s experiences of sexual harassment and minority encounters with racial discrimination. DOWNLOAD FREE HERE: https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/2378023119853894
... A more sociological stream of hiring research addresses questions of how hiring practices produce and reinforce inequality (Petersen et al. 2000, Fernandez and Sosa 2005, Fernandez and Fernandez-Mateo 2006, Fernandez and Mors 2008. Still others delve into the ways these processes deviate from psychological or economic models of them: for instance, Rivera (2012Rivera ( , 2015 documents the role of cultural matching and emotion in selection. ...
Article
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In this paper, we examine the evolution of jobs in the midst of the hiring process: how jobs change between the decision to bring in someone to do a body of work and hiring someone. We analyze data from interviews, observations, and documents about start-up hiring and find that, during hiring, tasks are added and removed from jobs; jobs are abandoned, replaced, and moved; and hiring processes are relaunched. We describe two pathways that this evolution takes: the pathway of anticipated evolution, shaped by the unknown nature of the jobs being filled, and the pathway of accidental evolution, shaped by unanticipated factors surrounding jobs. Although the pathways lead to many of the same immediate consequences, there are differences in the longer-term consequences. Across the pathways, many jobs continue to evolve. On the pathway of anticipated evolution, many job incumbents leave within a year and are not replaced. On the pathway of accidental evolution, the longer-term consequences for job incumbents, structures, and organizations range from stability in structures and incumbents to ongoing conflict and incumbent departure. Not surprisingly, most evolving jobs are new to their organizations, but contrary to common conceptions, job evolution is not the product of managers who lack experience or use lax hiring practices. Our observations provide evidence of the emergent nature of jobs, hiring, and organizations.
... Of course, in practice, this process is far more complicated; for example, empirical research suggests that whether referral-based hiring produces this result depends on many other factors, including how racially diverse the local region is and how jobholders decide to share information about openings (Fernandez and Fernandez-Mateo 2006;Rubineau and Fernandez 2013). But the process makes clear that an organization may discriminate independent of a manager's explicit decision to hire candidates of a given race (whether statistically or from prejudice). ...
Article
As in economics, racial discrimination has long been a focus of research in sociology. Yet the disciplines traditionally have differed in how they approach the topic. While some studies in recent years show signs of cross-disciplinary influence, exposing more economists to sociological perspectives on racial discrimination would benefit both fields. We offer six propositions from the sociology of racial discrimination that we believe economists should note. We argue that independent of taste and statistical discrimination, economists should study institutional discrimination; that institutional discrimination can take at least two forms, organizational and legal; that in both forms the decisions of a contemporary actor to discriminate can be immaterial; that institutional discrimination is a vehicle through which past discrimination has contemporary consequences; that minor forms of everyday interpersonal discrimination can be highly consequential; and that whether actors perceive they have experienced discrimination deserves attention in its own right.
... Rubineau and Fernandez (2015) offered that employers prefer referred candidates to nonreferred candidates because of their espoused benefits. They also posited that because referred workers are more likely to refer in the future (Fernandez & Fernandez-Mateo, 2006;Fernandez & Sosa, 2005), a preference for referred candidates provides employers with a long-term, cost-effective recruiting strategy. Finally, the social networks literature, which has an agenda to explain how job opportunity information is disseminated across social ties, offers one more justificationhomophily. ...
Article
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Employee referral hiring, an organization's use of current employees' social networks (referrers) to fill job openings with new hires (referred workers), is a popular organization practice. This topic has been studied for decades by scholars, and research remains vibrant across several disciplines. While reviews of recruitment methods and their influence on job seekers and organizations exist, they give minimal attention to employee referrals. This gap is critical because an assessment of the employee referral literature exposes numerous theories, deviations in methodological approaches, and other important nuances. The research developed, and emerging across different disciplines, is also disconnected, often overlooking promising findings from each other. Furthermore, the impact of technology and the changing nature of work requires a renewed attention to the methodological and theoretical underpinnings of the referring phenomenon. Our review integrates the multidisciplinary literature to address important knowledge gaps and confront the underlying complexities of the referral hiring phenomenon. We review 101 relevant referral hiring studies from 86 published and unpublished articles across a variety of disciplines, and, in the process, we develop a model of employee referral hiring in organizations. This model portrays the pathways and contextual variables that describe the referring process (e.g., referrer motivations, the hiring process, and referrer and referred worker outcomes). Last, we advance an agenda for future research on this promising topic. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).
... Easy entrance into labor markets however is mitigated by difficulty climbing the labor hierarchy. Due to homogeneity of the network structure, immigrants frequently lack relationships with potential employers higher up the hierarchy resulting in clustering and persistent concentration around low-skilled and lowpaying jobs (Chiswick and Miller 2005;Fernandez and Fernandez-Mateo 2006). Limited English proficiency, non-transferable job skills, and low levels of education handicap advancement. ...
Preprint
This paper explores the relationship between the parish school as an agent of socialization and children of new Catholic Latino immigrants. Historically, Catholic immigrants (Irish, Polish, Italian and German) have been served by the parish school which provided a basis for household integration and economic advancement in American society. Comparative historical analysis of old and new patterns of immigration serves to demonstrate how the mediating role of the parish school has changed. Qualitative analysis contributes to a theory of institutionally generated social capital which is operationalized by measures of communitarian socialization. Using data from the Consortium of Chicago School Research, I use ordered logit regression to measure the effect of high school socialization patterns on student's pro-social outcomes. I find that contrary to national data, Catholic high schools in Chicago are enrolling higher percentages of Latinos; a majority of whom are children of immigrants. These findings are important because the parish school has a legacy of contributing to conditions necessary for children of immigrants to experience upward mobility.
... Waldinger, 1994 for Mexicans). While studies initially emphasised the isolation of minorities from the networks necessary to find employment, they gradually highlighted their propensity to find their jobs more than others through ethnic networks (Fernandez & Fernandez-Mateo, 2006) and also the effects of this "homophily" 2 in the ethnic segregation of jobs (see also Reingold, 1999 and Behtoui in this volume). ...
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This chapter presents an overview of how migrant networks have been researched and theorised. In so doing, we highlight some persistent gaps in knowledge about how migrants, and their descendants, forge networks and generate particular kinds of resources, especially in accessing the labour market and developing careers, and we explain how the chapters of this book tackle these issues. By looking not only at migrants but also at the second generation, we reflect on opportunities, but also enduring inequalities, and the ways in which networks may be mobilised to support employment strategies across different sectors and in different European countries. The chapter discusses the importance of disentangling social capital and social networks. Relatedly, we discuss the need to look beyond the ethnic lens and simple binaries of ‘bonding’ versus ‘bridging’ capital, to explore how ties to different kinds of actors, in varied social positions, may facilitate or indeed hinder career development. Referring to new empirical data and theoretically informed analysis, in the various chapters of this book, we build upon but also complicate understanding of ‘weak’ and ‘strong’ ties, not as fixed ties, but rather as a continuum of dynamic relationships that may ebb and flow over time. In the concluding section, we highlight the contribution of this book and also consider the need for further cross-fertilisation of conceptual and empirical innovations beyond migration studies to avoid a silo-effect in social network research.
... Waldinger, 1994 for Mexicans). While studies initially emphasised the isolation of minorities from the networks necessary to find employment, they gradually highlighted their propensity to find their jobs more than others through ethnic networks (Fernandez & Fernandez-Mateo, 2006) and also the effects of this "homophily" 2 in the ethnic segregation of jobs (see also Reingold, 1999 and Behtoui in this volume). ...
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Much of the work on the networks of migrants and their descendants concentrates mainly on the ethnicity of the persons in the network; however, if we are interested in the way networks reinforce ethnic inequalities or foster social mobility, other dimensions may be at least as important as the ethnic composition. In this chapter I describe how migration itself, rather than ethnic identification, shapes social networks. Even in times of electronic communication, space has effects on social relationships, for many social transactions (from child care to commensality) fundamental for maintaining social relationships are difficult or impossible at a distance. Migration is age-selective and this has effects on ties formed in the place of immigration. Labour migration has strong effects on the neighbourhoods migrant families end up in, and these in turn affect the schools their children go to and who they play with outside the home. Most migration is class-selective, forming networks more class-homogeneous in the place of immigration than in the place of departure. So a series of factors linked specifically to ‘the migration process’ have structural effects on the social networks of migrants and their descendants. In this chapter I draw on studies of internal and international migration to show that these effects are important even where citizenship is not at issue. I argue that there are, in fact, marked similarities in the networks of internal and international labour migrants, for example, in the tendency (under certain conditions) to form networks made up primarily of persons from the same place of origin. So I suggest that “the migration process” may affect migrants’ social networks as much as ethnic dynamics. And that this throws light on the social mechanisms behind the forms of inequality documented in many migration contexts. Drawing on qualitative interviews with different types of (internal and international) migrants, I show that the initial social ties used to achieve one’s transfer from one place to another (e.g. a classic migration chain, or professional contacts) have lasting effects, and that these explain some differences between the networks formed by “skilled” and “unskilled” migrants (more work-based in the former case, more kin-based in the latter). I also show how the networks formed by children of migrants are shaped by the specific conditions (net of class) of labour migration.
... Waldinger, 1994 for Mexicans). While studies initially emphasised the isolation of minorities from the networks necessary to find employment, they gradually highlighted their propensity to find their jobs more than others through ethnic networks (Fernandez & Fernandez-Mateo, 2006) and also the effects of this "homophily" 2 in the ethnic segregation of jobs (see also Reingold, 1999 and Behtoui in this volume). ...
... While co-ethnic and insider-referral networks are critical for gaining entry into the labor market among immigrants, research also shows that this advantage tend to be a disadvantage for climbing the labor hierarchy. Due to the homogeneity of the network structure, immigrants lack relationships with potential employers low-paying jobs (Elliot, 2001;Fernandez & Fernandez-Mateo, 2006). As with Irish immigrants, social mobility is a multi-generational process. ...
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Education is a bridge enabling children of low-skilled immigrants to access higher tiered professions in a segmented labor force in order to experience socio-economic gains and social mobility. Historically, Catholic immigrants (Irish, Polish, Italian and German) have been served by the parish school which provided a basis for household integration and economic advancement in American society. This paper explores the relationship between the parish school as an agent of socialization and children of new Catholic Latino immigrants. Comparative historical analysis of old and new patterns of immigration serves to demonstrate how the mediating role of the parish school has changed. Qualitative analysis contributes to a theory of institutionally generated social capital which is operationalized by measures of communitarian socialization. Using data from the Consortium of Chicago School Research, I use ordered logit regression to measure the effect of high school socialization patterns on student’s pro-social outcomes. I find that contrary to national data, Catholic high schools in Chicago are enrolling higher percentages of Latinos, a majority of whom are children of immigrants. A school climate characterized by affective support and inspirational ideology are significantly related to pro-social outcomes, while intergenerational closure is not. These findings are important because the parish school has a legacy of contributing to conditions necessary for children of immigrants to experience upward mobility.
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In this article, we develop a process model that specifies how managers come to understand and approach the evaluation of merit in the workplace. Interviews from a diverse sample of managers and from managers at a U.S. technology company, along with supplemental qualitative online review data, reveal that managers are not blank slates: we find that individuals’ understandings of merit are shaped by their (positive and negative) experiences of being evaluated as employees prior to promotion to management. Our analysis also identifies two distinct managerial approaches to applying merit when evaluating others: the focused approach, in which managers evaluate employees’ work actions quantitatively at the individual level; and the diffuse approach in which managers assess both employees’ work actions and personal qualities, quantitatively and qualitatively, at both the individual and team levels. We further find that, as a result of their different past experiences as subjects of evaluation, individuals who experience mostly negative evaluation outcomes as employees are more likely to adopt a focused approach to evaluating merit, whereas individuals who experience mostly positive evaluation outcomes are more likely to adopt a diffuse approach. Our study contributes to the scholarship on meritocracy and workplace inequality by showing that merit is not an abstract concept but a guiding principle that is produced and reproduced over time based on individuals’ evaluation experiences in the workplace.
Article
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Article
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine new directions for diversity scholarship in the context of future of work or advanced technological shifts that are impacting organizations and society. It proposes that both new opportunities and challenges are likely to emerge for individuals and offers considerations around ethics, inequalities and global dimensions as relevant conversations within this domain. Design/methodology/approach The paper provides an overview of new technological advances in the domains of artificial intelligence, automation and the gig economy. It then layers considerations related to diversity within this context, focusing on issues of relevance to mainstream, critical and transnational traditions within diversity scholarship. Findings It is likely that technological shifts will impact several domains of diversity scholarship including how we define “diversity,” and the value and appropriateness of using advanced technologies to replace certain jobs that are predominantly held by underrepresented groups. Furthermore, the paper outlines ways in which bias, ethical considerations and emergent digital inequalities will become important conversations within diversity research in the context of future of work. Originality/value This paper brings together diversity scholarship and future of work conversations in assessing the ways such research and trends will intersect and provides insights about future directions that diversity-focused research should take to address and understand the consequences of rapid technological advances for inclusion.
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Sosiaalisten verkostojen kautta tapahtuvaa epämuodollista rekrytointia on tyypillisesti pidetty kustannustehokkaana tapana rekrytoida henkilöstöä. Tämä tutkimus pyrkii lisäämään ymmärrystämme sosiaalisten verkostojen hyödyistä rekrytoinnissa. Tutkittavaa ilmiötä tarkastellaan suomalaisen rakennusalan kontekstissa. Ensisijainen huomio on kiinnitetty työnantajien muodostamiin sosiaalisiin verkostoihin. Tutkimusasetelma muodostuu kahdesta tutkimuskysymyksestä. Ensimmäisenä tutkimuskysymyksenä tarkastellaan, kuinka rakennusalan rekrytoijat suhtautuvat sosiaalisten verkostojen kautta tapahtuvaan epämuodolliseen rekrytointiin. Toisena tutkimuskysymyksenä tarkastellaan, miten ja miksi sosiaalisia verkostoja hyödynnetään käytännön rekrytointityössä. Tutkimus toteutetaan laadullisesti painotettuna monimenetelmätutkimuksena. Ensisijaisena aineistona analysoidaan kahdeltatoista rakennusalan rekrytoijalta kerättyä teemahaastatteluaineistoa. Ensisijaisen aineiston lisäksi tutkimuksessa analysoidaan täydentävää, määrällisiä ja laadullisia elementtejä sisältävää survey-kyselyaineistoa. Aineiston ja teorian suhde on tutkimuksessa perusteltu Layderin adaptiivista lähestymistapaa soveltaen. Laadullisen aineiston analyysi toteutetaan grounded theory-metodologiaa hyödyntämällä. Määrällisen aineiston analyysi toteutetaan tilastollisilla analyysimenetelmillä. Analyysin pohjalta voidaan todeta, että rakennusalan rekrytoijat kokevat sosiaalisten verkostojen kautta vastaanotetun informaation luotettavaksi ja kustannustehokkaaksi. Sosiaalisten verkostojen kautta on mahdollista vastaanottaa sellaista rekrytointia tukevaa informaatiota, jota muilla rekrytointimenetelmillä ei ole välttämättä mahdollista saada. Rekrytointia tukevaa informaatiota vastaanotetaan tyypillisimmin omalta henkilöstöltä, toiseksi eniten yhteistyökumppaneilta. Määrällisen aineiston analyysi osoittaa, että eri kokoiset yritykset hyödyntävät sosiaalisia verkostojaan eriävin tavoin. Pienet ja keskisuuret yritykset hyödyntävät sosiaalisia verkostoja rekrytoinnissaan monipuolisemmin. Suurissa yrityksissä sosiaalisten verkostojen aktivointiin tähtäävän vinkkipalkkiojärjestelmän käyttäminen on pk-yrityksiä yleisempää. Tulokset antoivat näyttöä siitä, että sosiaalisten verkostojen aktivointiin käytetyt toimet voivat edesauttaa rekrytoijaa hyödyntämään sosiaalisissa verkostoissa vallitsevaa informaatiohyötyä. Ensisijaisten tutkimuskysymysten ohessa huomattiin, että rakennusalan työnantajien muodostamissa sosiaalisissa verkostoissa vallitsee sosiaalisin sanktioin vahvistettuja normatiivisia käsityksiä toivottavasta ja ei-toivottavasta rekrytointitoiminnasta. Tulosten tulkinta sosiaalisen pääoman teorian valossa osoittaa, että työnantajien sosiaalisissa verkostoissa vallitsee jaettua sosiaalista pääomaa.
Article
This paper provides a comprehensive quantitative assessment of the employment performance of first- and second-generation immigrants in Belgium compared to that of natives. Using detailed quarterly data for the period 2008–2014, we find not only that first-generation immigrants face a substantial employment penalty (up to − 30% points) vis-à-vis their native counterparts, but also that their descendants continue to face serious difficulties in accessing the labour market. For descendants of two non-EU-born immigrants the social elevator appears to be broken. Indeed, estimates suggest that their employment performance is no better than that of their parents (whose penalty averages 19% points). Immigrant women are also particularly affected. While they are all found to face a double penalty because of their gender and origin, for women originating from outside the EU the penalty is generally even more severe. Among the key drivers of access to employment, we find: (1) education (especially for second-generation immigrants from non-EU countries), and (2) proficiency in the host country language, citizenship acquisition, and (to a lesser extent) duration of residence for first-generation immigrants. Finally, estimates suggest that around a decade is needed for the employment gap between refugees and other foreign-born workers to be (largely) suppressed.
Article
Project-based and short-term employment is widespread in the contemporary labor market, yet existing theories of social capital often rely on an organizationally bound model of work and careers. In this paper, we expand this perspective by examining the case of precarious employment in a creative industry to ask, what kinds of social ties promote or constrain workers’ opportunities? We examine networks among fashion models, a case of project-based freelance labor. Using ethnographic accounts of fashion shows and castings, as well as a unique longitudinal dataset of careers and networks in fashion modeling, we develop the notion of “transitory ties” to account for the short-term, fleeting, and highly valuable social relations that models form recurrently on jobs. We adopt a network ecology perspective on transitory ties by showing how contextual factors drive their formation, and ultimately broader network structures that have tremendous consequences for models’ careers.
Chapter
Using data from the Trajectories and Origins survey (TeO), this chapter investigates the role of networks in access to employment of descendants of immigrants in France. I compare the recruitment channels and the type of networks used by various origin groups and the majority population. And I analyse the determinants of obtaining a job through family ties or personal networks, disentangling the effects of origin from other individual characteristics, and the nature of the job obtained. I show that the use of networks – and the kind of networks - to get jobs varies by origin groups and by gender. Within-group differences exist also according to education, family background and place of residence, as well as by sector of employment. Controlling for similar characteristics, family ties play help descendants of migrants from Turkey to get a job, and to a lesser extent, descendants from Portugal. This helps explain ethnic segregation and the quality of the jobs of these groups. Descendants of migrants from Sub-Saharan Africa and from North Africa were less likely to obtain less their job through networks. This is especially true for women, who compensate by using more formal methods. These groups would need stronger networks or intermediaries to provide trusted information to employers and reduce discrimination and racism. This chapter thus contributes to a better understanding of the inequalities faced by various origin groups in the French labour market.
Article
Universities and colleges often engage in initiatives aimed at enrolling students from diverse demographic groups. Although substantial research has explored the impact of such diversity initiatives, less understood is the extent to which certain application strategies may continue to favor historically privileged groups, especially white men, as they seek admission to selective programs. With this study, I begin to address this gap by investigating the gender and racial implications of application endorsements—a common, often informal, network practice of signaling support for certain applicants that is shown to significantly boost an applicant’s chances of admission. Using unique data on the applicants and matriculants to a full-time MBA program at one elite U.S. business school, I first assess whether the endorsement advantage differs across demographic groups. Building on the social networks, selection, and inequality literatures, I then identify and test three key theoretical mechanisms by which the endorsement process may potentially benefit white men more than women and racial minorities. Although I do not find evidence in the studied program that the application endorsement is valued differently by key admissions officers or that it provides a different quality signal depending on the applicant’s gender or race, I do find that white men are significantly more likely than women and minorities to receive application endorsements. I conclude by discussing the implications of this study for understanding how gender and racial differences in accessing advantageous (often informal) network processes may undermine organizational efforts to achieve demographic equality and diversity.
Article
This paper studies whether women and men cope with job loss differently. Using 2006-2017 Dutch administrative monthly microdata and a quasi-experimental empirical design involving job displacement because of firm bankruptcy, we find that displaced women are more likely than displaced men to find a flexible job with limited working hours and short commutes. Relative to displaced men, displaced women tend to acquire a job with an 8 percentage points larger loss in working hours and an 8 percentage points smaller increase in commuting. However, displaced women experience longer unemployment durations and comparable hourly wage losses. Job loss thus widens gender gaps in employment, working hours and commuting distance. Further, results point out that displaced expectant mothers experience relatively high losses in employment and working hours, amplifying child penalty effects. The findings show that firm bankruptcy for expectant mothers widens gender gaps in employment and working hours.
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Social networks are ubiquitous. The science of networks has shaped how researchers and society understand the spread of disease, the precursors of loneliness, the rise of protest movements, the causes of social inequality, the influence of social media, and much more. Egocentric analysis conceives of each individual, or ego, as embedded in a personal network of alters, a community partially of their creation and nearly unique to them, whose composition and structure have consequences. This volume is dedicated to understanding the history, present, and future of egocentric social network analysis. The text brings together the most important, classic articles foundational to the field with new perspectives to form a comprehensive volume ideal for courses in network analysis. The collection examines where the field of egocentric research has been, what it has uncovered, and where it is headed.
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This paper examines the CEO compensation gap between gender and the female CEOs’ risk preference for incentive. Previous studies argue that women in upper positions receive lower compensation and incentive than men due to their risk-averse tendency. Meanwhile, the literature suggests no significant difference in the CEO compensation gap between gender. Recently, the proportion of female CEOs has been increased significantly. Therefore, female CEOs' compensation levels may increase because of the demand for them. This study examines whether female CEOs significantly receive higher compensation than men. This study divided the sample into several periods to examine the significance level of CEO pay between gender. When investigating the differences in CEO compensation between genders by setting a period similar to the previous study, this study cannot find a significant difference in CEO pay between gender. However, when expanding the sample to the recent period, I confirm that female CEO receive significantly higher compensation than men. This finding suggests that CEO compensation gap between gender have become more significant in recent years. Moreover, this research demonstrates that female CEOs receive higher incentives than men and do not show risk-averse tendencies regarding incentive pay. It contradicts previous studies that women receive lower rewards because of their risk aversion tendency. This study contributes to alleviating the perception that women's risk-averse tendencies make them incompetent and receive lower compensation than men.
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This chapter develops the book’s theoretical framework and methodological approach, initially identified here in two interrelated ways. First, it engages with both UK and International academic literature around the notion of ‘failed spaces of multiculturalism’ within the overall thesis of multiculturalist crises. This comparative discussion engages both with accounts of ethnically determined segregation, but also with the pessimistic readings of Putnam’s (Scandinavian Political Studies, 30, 137–174, 2007) troubling finding around the decline of social trust as ethnic diversity increases, particularly in the face of economic decline (Schaeffer, Ethnic Diversity and Social Cohesion: Immigration, Ethnic Fractionalisation and Potentials for Civic Action. Farnham: Ashgate, 2014).
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The segregation of labor markets along ethnic and gender lines is socially highly consequential, and the social science literature has long viewed homophily and network-based job recruitments as some of its most crucial drivers. Here, we focus on a previously unidentified mechanism, the Trojan-horse mechanism, which, in contradiction to the main tenet of previous research, suggests that network-based recruitment reduce rather than increase segregation levels. We identify the conditions under which networks are desegregating, and using unique data on all individuals and all workplaces located in the Stockholm region during the years 2000–2017, we find strong empirical evidence for the Trojan-horse mechanism and its role in the gender segregation of labor markets.
Article
We apply intersectional frameworks and use a nationally representative dataset to investigate patterns of differential access to social capital among six racial and gender groups. We define social capital as resources controlled by individuals’ social contacts. Individuals can mobilize those contacts to facilitate their actions. We characterize one’s access to social capital with three indicators: the average occupational prestige score of individuals’ social contacts (average), the highest occupation reached among individuals’ contacts (reach), and the number of positions accessed (network diversity). Concerning the average score of one’s social contacts, our findings support the double jeopardy approach, with a simple hierarchy of gender and race/ethnicity: all men have a higher average score than their women counterparts. However, although white men have the highest average score in their social contacts, black women have the highest reach and highest network diversity, net of effects from mediating controls. We discuss implications of our research for future studies of social capital, on the one hand, and intersectionality, especially as it relates to the notions of black male and Latino male vulnerability, on the other.
Article
Women tend to be segregated into different subspecialties than men within male-dominated occupations, but the mechanisms contributing to such intra-occupational gender segregation remain obscure. In this study, I use data from an online recruiting platform and a survey to examine the hiring mechanisms leading to gender segregation within software engineering and development. I find that women are much more prevalent among workers hired in software quality assurance than in other software subspecialties. Importantly, jobs in software quality assurance are lower-paying and perceived as lower status than jobs in other software subspecialties. In examining the origins of this pattern, I find that it stems largely from women being more likely than men to apply for jobs in software quality assurance. Further, such gender differences in job applications are attenuated among candidates with stronger educational credentials, consistent with the idea that relevant accomplishments help mitigate gender differences in self-assessments of competence and belonging in these fields. Demand-side selection processes further contribute to gender segregation, as employers penalize candidates with quality assurance backgrounds, a subspecialty where women are overrepresented, when they apply for jobs in other, higher-status software subspecialties.
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The question of agency has been neglected in social network research, in part because the structural approach to social relations removes consideration of individual volition and action. But recent emphasis on purposive individuals has reignited interest in agency across a range of social network research topics. Our paper provides a brief history of social network agency and an emergent framework based on a thorough review of research published since 2004. This organizing framework distinguishes between an ontology of dualism (actors and social relations as separate domains) and an ontology of duality (actors and social relations as a mutually constituted) at both the individual level and at the social network level. The resulting four perspectives on network agency comprise individual advantage, embeddedness, micro-foundations, and structuration. In conclusion, we address current debates and future directions relating to sources of action and the locus of identity.
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Sociologists commonly point to jobseekers' racially segregated networks and employers' discriminatory behavior to explain racial inequality in employment. Network scholars argue that, given segregated networks and black and white employees' unequal position in the labor market, employers' reliance on employee referrals reproduces black disadvantage. Scholars of discrimination focus instead on employers' unequal treatment of equally qualified black and white jobseekers. Drawing on an original experiment with a sample of white individuals with hiring responsibilities, I seek to bridge these literatures by examining whether respondents' racial prejudice affects how they reward employee referrals of black and white applicants from black and white employees. I use a measure of implicit prejudice that is resistant to social desirability and that can capture biases among people who genuinely believe they are unbiased. Whether evaluated by low-prejudiced or highprejudiced respondents, white applicants benefit greatly from same-race referrals. In contrast, black applicants do not benefit from same-race referrals, even when they are evaluated by low-prejudiced respondents. In fact, black applicants only benefit from having a referral when two conditions are met: the referring employee is white and they are evaluated by a relatively low-prejudiced respondent. These findings suggest that in addition to their disadvantage in access to employee referrals, black jobseekers suffer from a disadvantage in returns to these referrals. © The Author(s) 2018. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. All rights reserved.
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Despite the immigrant character of Latino groups in the United States, little attention has been given to the role of social networks in the job-search process and in labor market outcomes for Latinos. The literature on social networks describes their use as important in providing access to jobs but neutral as to affecting earnings or attainment of prestige. This study uses data from a 1988-1989 Boston survey to examine the effect of finding employment through social networks on the income attainment of white, black, and Latino workers. Job seekers in all groups rely on such networks, but Latinos exhibit the highest rate of usage, which ranges across all occupations and industry sectors. While it has no effect on the level of earnings for whites or blacks, Latinos' network usage is associated with a negative effect on earnings. Controlling for other factors results in the decline of this negative effect; although small, it remains significant and negative. Improved data sources are needed to clarify the effect of networks on the labor-market position of Latinos.
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This study focuses on the impact of sex, race, and social networks, to analyze the hiring process in a midsized high-technology organization, using information on all 35,229 applicants in a 10-year period (1985-94). For gender, the process is entirely meritocratic: age and education account for all sex differences. But even without taking into account the two meritocratic variables, there are small if no differences between men and women at all stages in the hiring process. For ethnic minorities, the process is partly meritocratic but partly reliant upon social networks. Once referral method is taken into account, all race effects disappear. In hiring, ethnic minorities are thus disadvantaged in the processes that take place before the organization is contacted. They lack access to or utilize less well the social networks that lead to high success in getting hired.
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This paper investigates the link between social networks and the ability to find a job through a personal contact among adult inner-city residents. Using data collected by the National Opinion Research Center that interviewed 2490 adult inner-city residents, the impact of network structure and composition on finding a job through word-of-mouth is estimated. Ethnic differences in the rate of finding jobs through word-of-mouth were found, as well as interesting ethnic and racial differences in the way social networks operate to connect job-seekers and job vacancies. Overall, the findings suggest that social networks account for some of the employment problems that many inner-city residents face.
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This chapter reviews scholarship on how the matching of people to jobs is influenced by networks of interpersonal ties. By all accounts, that role is substantial on both the individual’s side and the employer’s side of the labor market. The mediation of job change and recruitment/selection processes by networks illustrates the embeddedness of labor market processes in ongoing structures of social relations (Granovetter 1985) with special clarity.
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While research on ethnic enclaves has shown that workers employed in the enclave appear to enjoy at least some of the advantages associated with the primary sector, this "enclave effect" has not been adequately explained. In contrast to existing explanations that conceptualize the enclave as a special case of the primary sector, we emphasize the distinctive characteristics of ethnic economies, and explain the "enclave effect" using a single, consistent account of recruitment and skill acquisition processes in primary, secondary, and enclave labor markets. Unlike other sectors of the economy, the ethnic enclave is characterized by an external, informal training system that shapes the employment relationship and increases the availability and quality of information for workers and employers. We apply the concept to a case study of the New York garment industry.
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Recent research on job matching has demonstrated the significance of personal contacts in linking workers to jobs. Few studies, however, have examined how these dynamics vary by class position. I investigate this issue, focusing on nonsearches in addition to formal and informal job matching. Methods. Data are drawn from the Multi-City Survey of Urban Inequality, which is based on a random sample of households in Atlanta, Boston, and Los Angeles. Results. Statistical analyses show that job matching varies significantly by class position, with managers more likely to be matched through nonsearches, skilled labor through formal channels, and general labor through personal intermediaries. The analyses also show that differences in racial composition among classes cannot fully explain this variation nor its effects on hourly wages. Conclusions. These findings suggest that class position plays a key role in shaping contemporary job matching and merits more detailed attention in future research.
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Recent research suggests that racial and poverty concentrations in urban neighborhoods inè uence how minorities look for and é nd jobs. In this study, we use data from the Multi-City Survey of Urban Inequality to examine this hypothesis, focusing on the use and return to various modes of job matching among blacks and Lat- inos in different residential contexts. Results show that while Latinos are generally more likely than blacks to acquire jobs through personal contacts, this racial difference shrinks considerably in very poor, coethnic neigh- borhoods (i.e., ghettos and barrios). However, results also indicate that within these respective neighborhood con- texts, Latinos are signié cantly more likely than blacks to use neighbors and eventual coworkers to acquire jobs; whereas blacks are more likely to use residential and organizational " outsiders." We speculate that this qualita- tive difference in the type of contacts used in barrios, as opposed to ghettos, affects the extent to which individual success with informal job matching contributes to the development of a collective resource that can be used by other job seekers in the neighborhood.
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We study how the social capital and closure properties of family- and ethnic-based social networks influence the incorporation of immigrants into their host society. In so doing, we examine the relationship between immigrants' reliance on social ties and their employment. Data collected through ethnographic depth interviews of Asian immigrants in Los Angeles indicate that reliance on social ties usually operates informally, as when job seekers consult their more experienced and better-connected friends, relatives, and acquaintances and ask them to serve as intermediaries. These networks provide group-based resources that assist immigrants in making headway in their new society. Yet reliance on social ties is most common for moves into jobs of low occupational prestige that have low human capital requirements. Because of linguistic and cultural competence, immigrants who seek jobs from coethnic employers are often more self-reliant in the job search than those who seek work more broadly. In this way, ethnolinguistic closure encourages ethnic segmentation in the labor market. By contrast, reliance on social ties, another form of closure, facilitates job hunting in the wider domain of the labor market, where prospective employers may be of any ethnicity. Reliance on social ties thereby provides a mechanism by which immigrants gain employment throughout the multiethnic metropolitan labor market.
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Sociologists’ principal contribution to our understanding of ascriptive inequality has been to document race and sex disparities. We have made little headway, however, in explaining these disparities because most research has sought to explain variation across ascriptive groups in more or less desirable outcomes in terms of allocators’ motives. This approach has been inconclusive because motive-based theories cannot be empirically tested. Our reliance on individual-level data and the balkanization of research on ascriptive inequality into separate specialties for groups defined by different ascriptive characteristics have contributed to our explanatory stalemate. Explanation requires including mechanisms in our models-the specific processes that link groups’ ascribed characteristics to variable outcomes such as earnings. I discuss mechanisms that contribute to variation in ascriptive inequality at four levels of analysis—intrapsychic, interpersonal, societal, and organizational. Redirecting our attention from motives to mechanisms is essential for understanding inequality and—equally important—for contributing meaningfully to social policies that will promote social equality.
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The evidence on discrimination produced from the audit method is examined. Audits survey the average firm and not the marginal firm which determines the level of market discrimination. Taken on its own terms, there is little evidence of labor market discrimination from audit methods. The validity of audit methods is critically dependent on unverified assumptions about equality across race/gender groups of the distributions of unobserved (by audit designers) productivity components acted on by firms and about the way labor markets work. Audits can find discrimination when none exists and can disguise it when it does. Copyright 1998 by American Economic Association.
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In one of the most comprehensive treatments of Salvadoran immigration to date, Cecilia Menjivar gives a vivid and detailed account of the inner workings of the networks by which immigrants leave their homes in Central America to start new lives in the Mission District of San Francisco. Menjivar traces crucial aspects of the immigrant experience, from reasons for leaving El Salvador, to the long and perilous journey through Mexico, to the difficulty of finding work, housing, and daily necessities in San Francisco. Fragmented Ties argues that hostile immigration policies, shrinking economic opportunities, and a resource-poor community make assistance conditional and uneven, deflating expectations both on the part of the new immigrants and the relatives who preceded them. In contrast to most studies of immigrant life that identify networks as viable sources of assistance, this one focuses on a case in which poverty makes it difficult for immigrants to accumulate enough resources to help each other. Menjivar also examines how class, gender, and age affect immigrants' access to social networks and scarce community resources. The immigrants' voices are stirring and distinctive: they describe the dangers they face both during the journey and once they arrive, and bring to life the disappointments and joys that they experience in their daily struggle to survive in their adopted community.
Article
Sociologists' principal contribution to our understanding of ascriptive inequality has been to document race and sex disparities. We have made little headway, however, in explaining these disparities because most research has sought to explain variation across ascriptive groups in more or less desirable outcomes in terms of allocators' motives. This approach has been inconclusive because motive-based theories cannot be empirically tested. Our reliance on individual-level data and the balkanization of research on ascriptive inequality into separate specialties for groups defined by different ascriptive characteristics have contributed to our explanatory stalemate. Explanation requires including mechanisms in our models-the specific processes that link groups' ascribed characteristics to variable outcomes such as earnings. I discuss mechanisms that contribute to variation in ascriptive inequality at four levels of analysis-intrapsychic, interpersonal, societal, and organizational. Redirecting our attention from motives to mechanisms is essential for understanding inequality and-equally important-for contributing meaningfully to social policies that will promote social equality.
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Does social capital affect labor market outcomes? The prevalent use of job contacts to find work suggests that "who you know" is an important means of getting a good job. Network theories of social capital argue that well-connected workers benefit because of the job information and influence they receive through their social ties. Although a number of studies have found a positive relationship between measures of social capital and wages and/or occupational prestige, little is known about the causal effect of social networks on labor market outcomes. Four data sets are used to reassess findings on the role of social capital in the labor market. A test of causality is proposed based on the argument that if social capital variables do have a causal effect on job outcomes, then workers with high levels of social capital should be more likely to use contacts to find work, all else being equal. Results suggest that much of the effect of social capital in the existing literature reflects the tendency for similar people to become friends rather than a causal effect of friends' characteristics on labor market outcomes.
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Family networks find their members jobs, and support them in chain migrations; Margaret Grieco argues that, contrary to orthodox thinking, social networks continue to be of the highest importance in job search in contemporary industrial society.
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This essay tests key components of the mismatch hypothesis with a sample of inner-city men that includes four ethnic or racial groupings - whites. Blacks, Puerto Ricans, and Mexican immigrants. The findings provide limited support to mismatch. Key components of mismatch, such as human capital attributes and access to automobile commuting, do appear to influence employment likelihoods among native disadvantaged minorities, but have little effect on immigrants. The latter consistently exhibit high employment rates. The interpretation offered rests on two factors. First, the data support the idea that immigrants' social networks largely underlie their impressive work records. In addition, the data provide limited support to the explanation, strongly indicated in the literature, that immigrants are favored by employers for their exploitability and that such preferences are expressed via hiring techniques that utilize the immigrants' social networks.
Article
Much of the recent literature on poverty assumes that the social and spatial isolation of impoverished inner city neighborhoods contributes to the poor job prospects of their residents. In this case study we examine a neighborhood, the Red Hook section of Brooklyn, New York, in which there is a concentration of poor people living in close proximity to blue-collar jobs. However, few local residents hold local jobs in the private sector. A survey of local employers revealed that most Red Hook jobs were filled via social networks that exclude local residents. Local residents, particularly African Americans, often lacked the serial capital - connections and references - needed to obtain these jobs. Further, many local employers considered Red Hook residents undesirable employees for a variety of reasons including ''place discrimination'' as well as racial discrimination. By contrast, public sector employers often preferred local residents, although their ability to hire them was limited by formal educational requirements. These findings lead us to question the efficacy of policies, such as ''empowerment zones,'' that assume that bringing jobs closer to where poor people live will necessarily improve their employment opportunities.
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This article explores the ways employers' hiring strategies affect the employment chances of inner-city blacks, using a recent survey of 185 Chicago-area firms. The authors find that employers commonly direct recruitment efforts to white neighborhoods and avoid recruitment sources that bring them a disproportionately inner-city black labor force; when they do draw applicants from poor black neighborhoods, they tend to use labor market intermediaries to recruit workers. There is also evidence that inner-city blacks often do poorly in job interviews in part because they lack the work experience that is so often a focal point of the interview, and in part because of race and class related differences in culture. Finally, there is preliminary evidence that skills testing is associated with higher proportions of black workers in entry-level jobs, suggesting that more objective means of screening prospective employees provide less latitude for racial bias. Racial bias appears to occur as employers search for productive workers and could be reduced by developing more effective ways for job applicants to demonstrate their skills.
Article
From a social capital theoretical perspective, deficiencies in access to mainstream ties and institutions explain persistent joblessness among the black urban poor. Little problematized, however, is the extent to which access leads to mobilization and the social context within which social capital activation occurs. Employing in- depth interviews of 105 low-income African-Americans, this work advances the literature in two ways. First, it suggests that what we have come to view as deficiencies in access among the black urban poor may have more to do with functional deficiencies of their job referral networks. Second, the findings from this study lay the groundwork for a single, multilevel conceptual framework within which to understand social capital activation, a framework that takes into consideration properties of the individuals, dyads, and communities of residence.
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With over 2 million individuals currently incarcerated, and over half a million prisoners released each year, the large and growing number of men being processed through the criminal justice system raises important questions about the consequences of this massive institutional intervention. This article focuses on the consequences of incarceration for the employment outcomes of black and white job seekers. The present study adopts an experimental audit approach-in which matched pairs of individuals applied for real entry-level jobs-to formally test the degree to which a criminal record affects subsequent employment opportunities. The findings of this study reveal an important, and much underrecognized, mechanism of stratification. A criminal record presents a major barrier to employment, with important implications for racial disparities.
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This article argues that a common organizational practice - the hiring of new workers via employee referrals - provides key insights into the nation of social capital. Employers who use such hiring methods are quintessential "social capitalists," viewing workers' social connections as resources in which they can invest in order to gain economic returns in the form of better hiring outcomes. Identified are three ways through which such returns might be realized: the "richer pool," the "better match," and the "social enrichment" mechanisms. Using unique company data on the dollar costs of screening, hiring, and training, this article finds that the firm's investment in the social capital of its employees yields significant economic returns.
Article
Using unique data from a large retail bank, we investigate the theoretical mechanisms by which preexisting social ties affect the hiring process. By focusing on a single, large employer, we are able to identify the recruitment practices and hiring criteria used during screening for entry-level positions. This method allows us to assemble data for the pool of candidates at multiple phases of the hiring process and to conduct empirical tests of the various roles that personal contacts might play at each stage. Because we are able to treat hiring as a process, rather than as an event, we can also consider the possible selection biases introduced by the multistage screening process. More specifically, we study how employee referral (i.e., being recommended by a current bank employee) affects an applicant's success at multiple stages of the recruitment process, and we examine the cumulative effects of referral status on the chance of being offered a job. Results of probit models indicate that, controlling for other factors, referrals have advantages at both the interview and job-offer stages compared to external nonreferral applicants. Consistent with theoretical arguments that referrals are prescreened by current employees, our results show that referral applicants present more appropriate résumés than do nonreferral applicants. Referral applicants also are more likely than nonreferrals to apply when market conditions are more favorable. Nevertheless, résumé quality and application timing cannot explain referrals' advantage at the interview and hire phases. We discuss the theoretical implications of these findings.
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This note explores the generalizability of the conventional belief that jobs found through weak social ties and through work-related social ties provide higher incomes than jobs found through other means. Data are analyzed from a sample which is representative of a complete cross-section of a large metropolitan labor market. The results show that zero-order relationships generalize in most instances to broadly defined populations. However, the effectiveness of weakly-tied and work-related informal contacts becomes greatly diminished when controls are added for measures of worker productivity characteristics.
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Understanding the mechanisms driving gender segregation has become a key focus in research on gender and labor markets. While the literature often invokes gender-sorting mechanisms that operate prehire, the data used to study these processes are usually collected on posthire populations. This article examines the workings of prehire mechanisms determining job sex segregation. Analyzing unique data on the recruitment and hiring process for customer service representatives at a telephone service center, all of the factors examined - preapplication choices, gender homophilous networks, and screeners’ choices - play significant roles in the gender segregation of this job. The analyses also show that making inferences about prehire processes on the basis of posthire data can be misleading. The authors conclude by discussing the theoretical and methodological implications of these findings.
Article
Research on organizations and labor markets has rekindled interest in the role of insider referrals in matching workers to jobs, emphasizing the contribution this process makes to the reproduction of ethnic segregation in local labor markets. My objective in this study was to provide a systematic examination of ethnic/immigrant variation in these processes using unique data from the Multi-City Study of Urban Inequality. Three key findings emerged. First, evidence showed that insider referrals account for nearly all ethnic/immigrant variation in informal job matching. Second, Latinos, especially newly arrived immigrants, are more likely than native-born Whites to enter jobs through insider referrals. Third, the correlation between insider referrals and ethnically homogeneous jobs is positive and significant only for native-born Blacks. These findings support the proposition that insider referrals are critical for understanding immigrant employment opportunities but also imply that Blacks are uniquely reliant on insider referrals to enter and thus sustain ethnically homogeneous jobs.
Article
Race matters in today's inner-city job market. Small business owners in predominantly Black neighborhoods prefer hiring Blacks for reasons that have nothing to do with Title VII or government pressure for affirmative action. Instead, these entrepreneurs hire Blacks because of their perceived use as cultural brokers in dealing with a Black clientele. Based on 75 in-depth merchant interviews from five predominantly Black neighborhoods in New York City and Philadelphia, the author finds race-based hiring does not necessarily mean that African Americans will benefit. Black is an overinclusive category that carries both racial and ethnic meanings, and consequently, although firms may hire Blacks, these small business owners prefer hiring immigrants over native-born Americans, including Black immigrants. Affirmative action for Blacks and entrepreneurs' preferences for Blacks as cultural brokers may involve race-conscious hiring, yet both can work to miss or exclude African Americans.
Article
The literature on job networks predicts that employees referred through networks would be better matched and mentored and thus would have lower turnover. However, existing research on this question has neglected the ways in which network effects are contingent upon firm organization. Using the personnel records of a large retail bank, we examine the relationship between network recruitment and turnover among new employees. There was no significant difference between network referrals and non-referrals, but referrals eligible for the employee referral program did have lower turnover. These results are explicable in light of the bank’s organization.
Article
A common claim in the economic, geographic, and sociological literatures on labor markets is that space “matters” for labor market outcomes. We review three distinct literatures that take the relationship between labor markets and geographic space as a central concern, in particular: (a) the research on race and spatial mismatch; (b) the literature on gender, space, and labor markets; and (c) the research on the spatial agglomeration of employers and its relationship to workers' careers and economic growth. Our goal in this review is to shed light on the key mechanisms by which spatial factors might work in the context of the labor market. Despite taking contrasting positions—for some of these discussions, the emphasis is on space as a constraining factor, whereas for others space is primarily a facilitator of labor market transactions—the issue of social networks emerges as an important theoretical thread across all these literatures. We conclude by considering the implications of this mechanism and sugg...
Article
Although economic theory and employers blame youths' labor market problems on skill and work habit deficiencies, hiring employers do not use information related to these attributes. To explore this discrepancy, the authors interviewed a sample of 51 employers about the information they use in hiring entry-level workers. They found that employers have much available information but mistrust information from most sources. This mistrust explains their strong emphasis on impressions in interviews, a method that has been shown to give invalid (and biased) results, which often results in their selecting unproductive workers. The authors also found that some employers overcome the problem of mistrusted information in two ways: using information from their own workers and from long-term social networks. Although economic theory assumes that labor markets respond to all sources of information, these results suggest that employers use only information received in a social context that ensures its trustworthiness.
Article
For a class of social actions such as seeking a job, the socioeconomic standings of the contact (social resources) an individual uses will probably be very important in achieving a desired result. Drawing upon data from a sample of working males aged 21-64 in the metropolitan area of Albany-Troy-Schenectady, New York, we found that the job seeker's personal resources (initially his family background, but more importantly later his educational and occupational achievements) as well as his use of weak ties affect his ability to reach a contact of high status. The contact's status, in turn, has a strong and direct effect on the prestige of the attained job. As job experience increases, a person relies more on constructed rather than ascribed relations and the strong tie between his contact and the hiring firm becomes increasingly important.
Article
Examined whether racial and ethnic groups vary in their job-search strategies, and whether the effects of job-search strategies vary for racial and ethnic groups. Data are drawn from the Multi-City Study of Urban Inequality, which includes a random sample of households in Atlanta, Boston, and Los Angeles. Results show that Hispanics rely much more heavily on informal search strategies than do other racial and ethnic groups, and that use of such informal strategies leads to lower-paying jobs. Relying on a friend or relative to locate a job is especially detrimental for Hispanics, and using a multiplex tie (i.e., a person who is a friend or relative, a coworker, and a neighbor) leads to lower-paying jobs for Blacks and higher-paying jobs for Whites. These findings suggest that a better understanding of racial and ethnic differences in search strategy results may require a more detailed examination of racial and ethnic differences in the kinds of jobs produced by informal searches and the types of employers who are more likely to use word-of-mouth recruitments. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
We study effects of job contacts on wages in inner-city Boston in 1989 and in the 1982 NLSY. Race/Hispanicity differences in wages are not explained by an absence of contacts among minority youths. Rather, in the Boston data, lower wages of black youths are explained by lower “returns” to their contacts. In the NLSY there is little evidence of lower return to black youths' contacts, but there is evidence of lower returns to Hispanic youths' contacts.
Article
This study investigated both an applicant pool and its resulting class of new hires in an attempt to clarify a number of empirical questions concerning recruiting source effectiveness. A pre-established database of applicants and hires for the job of life insurance agent in a large insurance company was analyzed for recruiting activity. Differences in applicant quality and new hire survival were found in favor of the informal recruiting sources. A second measure of hire success, new business commission credits, failed to show differences across recruiting sources. The informal recruiting sources yielded significantly higher selection ratios than did formal sources for all groups. Examination of recruiting source use showed significant group differences, with females and blacks using the formal recruiting sources more frequently than males, non-minorities, and Hispanics. While the informal recruiting sources yielded higher quality applicants and more successful hires for all groups, this research cautions that the implementation of revised recruiting policies must be carefully monitored for adverse effects on protected groups.
Article
This study examines the influence of neighborhood poverty and social networks on labor market experiences of less-educated urban job seekers. Data come from the Multi-City Survey of Urban Inequality and the 1990 decennial census. Results indicate that relatively small differences in job search strategies among residents of high- and low-poverty neighborhoods are magnified in the hiring process and that supply- and demand-side factors have qualitatively different effects on earnings within these residential contexts. These results refine our understanding of social isolation by clarifying the points at which “neighborhood effects” manifest themselves in the job-matching process and suggest that social isolation is often accompanied by labor market insulation characterized by an increasing reliance upon neighbors and personal contacts for securing formal employment.
Opportunities Denied, Opportunities Diminished: Racial Discrimination in Hiring
  • Turner Margery
  • Austin Michael Fix
  • Struyk Raymond
Turner, Margery Austin, Michael Fix, and Raymond J. Struyk. 1991. Opportunities Denied, Opportunities Diminished: Racial Discrimination in Hiring. Urban Institute Report 91-9.
Racial Differences in Labor Force Participation and Long-Term Joblessness among Less Educated Men
  • Michael I Lichter
  • L Melvin
  • Oliver
Lichter, Michael I. and Melvin L. Oliver. 2000. " Racial Differences in Labor Force Participation and Long-Term Joblessness among Less Educated Men. " Pp. 220–248 in Prismatic Metropolis: Race, Segregation, and the Dynamics of Inequality in Los Angeles, edited by Lawrence D. Bobo, Melvin L.
Internal Labor Markets and Manpower Analysis Social Isolation and Labor Market Insulation: Network and Neighborhood Effects on Less-Educated Urban Workers
  • Doeringer
  • Michael Peter
  • Piore
Doeringer, Peter and Michael Piore. 1971. Internal Labor Markets and Manpower Analysis. Lexington, MA: D.C. Heath. Elliott, James R. 1999. " Social Isolation and Labor Market Insulation: Network and Neighborhood Effects on Less-Educated Urban Workers. " The Sociological Quarterly 40:199–216.