ArticlePDF Available

Abstract and Figures

This paper investigates how bicycling can be promoted as a safe and feasible means of transport for everyone and for all trip purposes. The policies and programs needed to encourage a broad spectrum of social groups to cycle are the same policies and programs that encourage high overall levels of cycling: extensive systems of separate cycling facilities, intersection modifications and priority bicycle traffic signals, traffic calming of neighborhoods, safe and convenient bike parking, coordination and integration of cycling with public transport, traffic education and training for both cyclists and motorists, and trafik laws that favor cyclists and pedestrians. To show how this multifaceted, coordinated approach actually works, the paper focuses on cycling trends and policies in the Netherlands, Denmark, and Germany. The national-level comparative analysis is supplemented with case studies of large and small cities in each country.
Content may be subject to copyright.
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
Cycling for Everyone: Lessons from Europe
by John Pucher and Ralph Buehler
Rutgers University
Corresponding Author:
Prof. John Pucher, Rutgers University
Bloustein School of Planning and Public Policy
33 Livingston Avenue, Room 363
New Brunswick, New Jersey 08901-1987
Tel: (732) 932-3822, ext. 722
Fax: (732) 932-2253
Ralph Buehler, PhD Candidate
Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey
Bloustein School of Planning and Public Policy
33 Livingston Avenue, Room 566
New Brunswick, New Jersey 08901-1987
6,686 words (text and references)
3 figures (3 * 250 words = 750 words)
Total: 7,436 (including text, references, and figures)
Original submission date: 06. July 2007
Revised and resubmitted: 25. October 2007
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
This paper investigates how bicycling can be promoted as a safe and feasible
means of transport for everyone and for all trip purposes. The policies and
programs needed to encourage a broad spectrum of social groups to cycle are the
same policies and programs that encourage high overall levels of cycling: extensive
systems of separate cycling facilities, intersection modifications and priority bicycle
traffic signals, traffic calming of neighborhoods, safe and convenient bike parking,
coordination and integration of cycling with public transport, traffic education and
training for both cyclists and motorists, and traffic laws that favor cyclists and
pedestrians. To show how this multifaceted, coordinated approach actually works,
we focus in this paper on cycling trends and policies in the Netherlands, Denmark,
and Germany. We supplement our national level comparative analysis with case
studies of large and small cities in each country.
The European Union has officially recognized the importance of cycling as a
practical mode of urban transport, generating environmental, economic, and health
benefits (1). The United States Department of Transportation emphasizes the same
benefits and sets the specific goal of doubling the percentage of trips made by cycling
and walking (2).
Unfortunately, cycling levels in the USA lag far behind those in most European
countries. Cycling here is primarily for recreation and not for daily, utilitarian travel.
Equally important, from a social perspective, cycling is limited mainly to young men. In
sharp contrast, cycling in northern Europe is as common for women as for men, and
declines only slightly with age. In short, cycling in northern Europe is a normal way of
getting around cities—for everyone and for all trip purposes.
If cycling is ever to become a viable way of getting around American cities, it
must be made safe, convenient, and feasible for all ages and for women as well as men.
Cycling remains a marginal mode of transport in most American cities because it is
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
widely viewed as requiring special equipment and training, physical fitness, and the
courage and willingness to battle with motor vehicles on streets without separate bike
lanes or paths. Cycling is a mainstream mode of urban travel in northern Europe
precisely because it does not require any of those things. For example, most northern
European cyclists ride on simple, inexpensive bikes, almost never wear special cycling
outfits, and rarely use safety helmets.
The Netherlands, Denmark, and Germany have been especially successful in
promoting safe and convenient cycling. Despite high rates of car ownership, these three
countries have achieved high overall bike shares of urban travel, ranging from 9% in
Germany to 19% in Denmark and 27% in the Netherlands, far higher than the 1% bike
share of travel in the USA (3, 4, 5, 6). Equally impressive, German, Danish, and Dutch
women cycle as often as men, and all age groups make a considerable percentage of their
daily trips by bike.
Several studies have examined a variety of policies and programs intended to
encourage more cycling in Europe by making it safer and more convenient (1, 6, 7, 8, 9,
10). This paper updates those studies and supplements their information with new data
from the Netherlands, Denmark, and Germany, including both aggregate national data
and city case studies. The main objective is to identify and categorize the policies and
programs successful cycling cities have in common with each other, and to provide a
thematic framework for implementation.
The paper begins by documenting differences among countries in their overall levels
of cycling, bike trip purposes, and the gender, age, and income characteristics of cyclists.
Differences in cycling safety help explain some of the difference in cycling levels among
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
countries; thus, there is an entire section devoted to international comparisons of cycling
fatality and injury rates and trends over time.
The subsequent sections of the paper summarize the wide range of coordinated
policies and programs used in the Netherlands, Denmark, and Germany to promote
cycling by everyone and at the same time improve cycling safety. The paper concludes
with an overall assessment of the lessons that can be learned from northern Europe to
move cycling more toward the mainstream here in the USA.
Variations among Countries in Overall Cycling Levels
As shown in Figure 1, there are large differences between Australia, the United
States, Canada, and European countries in the bike share of trips, ranging from a low of
only 1% in Australia and the USA to 27% in the Netherlands. These differences in the
bike share of trips roughly parallel differences in the average distance cycled per person
per day, an alternative way of measuring and comparing cycling levels among countries.
The European Conference of the Ministers of Transport estimated that per capita cycling
per day ranges from a high of 2.5km in the Netherlands to a low of only 0.1 km in Spain,
Greece, and Portugal (1). The USA is also at the low end of the spectrum, averaging 0.1
km of cycling per person per day. Germany (0.9km) and Denmark (1.6km) are near the
top, immediately following the Netherlands in distance cycled per inhabitant.
These statistics on cycling levels reflect data provided directly by federal
ministries of transport and central statistical bureaus in each country. They are not
entirely comparable because national travel surveys vary somewhat according to variable
definitions, data collection method and frequency, target population, sample size, and
response rates (11). At the very least, however, the national travel surveys facilitate
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
approximate comparisons of different levels of cycling among countries, and whatever
their limitations, they are the best available sources of information.
Figure 1. Bicycle Share of Trips in Europe, North America, and Australia (percent of
total trips by bicycle) (1), (2), (3), (5)
One might expect that Europeans cycle more than Americans due to shorter trip lengths
in European cities. In fact, a considerably higher percentage of all trips in European
cities are shorter than 2.5km: 44% in the Netherlands, 37% in Denmark, and 41% in
Germany, compared to 27% in the USA (1, 3, 4, 5, 12, 18). Even controlling for trip
distance, however, northern Europeans make a much higher percentage of their local trips
by bike. For example, Americans cycle for only 2% of trips shorter than 2.5km,
compared to 37% in the Netherlands, 27% in Denmark, and 14% in Germany.
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
Not only do northern Europeans cycle more than Americans at every trip distance,
but they are far more likely to cycle for practical, utilitarian purposes. Travel to work or
school accounts for only 11% of all bike trips in the USA, compared to 22% in Germany,
32% in the Netherlands, and 38% in Denmark. Similarly, shopping trips account for only
5% of all bike trips in the USA, compared to 20% in Germany, 22% in the Netherlands,
and 25% in Denmark (3, 4, 5, 12). Roughly three-fourths of all bike trips in the USA are
for recreation, compared to 35% in Germany, 27% in the Netherlands, and 24% in
Those large differences in trip purpose suggest that the much higher levels of
cycling in northern Europe are due to the use of bikes for a wide range of trip purposes,
especially for daily utilitarian travel. Conversely, the very low levels of cycling in the
USA might be due to mainly recreational cycling here, which is far less frequent. If that
is true, then efforts to increase cycling in the USA should perhaps focus more on
utilitarian, daily travel within cities as opposed to the recent emphasis on recreational
cycling facilities in parks and rural areas.
Some readers might assume that bicycling levels in Western Europe have been
consistently high. In fact, cycling in Western Europe fell sharply during the 1950s and
1960s, when car ownership increased rapidly and cities started spreading out. A Dutch
study showed that, from 1950 to 1975, the bike share of trips fell by roughly two-thirds in
a sample of Dutch, Danish, and German cities, from 50-85% of trips in 1950 to only 14-
35% of trips in 1975 (6). Similarly, a study by the City of Berlin (13) found that the
number of bike trips there fell by 78% from 1950 to 1975. During that 25-year period,
cities throughout the Netherlands, Denmark, and Germany focused on accommodating
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
and facilitating increased car use by vastly expanding roadway capacity and parking
supply, while largely ignoring the needs of pedestrians and cyclists (14).
In the mid-1970s, transport and land use policies in all three countries
dramatically shifted to favor walking, cycling, and public transport over the private car.
To some extent, this was a reaction to the increasingly harmful environmental, energy,
and safety impacts of rising car use (1, 6, 14, 15, 16). Most cities vastly improved their
bicycling infrastructure while imposing ever more restrictions on car use and making it
more expensive. That policy reversal led to turnarounds in the previous decline of bike
use. From 1975 to 1995, the bicycling share of trips in the previously cited sample of
Dutch, Danish, and German cities rose by roughly a fourth, resulting in 1995 bike shares
of 20-43%. In Berlin, the total number of bike trips quadrupled from 1975 to 2001
(increasing by 275%), reaching 45% of the 1950 bicycling level (13). The rebound in
cycling from 1975 is especially impressive given the continuing growth in per-capita
income, car ownership and suburban development in all three countries over the past
three decades.
Analysis of nationwide aggregate data (as opposed to only a few sampled cities,
as above) confirms a rebound in cycling since the 1970s. Average daily km cycled per
inhabitant rose in all three countries over the period 1978 to 2005: from 0.6 to 1.0 in
Germany, from 1.3 to 1.6 in Denmark, and from 1.7 to 2.5 in the Netherlands (1, 5, 17,
Not only do these three countries have high and growing levels of cycling, but
cyclists comprise virtually all segments of society. For example, women are just about as
likely to cycle as men. Women make 45% of all bike trips in Denmark, 49% in
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
Germany, and 55% in the Netherlands (17, 18, 19). That compares with only 24% in the
USA (3).
Another dimension of cycling’s universality in northern Europe is the
representation of all age groups. Children and adolescents have the highest rates of
cycling in almost every country. As shown in Figure 2, however, cycling levels in
northern Europe remain high even among the elderly.
Figure 2. Bicycling Share of Trips by Age Group in the Netherlands, Denmark,
Germany, and the USA (2000-2002) (3), (4), (17), (18)
In northern Europe there are no significant differences in cycling rates among
income classes. For example, the 2002 national travel survey in Germany revealed that
the lowest-income quartile was only slightly more likely to travel by bike (10% of trips)
than the highest-income quartile (8.3%). Similarly, cyclists are distributed evenly among
income classes in the Netherlands and Denmark (5, 17).
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
The remainder of this article examines possible reasons why cycling in Germany,
the Netherlands, and Denmark is truly for everyone.
Trends in Cycling Safety
Perhaps the most important reason for the higher levels of cycling in northern
Europe—especially among women, children, and the elderly—is that cycling is much
safer there than in the USA. Both fatality and injury rates are much higher for cyclists in
the USA compared to Germany, Denmark, and the Netherlands. Averaged over the years
2002 to 2005, the number of American bicyclist fatalities per 100 million km cycled was
5.8, compared to 1.7 in Germany, 1.5 in Denmark, and 1.1 in the Netherlands (see Figure
3). Thus, cycling is over five times as safe in the Netherlands as in the USA, which
probably explains why the Dutch do not perceive cycling as a dangerous way to get
around. Cycling in Germany and Denmark is not quite as safe as in the Netherlands, but
still 3-4 times safer than in the USA.
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
Figure 3. Cycling Fatality Rates in Europe and North America, 2002/2005 (Cyclist
deaths per 100 million km cycled) (1), (2), (5), (9), (17)
Germany, Denmark, and the Netherlands have greatly improved cycling safety
since 1970. Although levels of cycling have increased in all three countries over the past
35 years, the total number of cycling fatalities has declined by over 70% (5, 12, 17, 18).
By comparison, cycling fatalities have fallen by less than 30% in the USA over the same
period (2). These trends in cycling safety correspond to overall traffic safety trends.
Thus, total traffic fatalities for all modes have also declined much more in Europe than in
the USA (19).
While safer cycling clearly encourages more cycling, there is also reason to
believe that more cycling facilitates safer cycling. The phenomenon of ‘safety in
numbers’ has been consistently found to hold over time and across cities and countries.
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
Fatality rates per trip and per km are much lower for countries and cities with high
bicycling shares of total travel, and fatality rates fall for any given country or city as
cycling levels rise (20).
The perceived traffic danger of cycling is an important deterrent to more
widespread cycling (1, 2, 5, 6, 17, 21, 22, 23). Women and the elderly appear to be
especially sensitive to such traffic danger. Many American parents do not allow their
children to cycle for the same reason. Thus, making cycling safer is surely one of the
keys to increasing overall cycling levels in the USA, particularly among women, the
elderly, and children.
It is important to emphasize that the much safer cycling in northern Europe is
definitely not due to widespread use of safety helmets. On the contrary, in the
Netherlands, with the safest cycling of any country, less than one percent of adult cyclists
wear helmets, and even among children, only 3-5% wear helmets (5, 6). In 2002, 33% of
German children aged 6-10 years wore helmets while cycling, compared to only 9% of
adolescents aged 11-16, and only 2% of Germans aged 17 or older (17). In 2006, 66% of
Danish school children aged 6-10 wore helmets, compared to 12% among school children
11 years or older, and less than 5% among adults (22).
Government Roles in Funding and Planning Cycling Facilities and Programs
Due to the mostly local, short-distance trips made by bike, policies and programs
to promote safe and convenient cycling are usually carried out at the municipal level (1).
Local governments in the Netherlands, Germany, and Denmark have been planning,
constructing, and funding bicycling facilities for many decades, at least since the 1970s
but much earlier in some cities.
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
Cycling training, safety, and promotional programs are usually carried out at the
local level as well, even if they are mandated and funded by higher levels. At the
intermediate level, states, counties, and regional governments provide additional policy
guidance, coordination, and funding, as well as some direct planning and construction of
cycling facilities that serve rural areas or link different municipalities.
Central government involvement in cycling has been more recent, evolving
gradually since about 1980 and providing overall goals, design guidelines, research
support, model projects, coordination, and funding. The Netherlands, Denmark, and
Germany all have official National Bicycling Master Plans (17, 21, 22). Each of these
plans sets forth the overall goal of raising levels of cycling for daily travel while
improving cycling safety. They also propose various strategies to achieve these dual
goals: better design of lanes, paths, and intersections; more and better bike parking;
coordination with public transport; and cycling safety and promotion campaigns.
Federal governments usually bear the cost of bicycling facilities built along
national highways and contribute significantly to financing long-distance bicycling routes
that cross state boundaries (1). In Germany, for example, the federal government
contributed over €1.1 billion to doubling the extent of bikeways along federal highways
from 1980 to 2000, and is now devoting €100 million per year for further bikeway
extensions, cycling research, and demonstration projects. In addition, about €2 billion a
year in revenues from the motor fuel tax are earmarked for a special urban transport
investment fund, which provides 70-85% federal matching funds for state and local
governments wanting to build cycling facilities (paths, lanes, bridges, traffic signals,
signs, parking, etc.) (17). From 1990 to 2006, the Dutch Central Government contributed
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
an average of €60 million per year to various cycling projects, including €25 million per
year specifically for bike parking at train stations. In addition, the Dutch Central
Government provides €1.8 billion a year for provinces to spend on transport projects,
including cycling facilities (5). By comparison, the Danish Central Government has no
regular funding for cycling projects but since 2000 contributed about €5 million year to
various demonstration projects (1, 24).
The European Union (EU) has been playing a modest but increasing role in
promoting cycling (1). It provides funding, for example, for transnational and cross-
border bikeway projects through its EU Interreg Funding. The European Cycling
Federation (ECF) has already established a system of European-wide bicycling routes,
and the EU contributes toward the funding of missing bike route connections between
countries and of cycling facilities in underdeveloped regions.
How to Make Cycling Safe and Convenient for Everyone
Many policies and programs are necessary to make cycling safe and feasible for a
broad spectrum of the population. We describe below eight categories of measures that
have been widely adopted in Dutch, Danish and German cities. Their success in making
cycling possible for everyone is largely attributable to the coordinated implementation of
all of these measures, so that they reinforce the impact of each other in promoting
cycling. Indeed, that is perhaps the key lesson to be learned: the necessity of a
coordinated, multi-faceted approach.
Due to space limitations, we can only provide a few representative examples that
illustrate the nature and extent of the eight types of measures.
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
Bike Paths and Lanes. Especially from the mid-1970s to the mid-1990s,
separate facilities such as bike paths and lanes expanded greatly in all three countries. In
Germany, for example, the bikeway network almost tripled in length, from 12,911km in
1976 to 31,236km in 1996. In the Netherlands, the bikeway network doubled in length,
from 9,282km in 1978 to 18,948km in 1996 (25). Nationwide, aggregate statistics for the
period since the mid 1990s are not available, but data for individual cities suggest
continued expansion, albeit at a much slower rate than previously. The main focus now
appears to be on improving the specific design of cycle paths and lanes to improve safety.
In 2004, for example, Berlin (3.4 million inhabitants) had 1140km of separate
bike paths and lanes (26). By comparison, Amsterdam (735,000 inhabitants) and
Copenhagen (504,000 inhabitants) each have roughly 400km of completely separate bike
paths and lanes (27, 31). Even much smaller cities, however, have extensive cycling
facilities. For example, there are 320km of bike paths and lanes in Muenster, Germany
(278,000 inhabitants), over 500km in Odense, Denmark (185,000 inhabitants), and over
420km in Groningen, Netherlands (181,000) (27, 28, 29, 30). The bicycling networks in
all these cities include numerous off-street short cut connections for cyclists between
streets and traversing blocks to enable them to take the most direct possible route from
origin to destination. The result of all these facilities is a truly complete, integrated
system of bicycling routes that permit cyclists to cover almost any trip either on
completely separate paths and lanes or on lightly traveled, traffic-calmed residential
Not only has the network of separate cycling facilities greatly expanded since the
1970s, but their design, quality, and maintenance have continually improved to ensure
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
safer, more convenient, and more attractive cycling with each passing year. In addition,
most cities have established a fully integrated system of directional signs for cyclists,
color-coded to correspond to different types of bike routes. All large cities and most
medium-sized cities provide detailed maps of their cycling facilities. Some cities have
recently introduced internet bike route planning to assist cyclists in choosing the route
that best serves their needs. In Berlin and Odense, for example, cyclists can enter not
only their origin and destination but also a range of personal preferences, such as speed,
on-street or off-street facility, avoiding intersections and heavy traffic, etc. The internet
program shows the optimal route on a map and provides all relevant information about
time, average speed, bike parking, and public transport connections (26, 29).
The provision of separate cycling facilities is the cornerstone of Dutch, Danish,
and German policies to make cycling safe and attractive to everyone. They are designed
to feel safe, comfortable, and convenient for both young and old, for women as well as
men, and for all levels of cycling ability. Virtually all studies of the impacts of separate
facilities confirm that most cyclists prefer them (1, 7, 8, 32). Separate paths, in
particular, are perceived as being much safer and more pleasant than cycling on the
roadway, thus leading to significant growth in cycling volumes when such facilities are
Traffic Calming
. It is neither possible nor necessary to provide separate bike
paths and lanes on lightly traveled residential streets, but they constitute an important part
of the overall cycling route network. Thus, Dutch, Danish, and German cities have
traffic-calmed most streets in residential neighborhoods, reducing the legal speed limit to
30km/hr (19mph) and often prohibiting any thru traffic (6). In addition, many cities—
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
especially in the Netherlands—introduced considerable alterations to the streets
themselves, such as road narrowing, raised intersections and crosswalks, traffic circles,
extra curves and zigzag routes, speed humps, and artificial deadends created by mid-
block street closures. Cycling is almost always allowed in both directions on all such
traffic-calmed streets, even when they are restricted to one-way travel for cars. That
further enhances the flexibility of bike travel. In the Netherlands, Denmark, and
Germany, traffic calming is area-wide and not for isolated streets.
Related to traffic calming, almost every city has created extensive car-free zones
in their centers, mainly intended for pedestrian use but generally permitting cycling
during off-peak hours. In some Dutch cities, these car-free zones specifically include
cycling facilities such as bike lanes and parking. The combination of traffic calming of
residential streets and prohibition of cars in city centers makes it virtually impossible in
some cities for cars to traverse the city center to get to the other side.
Another kind of traffic calming is the so-called “bicycle street,” which has been
increasingly adopted in Dutch and German cities. These are narrow streets where cyclists
are given absolute traffic priority over the entire width of the street. Cars are usually
permitted to use the streets as well, but they are limited to 30km/hr (or less) and cannot
rush bicyclists or otherwise interfere with them (28).
Traffic calmed residential neighborhoods, car-free city centers, and special
bicycle streets all greatly enhance the overall bicycling network in all Dutch, Danish, and
German cities. Most importantly, they offer much safer, less stressful cycling than streets
filled with fast-moving motor vehicles. Since most bike trips start at home, traffic
calming of neighborhood streets is crucial to enabling bike trips to start off in a safe,
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
pleasant environment on the way to the separate bike paths and lanes that serve the rest of
the trip.
All available evidence shows that traffic calming improves overall traffic safety.
The benefits tend to be greatest for pedestrians, but serious cyclist injuries also fall
sharply. Moreover, all studies report large increases in overall levels of walking and
cycling. There are, of course, many different kinds of traffic calming. It is conceivable
that one or another specific kind of traffic calming measure (perhaps traffic circles or
speed humps) might detract from cycling safety in some circumstances. Overall,
however, the evidence is overwhelming that traffic calming enhances both pedestrian and
cyclist safety by reducing speeds on secondary roads (33, 34, 35, 36).
Intersection modifications. While bike paths and lanes help protect cyclists
from exposure to traffic dangers between intersections, they can pose safety problems
when crossing intersections. Thus, Dutch, Danish, and German planners have worked
continuously on perfecting the designs of intersections to facilitate safe cyclist crossings.
The extent and specific design of intersection modifications vary, of course, from city to
city, but they generally include most of the following:
Special bike lanes leading up to the intersection, with advance stop lines for
cyclists, far ahead of waiting cars
Advance green traffic signals for cyclists, and extra green signal phases for
cyclists at intersections with heavy cycling volumes
Turn restrictions for cars, while all turns allowed for cyclists
Highly visible, distinctively colored bike lane crossings at intersections
Special cyclist-activated traffic lights
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
Timing traffic lights to provide a “green wave” for cyclists instead of for cars,
generally assuming 14-22km/hr bike speed
Moving bike pathways a bit further away from their parallel streets when they
approach intersections to help avoid collisions with right-turning cars
Given the very nature of roadway intersections, it is virtually impossible to avoid all
conflicts between motor vehicles and cyclists, but Dutch, Danish, and German planners
have done a superb job of minimizing these dangers.
Bike Parking. Extensive bike parking of various sorts is available throughout
most Dutch, Danish, and German cities. Local governments and public transport systems
themselves directly provide a large number of bike parking facilities (6, 28, 29, 30).
Moreover, private developers and building owners are required by local ordinances to
provide specified minimum levels of bike parking both within and adjacent to their
Aside from the large number of bike racks throughout these cities, the most
visible and most innovative aspect of bike parking policy is the provision of state-of-the-
art parking facilities at train stations. Immediately adjacent to Muenster’s main train
station, for example, there is a modern, attractive “bike station” (built in 1999) that offers
secure parking for 3,300 bikes as well as bike repairs, bike rentals, and direct access to all
train platforms (28). Amsterdam, Groningen, Odense, and Copenhagen offer similar,
high-capacity bike parking facilities at their main train stations. Moreover, virtually
every train station throughout Dutch, Danish, and German metropolitan areas offer bike
parking of some sort (6). In the Berlin region, there were 24,600 bike-and-ride parking
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
spots at train stations in 2005 (including metro, suburban rail, and regional rail), with
7,000 additional bike parking spots planned by 2010 (26).
Many city centers also offer special bike parking facilities. The City of Odense,
for example, recently added 400 sheltered bike racks near its main shopping area as well
as a state-of-the-art automatic, secure parking station (30). Groningen offers 36 major
bike parking facilities in its town center, including seven that are guarded to prevent bike
theft (6). In 2007, Muenster added a secured, sheltered parking facility for 300 bikes
adjacent to its main shopping district (28). The City of Copenhagen has 3,300 bike
parking spaces in its center and added 400 between 2000 and 2002 (26). Amsterdam has
15 guarded bicycle parking facilities in its downtown area (27). The current policy
focus in Dutch, Danish, and German cities is to increase the security of bike parking,
since bike theft is a major problem.
Integration with Public Transport. Most Dutch, Danish and German cities
have integrated cycling with public transport (1, 6, 17, 21, 22). Public transport systems
and city planners in northern Europe have increasingly recognized the key role that
bicycling plays as a feeder and distributor service for public transport. Thus, copious
bike parking is provided at train stations in the city center as well as at outlying stations
along the rail network. In cities such as Muenster, many suburban residents use a bike to
reach the nearest suburban rail station, park it there, and then take the train to the city
center, where they continue their trip with another bike they have parked at the main train
station (28). Most rail systems permit bikes to be taken on vehicles only during off-peak
hours and require an additional fee. Another form of bike-transit integration is the
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
provision of bike rentals at virtually every major Dutch, Danish, and German train station
and many suburban stations as well (6).
Most Dutch, Danish, and German cities we surveyed do not permit bikes to be
taken onboard regular city buses, and most buses do not come equipped with bike racks
(6, 26, 27, 28). That contrasts starkly with the USA, where over 50,000 urban transit
buses in 2007 had bike racks to facilitate bike and ride (37). It appears to be the one area
where American transit systems do a better job of coordinating cycling with transit. The
European approach is to provide bike parking facilities at major bus terminals, bus route
interchanges, and even some suburban bus stops.
Training and Education. Dutch, Danish, and German children receive extensive
training in safe and effective cycling techniques as part of their regular school curriculum
(6, 17, 21, 22). Most children complete such a course by the fourth grade. It includes
both classroom instruction and “on the road” lessons, first on a cycling training track just
for children, and then on regular cycling facilities throughout the city. Real police
officers test the children, who receive official certificates, pennants, and stickers for their
bikes if they pass the test. Since many children get to school by bike, training in safe
cycling is considered essential to ensure their safety. But it also gets kids off to a lifetime
of safe cycling skills. And since all schoolchildren are included, it means that girls as
well as boys start cycling at an early age.
Another crucial element in cyclist safety is training motorists to be aware of
cyclists on the roadway and to avoid endangering them (6, 17, 21, 22). In general,
motorist training in the Netherlands, Denmark, and Germany is far more extensive, more
thorough, and more expensive than in the USA. By law motorists are required to
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
anticipate and avoid situations that would endanger cyclists or pedestrians. Motorists are
assumed to be responsible for any collisions with children, elderly, or disabled cyclists or
pedestrians, even if they are jaywalking, cycling in the wrong direction, ignoring traffic
signals, or otherwise behaving contrary to traffic regulations.
How do these training programs promote cycling for everyone? They ensure that
by the age of 10, most children have the basic skills to cycle safely, and that drivers of
motor vehicles give special consideration to cyclists. Moreover, since motorists had to
take the safe cycling lessons during their early school years, and since many of them still
cycle, they are more likely to drive with respect and consideration for cyclists. Cyclist
and motorist training together enhance cycling safety, which has a major impact on
cycling levels, especially among children, the elderly, and women.
Promotional Events. Although the provision of safe and convenient cycling
facilities is the key approach to promoting cycling, virtually all Dutch, Danish, and
German cities have various programs to stimulate interest and enthusiasm for cycling by
all groups. Below is a list of selected promotional measures used by six cities we
specifically surveyed: Amsterdam, Groningen, Copenhagen, Odense, Berlin, and
Muenster (26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31).
Well signed and maintained bike routes both in the city and the surrounding
countryside, with connections between different routes, color-coded, systematic
numbering of paths for improved guidance
Comprehensive bike maps for every part of the city and the surrounding region
Bicycling websites with extensive information for cyclists on bicycling routes,
activities, special programs, health benefits of cycling, bike and bikes and bike
accessories, etc.
Improved lighting and security of bike parking facilities, especially important for
women concerned about their personal safety, often featuring priority bike
parking exclusively for women
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
Cycling ambassador programs that send well-trained cyclists to residential
neighborhoods to serve as role models of safe cycling and help with cycling
promotion, distributing newsletters and information about cycling events
Annual bicycling festivals and car-free days that promote the environmental
advantages of bicycling, display the latest bike models and accessories,
disseminate various other relevant information for bike enthusiasts, and offer a
range of bike races and mass bike rides
Wide range of cycling competitions for different ages and skill levels
Annual awards to firms that do the most to increase bicycling among their
employees by providing showers, lockers, bike parking, bikes to borrow, and a
flexible dress code
Focus on health benefits of cycling
Regular surveys of cyclists to assess their satisfaction with cycling facilities and
programs and to gather specific suggestions for improvement
These sorts of promotional activities tend to be more extensive in Denmark and Germany
than in the Netherlands, where cycling levels are already so high that the focus is more on
safer cycling than on more cycling, although the two are directly related, as noted earlier.
Complementary taxation, parking, and land-use policies
Most of the above policies refer to measures that make cycling safer and more
convenient. But there are other important factors that encourage cycling indirectly (1, 6,
7, 8). For example, sales taxes on petrol and new car purchases, import tariffs,
registration fees, license fees, driver training fees, and parking fees are generally much
higher in Europe than in the USA (38, 39, 40, 41, 42). That results in overall costs of car
ownership and use two to three times higher in Europe. That higher cost discourages car
use to some extent and thus promotes alternative ways of getting around, including
cycling, which is surely one of the cheapest of transport modes. In addition, there are
many restrictions on car use and parking that reduce the relative speed, convenience, and
flexibility of car travel compared to cycling.
Finally, land use and urban design policies in Dutch, Danish, and German cities
are generally much stricter than in the USA and provide more government controls on
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
low-density sprawl and the long trip distances that usually generates (38, 39, 40, 43).
Moreover, mixed-use zoning and transit-oriented developments have a long history in
Europe. They facilitate the proximity of residential areas to commercial establishments,
schools, churches, and a range of services. For the most part, these complementary
taxation, parking, and land use policies are not specifically intended to promote cycling.
Nevertheless, they provide dramatically more favorable pre-conditions for cycling than in
the USA. Thus, one way that European cities promote cycling for everyone is by making
car use more expensive, less convenient, and less necessary for everyone.
Conclusions: Policies to Make Cycling Possible for Everyone
It is impossible to provide rigorous, statistical proof that the eight categories of
measures discussed above, either individually or in combination, lead to more and safer
cycling. The available data do not permit multivariate analysis, and even if data were
available, such analysis cannot determine direction of causation. Nevertheless, the
aggregate national data and specific case study data presented in this paper strongly
suggest an important link between the eight categories of measures and the desired
outcomes of more and safer cycling.
The most important approach to making cycling safe, convenient, and attractive
for everyone in Dutch, Danish, and German cities is the provision of separate cycling
facilities along heavily traveled roads and at intersections, combined with extensive
traffic calming of residential neighborhoods. Safe and relatively stress-free cycling
routes are especially important for children, the elderly, women, and for anyone with
special needs due to any sort of disability. Providing such separate facilities to connect
practical, utilitarian origins and destinations also promotes cycling for work, school, and
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
shopping trips, as opposed to the mainly recreational cycling in the USA, where most
separate cycling facilities are along urban parks, rivers, and lakes or in rural areas.
As noted in this article, separate facilities are only part of the solution. Dutch,
Danish, and German cities reinforce the safety, convenience, and attractiveness of
excellent cycling rights of way with extensive bike parking, integration with public
transport, comprehensive traffic education and training of both cyclists and motorists, and
a wide range of promotional events intended to generate enthusiasm and wide public
support for cycling.
At the same time, car use is made expensive, less convenient, and less necessary
through a host of taxes and restrictions on car ownership, use, and parking. And land use
policies foster relatively compact, mixed-use developments that generate more bikeable,
shorter trips.
The key to the success of cycling policies in northern Europe is the coordinated
implementation of this multi-faceted, self-reinforcing set of policies. Precisely because
the policies are sensitive to the very different needs of different social groups, they also
succeed in making cycling possible for virtually everyone. It is a lesson still to be
learned in the USA.
(1) European Conference of the Ministers of Transport. National Policies to
Promote Cycling. Paris, France: Organisation for Economic Cooperation and
Development, 2004
(2) U.S. Department of Transportation. National Bicycling and Walking Study: Ten
Year Status Report. Washington, DC: Federal Highway Administration, 2004.
(3) U.S. Department of Transportation. National Household Travel Survey, 2001.
Washington, DC: Federal Highway Administration, 2003.
(4) German Federal Ministry of Transport. German Federal Travel Survey 2002
(MiD). Berlin, Germany: German Federal Ministry of Transport, 2003.
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
(5) Dutch Ministry of Transport. Cycling in the Netherlands. Rotterdam: Ministry of
Transport, Public Works, and Water Management, 2006.
(6) Dutch Bicycling Federation. Continuous and Integral: The Cycling Policies of
Groningen and other European Cities. Amsterdam, NL: Fietsberaad, 2006. Accessed 20 October 2007.
(7) Tolley, R., Ed. Sustainable Transport: Planning for Walking and Cycling in
Urban Environments. Cambridge, UK: Woodhead Publishing Ltd, 2003.
(8) McClintock, H., ed. Planning for Cycling: Principles, Practice, and Solutions for
Urban Planners. Cambridge, UK: Woodhead Publishing Ltd, 2002
(9) European Cycling Federation. Bicycle Research Reports. Accessed 20 October 2007.
(10) Zegeer, C., Ed. FHWA Study Tour for Pedestrian and Bicyclist Safety in England,
Germany, and the Netherlands. US Department of Transportation, Washington, D.C.,
(11) Kunert, U., Kloas, J., and H. Kuhfeld. Design Characteristics of National Travel
Surveys. Internationals Comparison for 10 countries. Transportation Research Record
1804. TRB 2002.
(12) National Statistical Office of Denmark. National Travel Statistics. Copenhagen,
Denmark: National Statistical Office. 2005.
(13) City of Berlin. Urban Transport in Berlin: Focus on Bicycling. Berlin:
Senatsverwaltung fuer Stadtentwicklung. 2003.
(14) Hass-Klau, C. The Pedestrian and City Traffic. New York: Belhaven Press,
(15) Pucher, J. Bicycling boom in Germany: A revival engineered by public policy.
Transportation Quarterly 51, 4: 31-46, 1997.
(16) Langenberg, P. Cycling in Amsterdam. Developments in the City. Amsterdam,
The Netherlands: Velo Mondial, 2000.
(17) German Federal Ministry of Transport. Ride Your Bike: National Bicycle Plan.
Berlin, Germany: German Federal Ministry of Transport, 2002.
(18) Statistics Netherlands. Transportation Statistics. Amsterdam, NL: Statistics
Netherlands, 2005.
(19) Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development.
International Road
Traffic Accident Database. Paris, France: OECD, 2007. Accessed 20 October 2007.
(20) Jacobsen, P. Safety in numbers: more walkers and bicyclists, safer walking and
bicycling. Injury Prevention 9: 205-209, 2003.
(21) Dutch Ministry of Transport. The Dutch Bicycle Master Plan. The Hague:
Ministry of Transport, Public Works, and Water Management, 1999.
(22) Danish Ministry of Transport. Promoting Safer Cycling: A Strategy.
Copenhagen: Danish Ministry of Transport, 2000.
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
(23) Noland, R. B. Perceived risk and modal choice: Risk compensation in
transportation systems. Accident Analysis and Prevention 27: 503–521, 1994.
(24) Andersen, T. Odense: The National Cycle City of Denmark. Annual Conference
of the Bicycling Federation of Australia, Brisbane, Australia, Oct 6, 2005.
(25) Pucher J. and L. Dijkstra. Promoting Safe Walking and Cycling to Improve Public
Health: Lessons from the Netherlands and Germany. American Journal of Public Health
93:1509-1516, 2003.
(26) City of Berlin. Fahrradverkehr. Berlin, Germany: Senatsverwaltung fuer
Stadtentwicklung, 2007.
(27) City of Amsterdam. The Amsterdam Bicycle Policy. Amsterdam, the
Netherlands: Dienst Infrastructuur Verkeer en Vervoer. Gemeente Amsterdam, 2003.
(28) City of Muenster. Verkehrsplanung in Muenster. 2007.
(29) City of Groningen. Key Figures. 2007.
(30) City of Odense. National Cycle City (Cycleby). 2007.
(31) City of Copenhagen. Cycle Policy. Copenhagen, Denmark: City of Copenhagen,
(32) Jensen, S, Rosenkilde, C, and Jensen, N. Road safety and perceived risk of cycle
facilities in Copenhagen. Copenhagen: Trafitec Research Center. 2007.
(33) Webster, D.C., Mackie, A. M. Review of Traffic Calming Schemes in 20mph
zones. TRL Report 215. Transport Research Laboratory. Crowthorne, UK, 1996.
(34) Morrison, D, Thomson, H, and Petticrew, M. Journal of Epidemiology and
Community Health 58: 837-840, 2004.
(35) Herrstedt, L. Traffic calming design—a speed management method: Danish
experiences on environmentally adapted through roads. Accident Analysis and
Prevention 24: 3-16, 1992.
(36) Transport for London. Impacts of 20 mph Zones in London Boroughs. TfL,
London, UK, 2003.
(37) American Public Transportation Association. Public Transportation Fact Book.
Washington, D.C.: APTA. 2007.
(38) Nivola, P.S. Laws of the Landscape. How policies shape cities in Europe and
America. Washington D.C.: Brookings Institution Press, 1999.
(39) Pucher, J. Urban passenger transport in the United States and Europe: A
comparative analysis of public policies. Part 1. Travel behavior, urban development and
automobile use. Transport Reviews. Vol. 15: 99-117, 1995.
(40) Banister, D. Unsustainable Transportation. New York: Routledge, 2005.
Pucher and Buehler Cycling for Everyone
(41) Bratzel, S. Conditions of success in sustainable urban transport policy - Policy
change in 'relatively successful' European cities. Transport Reviews. Vol. 19: 177-190,
(42) Transportation Research Board. Making Transit Work: Insights from Western
Europe, Canada, and the United States. TRB Special Report 257. Washington, DC:
National Research Council. 2001.
(43) Schmidt, S. and R. Buehler. The Planning Process in the US and Germany: A
Comparative Analysis. International Planning Studies. Vol. 12: 55-75, 2007.
... On residential streets, where traffic levels are low and/or fully segregated bicycle paths are unfeasible, traffic calming can be adopted instead (Pucher and Buehler 2008a). Traffic calming involves road design and traffic regulation measures such as speed limits (in some cases as low as "footpace"), traffic circles, speed bumps, chicanes, pavement markings, narrow roadways, and cycling-friendly signage (Furth 2012). ...
... Traffic calming involves road design and traffic regulation measures such as speed limits (in some cases as low as "footpace"), traffic circles, speed bumps, chicanes, pavement markings, narrow roadways, and cycling-friendly signage (Furth 2012). Evaluation studies have also shown that traffic calming can reduce cycling collisions and injuries (Pucher and Buehler 2008a). In the Netherlands, the 'Woonerf' (or 'living street') concept is a successful example of integrating multiple traffic calming measures so that residential streets can be safely shared by motorists, cyclists, and pedestrians (YOURS 2012). ...
Publiczny transport zbiorowy oraz transport rowerowy postrzegane są jako zrównoważone alternatywy dla miejskich podróży samochodem. Narzędziem do zwiększenia popularności tych form transportu jest ich integracja w modelu bike-and-ride, polegającym na łączeniu przejazdu rowerem i środkiem transportu zbiorowego w ramach tej samej podróży. Jednym z istotnych aspektów tego modelu jest możliwość przewozu roweru w pojeździe (autobus, tramwaj). Taki sposób przemieszczania się nie tylko zwiększa zasięg podróży, ale stanowi również ważne rozwiązanie w sytuacji awaryjnej potrzeby przewozu roweru, gdy rowerzysta z różnych przyczyn nie ma możliwości kontynuacji jazdy na rowerze. Kluczowe dla transferu rowerów w innych pojazdach są jednak zasady przewozowe stosowane przez lokalnych operatorów transportu zbiorowego. Za cel pracy przyjęto analizę zapisów regulaminów przewozowych transportu w zakresie możliwości przewozu rowerów w pojazdach (autobusach, trolejbusach, tramwajach lub metrze). W artykule przeanalizowano 55 miast, dokonując porównania między krajami Europy Zachodniej (Danią i Holandią) a krajami Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej (Polską, Czechami i Słowacją). W badaniu wykazano duże zróżnicowanie w zakresie kompletności i restrykcyjności zapisów umożliwiających przewóz rowerów w pojazdach transportu publicznego. Oceniono jednak, że w niektórych przypadkach zasady przewozu są bardziej surowe w Europie Zachodniej niż w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej, co może wynikać z większego ruchu rowerowego w miastach tej części kontynentu i potrzeby wprowadzenia odpowiednich ograniczeń. Bicycles in public transport vehicles – a study of transport policies in selected European cities Public collective transport and cycling are seen as sustainable alternatives to urban car travel. A tool to increase the popularity of these forms of transport is their integration in the bike-and-ride model, consisting in combining cycling and public transport within the same journey. One important aspect of this model is the option to carry a bicycle on a public transport vehicle. Such a combination not only increases the range of journeys, but is also an important solution in an emergency situation when the cyclist is unable to continue cycling for various reasons. The transport rules applied by local public transport operators are crucial for the transfer of bikes on other vehicles. The aim of the study was to analyse the provisions of the public transport regulations concerning the possibility of carrying bikes on board the vehicles (buses, trolleybuses, trams, or underground). The article analysed the transport policies of 55 cities, making comparisons between Western European countries (Denmark and the Netherlands) and Central and Eastern European countries (Poland, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia). The study showed a wide variation in the completeness and restrictiveness of provisions allowing for the carriage of bicycles on public transport vehicles. However, it was assessed that in some cases, the carriage rules are stricter in Western Europe than in Central and Eastern Europe, which may be due to the higher cycling traffic in the cities in this part of the continent and the need for relevant restrictions.
Full-text available
In the field of cycle policy and planning, alongside ambitions to expand segregated cycle networks, there is a push across many countries for increasing the quality and quantity of cycle parking as a critical component of cycling infrastructure. In order to support these measures, planning guides have been developed to guide the expansion and improvement of cycle parking facilities. A common feature of these policies and guides for cycle parking interventions is an absence of dialogue with, or reference to, peer-reviewed research investigating cycle parking and the potential effectiveness of different approaches to cycle parking planning. The use of such research could help to create cycle parking that may be more effective in attracting and providing for people cycling. On this basis, we engage in a literature review of a select body of cycling research whose findings could contribute to more effective cycle parking planning practice. Drawing on our review, we propose a number of tentative ‘elements’ for effective public cycle parking planning practice: visibility, protection, accessibility, proximity, integration, and diversification. These elements could be used in conjunction with local knowledge and context-specific assessment measures to maximise the potential effectiveness of cycle parking planning in different regions, and can be situated as part of a wider struggle to acquire public space for cycling within car-dominant contexts.
For a variety of environmental, health, and social reasons, there is a pressing need to reduce the automobile dependence of American cities. Bicycles are well suited to help achieve this goal. However, perceptions of rider safety present a large hindrance toward increased bicycle adoption. These perceptions are largely influenced by the design of our current road infrastructure, including the crossing distances of large intersections. In this paper, we examine the role of intersection crossing distances in modifying rider behavior through the construction of a novel dataset integrating street widths and probable trip routes from Chicago’s Divvy bikeshare system. We compare real trips to synthetic trips that are not influenced by the width of intersections and exploit behavior differences that result from the semi-dockless nature of the bikeshare system. Our analysis reveals that bikeshare riders do avoid large intersections in limited circumstances; however, these preferences appear to be heavily outweighed by the relative spatial positions of origins and destinations (i.e., the urban morphology of Chicago). Our results suggest that specific infrastructural investments such as protected intersections could prove feasible alternatives to reduce the perception and safety concerns associated with large road barriers and enhance the attractiveness of non-motorized mobility.
Conference Paper
Full-text available
A invasão por espécies exóticas, não sendo um fenómeno recente, tem assumido cada vez mais destaque à medida que os especialistas, e a sociedade em geral, tomam consciência do grau, da amplitude geográfica e das consequências negativas ao nível da biodiversidade, da bioquímica e da sustentabilidade dos sistemas sociais e económicos afetados (Pimentel et al., 2001; Marchante, 2011; Marchante et al., 2014; Silva, 2018). Tradicionalmente, os estudos sobre a distribuição espacial das espécies invasoras têm-se baseado em modelos de nicho ecológico (ENMs - Ecological Niche Models) (Capinha, 2008), contudo, frequentes limitações nos dados disponíveis introduzem consideráveis enviesamentos nos resultados destes modelos, aumentando assim o grau de incerteza e minando a confiança nestes instrumentos analíticos. Em consequência, nos últimos anos, têm surgido múltiplos estudos onde se explora a utilização de outros tipos de modelos na análise do fenómeno da invasão por espécies exóticas, procurando ultrapassar as limitações associadas à imperfeição dos dados disponíveis (Buchadas, 2016; Cordierad, et al., 2020). Dada a importância dos modelos como instrumentos de investigação científica, tanto na compreensão da dinâmica do fenómeno invasivo como na previsão da sua ocorrência espaço-temporal, este trabalho tem por objetivo principal a aplicação de múltiplos modelos de distribuição de espécies, de modo a produzir uma avaliação comparada da qualidade dos resultados produzidos. Concretamente, será implementado um modelo de nicho ecológico (como referencial de base), um modelo generalizado linear (GLM), um modelo generalizado aditivo (GAM), um modelo Random Forest (RF), um modelo de regressão ponderado geograficamente (GWR) e um modelo de máxima entropia (MaxEnt) na análise da distribuição da Acacia longifolia Andrews (willd.) no distrito de Leiria. Com base na validação dos resultados obtidos por cada um dos processos, será possível ter uma ideia mais clara das potencialidades e limitações inerentes a cada tipo de modelo e, simultaneamente, através da síntese dos resultados, ficará também mais evidente o padrão espacial de risco de invasão por Acacia longifólia na área em estudo.
Conference Paper
Full-text available
Os territórios com presença de Acacia longifolia estão referidos a 17 países, entretanto este alcance da expansão da espécie tem passado por alterações ao longo dos últimos 250 anos, desde a sua translocação a partir da Austrália. Os primeiros registos de introdução da A. longifolia são datados do século XVII, em introduções baseadas, sobretudo, no cultivo da espécie para coleções em herbários e jardins botânicos europeus. Com o advento da globalização e o desenvolvimento dos transportes, nos séculos XVIII e XIX, o mapa da invasão da A. longifolia foi redefinido, sendo determinado por introduções da espécie intencionalmente voltadas para o combate da erosão em sistemas costeiros, congregando territórios localizados na zona climática temperada: Norte e Noroeste da Europa, Califórnia, Sul do Brasil, Baía do Mediterrâneo, Sudeste da África do Sul. A quantia estimada das ocorrências no Mundo é de 28.524 registos da espécie. O valor de ocorrências em Portugal é de 5.780 registos da espécie, e no Brasil somam 601 registos, com elevada abundância da A. longifolia nos dois países estimada pela função de cálculo de densidade das populações segundo a área ocupada (densidade das espécies por 1000 km²: <0; 0-25; 25-50; 50-100; >100/ Índice de Kernel). O primeiro mapa para Portugal foi lançado na década de 1960, em uma escala de aproximadamente 1:50.000, com base em fotografias aéreas das décadas de 1940 e 1950; no Brasil, o primeiro mapa foi lançado na década de 1980, em uma escala de aproximadamente 1:5.000.000, com base em ortofotomapas das décadas de 1960 e 1970. Com o advento de aplicativos de sistema de informações geográficas, entre as décadas de 1960 e 1980, estes mapas foram digitalizados. Assim, em 1960, o Atlas do Ambiente Portugal junto com os Serviços de Ordenamento do Território lançaram a Carta Agrícola e Florestal (CAF) e a Carta de Acácias e Eucaliptos (SROA); na década de 1980, no Brasil, foi lançado o Projeto RadamBrasil. Por ter sido desenvolvido a partir de fotografias aéreas, o mapeamento em Portugal estimou as áreas com presença de Acacia (a partir da detecção das áreas com presença de espécies exóticas); no caso do Brasil, o mapeamento não fez estimativa das áreas com presença de Acacia. No entanto, no caso português, a estimativa obtida das áreas invadidas por Acacia resultou em valores generalistas, por se basearem apenas em função de cálculo das áreas ocupadas e do tipo de povoamento (SROA), e/ou em função de cálculo das áreas ocupadas pelo tipo de uso e cobertura das terras (CAF). Mais recentemente, os mesmos arquivos vetoriais (SROA, CAF, RadamBrasil) foram utilizados para atualizar os mapas de uso e cobertura das terras. Assim, em 2008, 2015 e 2018, o Atlas do Ambiente Portugal lançou o mapa de cobertura do solo de Portugal (COS) na escala de 1:50.000; em 2012, o Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE) lançou o mapa dos biomas continentais do Brasil na escala de 1:5.000.000, com uma atualização, por parte do IBGE, do mapa de biomas brasileiros em uma escala mais refinada, de 1:250.000. Com base nestes estudos, utilizaremos modelos de nicho para conhecer a distribuição potencial de A. longifolia nas regiões Centro de Portugal e Sul do Brasil. Com base no presente trabalho, possivelmente a área estimada de ocorrência de Acacia será novamente alterada para essas regiões.
Using survey data collected in New Jersey, we analyze the frequency of bicycling and respondent perceptions of the safety of various bicycling facilities. Data was collected via a mixed-mode survey design, including intercepts, bicycle hangers, flyers in bicycle shops, and a Facebook advertisement targeted towards bicyclists in New Jersey (N=1937). This provided us with a reasonable sample of respondents that included bicycle commuters and non-cyclists. Data on cycling frequency was collected for recreational and commute trips. Respondents ranked the relative safety of images of bicycle facilities, ranging from cycling on-street to off-road trails. We also collected attitudinal data on risk perceptions and world views linked to political perspectives. Our analysis suggested that feeling safer with on-street bicycle lanes and off-street bicycle paths is not associated with the frequency of bicycling, while feeling safer on-street in traffic is associated with the frequency of bicycling. In analyzing correlates associated with our images of bicycling infrastructure, we found those with more liberal/egalitarian world views prefer on-street bicycle lanes and off-street bicycle paths, while those with traditional community world views tend to not feel safe with on-street bicycle lanes and bicycling in traffic. Those who are risk takers also feel safer bicycling in traffic. Most other demographic controls in our models give us the expected results. Policy implications suggest that bicycle infrastructure will be less controversial when world views are more liberal/egalitarian, but that making all streets safer might be a useful approach for increasing the frequency of bicycling.
Smart cities are centres of economic opulence and hope for standardized living. Understanding the shades of urban resilience and livability in smart city models is of paramount importance. This study presents a novel two-stage data-driven framework combining a multivariate metric-distance analysis with machine learning (ML) techniques for resilience and livability assessment of smart cities. A longitudinal dataset for 35 top-ranked European smart cities from 2015 till 2020 applied as the case study under the proposed framework. Initially, a metric distance-based weighting approach is used to weight the indicators and quantify the scores across each aspect under city resilience and urban livability. The key aspects under city resilience include social, economic, infrastructure and built environment and, institutional resilience, while under urban livability, the aspects include accessibility, community well-being, and economic vibrancy. Fuzzy c-means clustering as an unsupervised machine learning technique is used to sort smart cities based on the degree of performance. In addition, an intelligent approach is presented for the prediction of the degree of livability, resilience, and aggregate performance of smart cities based on various supervised ML techniques. Classification models such as Naïve Bayes, k-nearest neighbors (kNN), support vector machine (SVM), Classification and Regression Tree (CART), and ensemble models including Random Forest (RF) and Gradient Boosting machine (GBM) were used. Three coefficients (accuracy, Cohen's Kappa (κ) and average area under the precision-recall curve (AUC-PR)) along with confusion matrix were used to appraise the performance of the classifier ML models. The results revealed GBM as the best classification and predictive model for the resilience, livability, and aggregate performance assessment. The study also revealed Copenhagen, Geneva, Stockholm, Munich, Helsinki, Vienna, London, Oslo, Zurich, and Amsterdam as the smart cities that co-create resilience and livability in their development model with superior performance.
Um guia para ajudar as cidades a tomar decisões boas e rápidas e implementar ações imediatas para tornar a mobilidade por bicicleta uma opção segura e atraente durante e além da atual emergência de saúde global.
Full-text available
This paper compares the planning process in Germany and the United States. We note fundamental institutional and structural differences between the two countries and discuss recent trends and patterns. Contrary to the US, planning in Germany is mediated through a vertically integrated and consensus-oriented institutional framework. In response to the socio-economic consequences of unification and European integration, German planning has experimented with new regional associations. In the US, concerns over sprawl have led to increased state-level planning and intervention. We conclude that these trends are in response to different circumstances and are subject to different institutional constraints.
Full-text available
We examined the public health consequences of unsafe and inconvenient walking and bicycling conditions in American cities to suggest improvements based on successful policies in The Netherlands and Germany. Secondary data from national travel and crash surveys were used to compute fatality trends from 1975 to 2001 and fatality and injury rates for pedestrians and cyclists in The Netherlands, Germany, and the United States in 2000. American pedestrians and cyclists were much more likely to be killed or injured than were Dutch and German pedestrians and cyclists, both on a per-trip and on a per-kilometer basis. A wide range of measures are available to improve the safety of walking and cycling in American cities, both to reduce fatalities and injuries and to encourage walking and cycling.
Full-text available
Bicycling has increased dramatically in German cities over the past two decades, not only absolutely but even as a proportion of total travel. Overall, the bicycle share of urban trips in western Germany rose by 50% from 1972 to 1995. In many large cities, bicycling doubled or tripled, while the modal split share of auto travel fell, thus mitigating roadway congestion and pollution problems. The resurgence of bicycling as a practical mode of daily urban travel is due almost entirely to public policies that have greatly enhanced the safety, speed, and convenience of bicycling while making auto use more difficult and expensive. The bicycle has triumphed in Germany in spite of rapid suburbanization, rising auto ownership, increasing trip lengths, and rising per capita incomes. This article shows that, with the right set of public policies, bicycling can be increased almost anywhere.
This book addresses the links between transport and sustainable urban development, from an analysis of the global picture to issues in transport and energy intensity, public policy and the institutional and organisational constraints on change. The central part of the book explores these links in more detail at city level, covering land use and development, economic measures, and the role that technology can play. The final part looks for inspiration from events in developing countries and the means by which we can move from the unsustainable present to a more sustainable future.
This two-part article describes recent developments in urban passenger transport in the U.S.A. and Europe, focusing on the different roles and impacts of the public sector as these have varied by country and over time. The first part of the two-part series examines public policies for roadway systems and automobile transport, whereas the second part concentrates on public transport. After a review of demand and supply trends, the article evaluates government policies in terms of public versus private ownership and operation of transport systems, public regulation, financing responsibility by government level, types and amounts of subsidy, and impacts of ownership, regulation and financing arrangements on costs and productivity. Emphasis is on comparative analysis of the current situation and emerging developments, but historical trends are reviewed as background.
In Germany a national travel survey (NTS) was planned for 2002 and was preceded by a pilot study in 2001. As part of this pilot study the state of the practice for NTS in several countries was examined through contact with relevant institutions and persons via the Internet. A structured questionnaire was used for these consultations. The participants in nine countries provided the relevant information describing their NTS. It was found that the core substance of the data gathered by the NTS is similar and that different additional aspects of travel may be covered in the surveys. However, the survey procedures and data collection instruments employed in the fieldwork show wide variety. Numerous survey design elements and combinations thereof are applied (mailback, computer-assisted telephone interviewing, personal interview). Institutional contexts appear to be important for the scope and continuity of the NTS.